Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske

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1 Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen Naomi Klein, Walden Bello, Arundhati Roy, Starhawk, Mike Haynes, Jakob Nerup m.fl.

2 Attac og krigen... 3 af Jakob Nerup Ingen kan være uberørt af krigen. Ingen kan påstå, at den globale scene ikke er påvirket af krigen. Ingen globaliseringskritisk bevægelse, som fx Attac, kan agere, som om krigen ikke påvirker vores situation. The state of the movement... 5 af Chris Harman, redaktør Anti-capitalists are taking to the streets against the war and their politics are hardening up. Endless War?... 6 af Walden Bello, professor In the aftermath of the World Trade Center assault, the perpetrators of the dastardly deed have been called irrational or madmen or people that embody evil. This is understandable as an emotional reaction but dangerous as a basis for policy. The truth is the perpetrators of the deed were very rational. Signs of the Times... 8 af Naomi Klein And free trade, long facing a public relations crisis, is fast being rebranded, like shopping and baseball, as a patriotic duty. According to US Trade Representative Robert Zoellick (who is frantically trying to get fast-track negotiating power pushed through in this moment of jingoistic groupthink), trade promotes the values at the heart of this protracted struggle. Refuse the Deadly Choice af Attac-Frankrig By refusing the deadly choice between liberal disorder and terrorist logic, the anti globalisation movement bears new hope. Den anden globalisering er håbet af Christophe Aguiton, int. sek. Attac-Frankrig Terrorattentaterne kan kun bestyrke os i vores overbevisning om, hvor vigtigt det er, at vi videreudvikler vores globale, demokratiske og ikkevoldelige bevægelse globalt. An enemy. At last af Ignacio Ramonet With all compassion for the innocent victims of the attacks on New York, it has to be said that, of all countries, the US cannot be described as innocent. Indhold USA s nye kolonialisme af George Monbiot, forfatter Man er naiv, hvis man tror, at amerikanernes krig i Afghanistan kun handler om at knuse terrorismen. Den handler i høj grad også om at få kontrol med den globale energiforsyning. War Is Peace af Arundhati Roy, forfatter When he announced the air strikes, President George Bush said, We re a peaceful nation. America s favourite ambassador, Tony Blair, (who also holds the portfolio of Prime Minister of the UK), echoed him: We re a peaceful people. So now we know. Pigs are horses. Girls are boys. War is Peace. Moving Forward after af Starhawk I think of that moment now as a metaphor for where what I like to call the Global Justice movement is today. We are facing an array of forces telling us to get back, to disperse, to leave the scene. The forces of the state, the media, all the powers that support global corporate capitalism would like to see us go away. But we have nowhere to go. A War of Civilisations af Mike Haynes We are fighting a war against the uncivilised world, claims the right wing. But it is about the assertion of US economic and military power. Den globale klassekamp af Ingvar Carlsson og Carl Tham Terrorangrebet 11. september var et resultat af skarpe klassemodsætninger på verdensplan. Frihandel eller terrorisme ikke i vores navn af Jakob Nerup Endelig har de fået et fjendebillede, som de kan bruge imod alle og enhver, som ikke støtter deres hellige liberale marked. Og de bruger det til mere end tom retorik. Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen side 2

3 Attac og krigen af Jakob Nerup Ingen kan være uberørt af krigen. Ingen kan påstå, at den globale scene ikke er påvirket af krigen. Ingen globaliseringskritisk bevægelse, som fx Attac, kan agere, som om krigen ikke påvirker vores situation. Siden 11. september og i særdeleshed siden krigen startede d. 7. oktober er den globale situation forandret for den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse. USA og de rige landes krig sætter en ny og meget polariseret dagsorden, hvor de bruger krigen som undskyldning for indskrænkninger af international ret, indskrænkning af rettigheder, økonomiske indgreb, støtte til storkapitalen og massefyringer samt en racistisk hetz mod muslimer og indvandrere. For den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse betyder det to ting. En skærpet tone i debatten og et større behov for vores globaliseringskritiske bevægelse. Globaliseringskritikken som modsvar til krig og terror Vi skal hele tiden høre på absurde sammenligninger af vores bevægelse med terrorisme. Selvom disse påstande er latterlige, så bruges de til at inddæmme vores bevægelse, og det skræmmer nogle fra at forbinde vores globale kritik med anti-krigsbevægelsen. Vi må svare hertil, at vores bevægelse aldrig har benyttet vold, støttet vold og da slet ikke terrorisme. Det vil være imod hele naturen og dynamikken i vores bevægelse. Vi er en massebevægelse, ikke elitære enkeltpersoner. Vi arbejder fuldstændigt åbent og ikke hemmeligt som terrorister og efterretningstjenester. Vi arbejder demokratisk og ikke med selvudnævnte ledere. Vi arbejder for at forandre den eksisterende verden, ikke at smadre den. Alle globaliseringskritikere over hele verden og det gælder også Attac har været fremme med fordømmelse af terrorisme. Vi har deltagen i sorgen over ofrene som alle andre. Men til forskel fra mange af de mægtige i regeringer, erhvervsliv og medier, så er vores sorg ikke selektiv. Vi sørger også over ofrene for krige i fjerne egne af verden. Vi sørger over dræbte palæstinensere, og vi sørger over de børn som dagligt dør af sult. Vi må ikke acceptere det slet skjulte forsøg på at lukke munden på os. Det er farligt, for det er lige, hvad magthaverne ønsker af os. I stedet burde vi sige som fransk Attac: Ved at afvise det livsfarlige valg mellem liberalistisk kaos og terroristisk logik kan anti-globaliseringsbevægelsen give anledning til nyt håb. Gennem sin kamp for at sætte mennesket i centrum, for et borgernes demokrati i stedet for finansens globalisering, kan bevægelsen give håbene om en bedre verden nyt liv. Som en international bevægelse, der sætter sig ud over national selvtilstrækkelighed kan den udgøre den bedste beskyttelse imod had og fundamentalisme. Enhver militær aktion, som sætter lighedstegn mellem en håndfuld terrorister med en hel civilbefolkning, kan kun føje ny barbarisme til det allerede eksisterende barbari, alene til fordel for terroristerne. Det gode-mod-onde -korstog, som den amerikanske præsident har lagt stemme til, udløser en krigslogik, som er til skade for alle, også den amerikanske befolkning. Dette korstog sigter alene på at styrke USA s dominans over verden samt dets store firmaers magt. Hvorfor er krigsmodstanden vigtig Der har været en kort debat på nettet om, hvorvidt Attac skal tage del i fredsarbejdet. Jeg er helt på linie med bl.a. Walden Bello (Executive Director of Focus on the Global South and professor at the University of the Philippines) som har et glimrende indlæg mod krigen som en løsning på terrorismen og imod den moralske selvretfærdighed i Attac Newsletter 97: Kort sagt kan vi være sikre på én ting: At en massiv gengældelse fra USA s side ikke vil afskaffe terrorismen. I stedet vil den forstærke den opadgående voldsspiral, fordi den anden side vil gribe til endnu mere spektakulære aktioner, understøttet af en uendelig strøm af nye tilhængere. Tragedien d. 11. september er det klareste bevis på, den 30 år gamle politik med pansernæven og massiv gengældelse som svar på terrorisme har slået fejl. Denne politik har ikke ført til andet end en ekstrem professionalisering af terrorismen. Det eneste svar, som virkelig vil bidrage til global sikkerhed og fred, er, hvis Washington begynder at beskæftige sig ikke med terrorismens symptomer, men med dens rødder. Det gælder for USA om at overveje og grundlæggende forandre sin politik i Mellemøsten og den Tredje Verden og til en forandring støtte foranstaltninger, som ikke står i vejen for, at de marginaliserede folkeslag kan opnå værdighed, retfærdighed og ægte national selvstændighed. Alt andet fører til en uendelig krig. Historien viser os, at krigen aldrig har gavnet de fattige lande. At krigen altid rammer de fattigste mennesker hårdest. At krig svækker demokrati, ytringsfrihed, fællesskab og stedet skaber splittelse og undertrykkelse. Alene af disse grunde bør vi afvise krigen. Men i særlig grad må krigen afvises som et middel til at bekæmpe terror med, fordi uniformeret statsterror Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen side 3

4 blot avler mere terror. Vi burde i stedet fremhæve et humanistisk svar som mangedobling af nødhjælpen, selektiv stærk støtte til demokratiske kræfter, hjælp i form af mad, husly og uddannelse til flygtningene, afskaffelse af støtte til reaktionære arabiske regimer og staten Israel. Så ville vi for alvor sætte et perspektiv op for en vej væk fra krig og terror. Og samtidig skal vi minde alle skeptikerne og kritikerne af vores globaliseringskritiske bevægelse om en meget vigtig ting. Det er ikke os, som har sat en dagsorden, hvor krig, frihandel og politisk polarisering sammenkædes. Det er USA s regering; det er den danske regering og det er mediernes dagsorden. De har stillet et fjendebillede op, som vi bliver nødt til at svare offensivt på. Dansk Attac må alliere sig med antikrigsarbejdet Nogle har givet udtryk for, at Attac ikke skal være en del af anti-krigsarbejdet, fordi det vil svække vores fokus og få Attac til at ligne et parti. Det er jeg helt uenig i. Vores globale kritik hænger uløseligt sammen med den herskende verdensorden, som desværre ikke ser ud til at ændres til det bedre, men snarere tværtimod. Attac i Danmark bliver ikke til et parti, fordi vi beskæftiger os med krigen. Attac-Danmark ændres ikke fra en globaliseringskritisk bevægelse til en fredsorganisation, fordi vi tager krigen op. Tværtimod vil det udtrykke, at vi tager vores globale ansvar alvorligt. For krigen er jo meget bestemmende for den globale udvikling og dermed en væsentlig del af rammen for vores kritik og forslag. Vores virkelighed i Danmark er jo desværre, at Nyrup og Folketinget støtter krigen, har givet Bush frie tøjler og samtidig er med til at puste til racisme og muslimhetz. Ej heller har det manet til eftertanke og fået en ny global politik på banen i forhold til verdens fattige. Hverken i forhold til WTO og GATS eller i forhold til fattigdomspolitikken er der forandrede signaler. Det er stadig de multinationales betingelser, det foregår på. I denne danske virkelighed kommer vi ikke uden om, at krigen bruges som forklaring på den danske politik, også når det gælder den globale ulighed. Derfor er der brug for, at dansk Attac kommer på banen med kritik af ikke blot den globale udvikling, men i særlig grad den danske mangel på nye signaler. Samtidig oplever vi, at mange i Attac aktivt tager del i protesterne mod krigen. De mobiliserer til demonstrationer, deler løbesedler ud, samler underskrifter og tager højlydt del i debatten med globaliseringskritiske argumenter. Det er et godt tegn, for det viser at vi tager den globale dagsorden alvorligt. Konkret bør dansk Attac slippe af med berøringsangsten og alliere sig med antikrigsarbejdet. Både for at bringe globaliseringskritiken ind i anti-krigsbevægelsen, men også for at få krigsmodstanderne engageret i Attac. I det Københavnske Nej til krig og terror er tingene da også kædet sammen: Nej til Krig og terror Nej til dansk krigsdeltagelse Nej til Racisme og fremmedhad Bekæmp verdens fattigdom Vi fordømmer krig og terror. Terrorangrebet i USA var forfærdeligt. Modsvaret er ikke krig mod uskyldige. Vi ønsker retfærdighed ikke hævn. USA s krig undergraver en i forvejen skrøbelig verdensorden. Konsekvensen kan blive en storkrig, som involverer adskillige atommagter. En krig kan blive en trussel imod civile over hele verden. Krig vil ikke forhindre fremtidige terrorhandlinger, men snarere føre til flere. Lad ikke nytteløs gengældelse føre til global krig! I stedet opfordrer vi til besindelse, overholdelse af international lov og fredelige aktiviteter. Vi opfordrer den Danske regering og folketinget til at fravælge krigen. Vi vælger fred, demokrati, menneskerettigheder og en bedre fordeling af verdens ressourcer. Konkret mener jeg at vi skal gøre følgende: - Slippe debatten løs på nettet - Sprede informationer om anti-krigsaktiviteter - Opfordre de lokale Attac-grupper til at deltage i det lokale antikrigsarbejde - Markere Attacs deltagelse gennem talere på demonstrationer og avisindlæg Lad Attac og anti-krigsbevægelsen blive til den dynamiske duo for en bedre verden! Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen side 4

5 Socialist Review 257, nov The state of the movement af Chris Harman, redaktør af Socialist Worker (UK) One of the less remarked consequences of the US terrorist attacks has been to halt in its tracks the mass movement against globalisation. As its leaders have been quick to realise, the atrocity s nature has made unsustainable the anti Americanism and anticapitalism that pervade their protests. So claimed the Financial Times on 6 October, the day before the US and Britain began to bomb Afghanistan. Not for the first time, the paper was substituting wishes for reality. The suicide attacks on New York and Washington did, of course, have an impact on the worldwide movement over globalisation that had grown so massively in size and impact in the 20 months from Seattle to Genoa. Like any great horror, man-made or natural, it stunned people right across the world in the days immediately afterwards, cutting off discussion about much else. And when discussion began to turn elsewhere it was to the looming war against Afghanistan, not the issues that had been central until the morning of 11 September. Split after terrorist attacs No movement could avoid being thrown off its stride by such developments. The coalition which had come together to call what would have been America s biggest protest, at the Washington World Bank meeting on 22 September, split after the terrorist attacks on whether to direct the protest against the war. In Britain Tony Blair was able to manipulate people s feeling of shocked horror to abort any debate at the TUC conference over his privatisation proposals and then ensure union leaders did not mount any real challenge at the Labour Party conference three weeks later. As I write, the prospect of the World Trade Organisation meeting due in Qatar in early November is much overshadowed by the nuclear submarines not so far from the Gulf state s Anti-capitalists are taking to the streets against the war and their politics are hardening up, argues Chris Harman shores firing cruise missiles at Afghanistan. But this certainly does not mean the movement about globalisation is finished. Far from it it shows every sign of emerging from the brief lull which affected it in mid-september bigger in size and harder politically. In the 20th century we saw many examples of the way in which great catastrophes like wars and slumps could stun, temporarily, movements against the system, only for them to emerge stronger a little later. The classic example was August The four years previously had seen a wave of strikes with accompanying political radicalisation in a whole number of western countries, and the first stirrings of national liberation movements in their colonies. The war seemed to knock both sorts of movements off balance, especially as leaders as varied as Guesde, Henderson, Scheidemann, Kropotkin, Gandhi and Tilak rushed to back their own rulers in the war. It took the genuine left two or three years to recuperate after the shock. But when it did so, it was to re-emerge larger and with much greater clarity of purpose than before. The rumblings against the system in the spring of 1914 returned as earthquakes from February 1917 onwards. The movement around globalisation has suffered much less than its forebears of nearly 90 years ago, whether in terms of desertion or of disorientation. Most of its leading spokespeople have come out clearly against the war witness the positions taken by Walden Bello, Noam Chomsky, Naomi Klein, Vittorio Agnoletto and Kevin Danaher. And across the world wide sections of the networks that were organising against the World Bank or WTO are now calling people on to the streets against the war. History repeating itself Where history is repeating itself is in the way the war is forcing people to harden up their politics. The movement that broke upon the world at Seattle was always anti-capitalist in the sense of being against the existing world system and its commodification of everything. But in many cases the anti-capitalism was implicit rather than explicit, mixed up with beliefs in the possibility of reform, that speculation rather than exploitation was the enemy, or that small business and local production had virtues missing from big business. There was also a tendency to dismiss as outdated talk of confronting the state. People like Naomi Klein argued that we could ignore the state, and should simply form locally based campaigns and networks directed against the multinationals: We are up against a boulder. We can t remove it so we try to go underneath it, to go around it and over it. This was a strange mirror image of the position put forward two decades ago, when people like Edward Thompson argued that it was pos- Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen side 5

6 sible to confront the question of the military destructiveness of the state without linking it to the capitalist character of society. The movement had already begun to overcome any such separation of the economic and political at Genoa. The protest attracted huge numbers from the most militant section of the Italian working class. The behaviour of the Italian police brought home to the hundreds of thousands of participants from right across Europe the harsh reality that the state was not some benevolent institution that they could look to to control the multinationals, and that, although they might try to walk round it, it would not simply stand aside while they did so. That lesson will have been reinforced tenfold since 11 September. If the greatest military power humanity has ever known is prepared to launch unlimited and endless war against one of the poorest states on earth, what hope is there in trying to stand aside from the global system of exploitation and oppression to undertake local experiments in ecologically sustainable food production or in simply setting up direct trade networks? People are seeing all too clearly that globalisation has military dimensions. As well as the multinationals, it involves the great imperialism of the US, the weaker imperialisms of Western Europe, Russia, China and Japan, and the sub-imperialisms of the lesser powers. All use weaponry of mass destruction as bargaining tools in their haggling with each other over the pecking order in the global system of their economic affiliates. There are still many confusions to be resolved as the anti-capitalist and anti-war movements draw together. There are still, for instance, those who see terrorism and fundamentalism as adversaries as powerful and as dangerous as or even more dangerous than imperialism. There are still many arguments to be had over these and many other issues. But they look set to take place within a much stronger and much more politically sharp movement than we have seen yet. The Financial Times is unlikely to be gloating for long. Socialist Review 257, november 2001 af Walden Bello Attac Newsletter sept Endless War? The assault on the World Trade Center was horrific, despicable, and unpardonable, but it is important not to lose perspective, especially a historical one. For a response that is dictated primarily by fury such as that now displayed by some American politicians, while understandable, is likely to simply serve as one more proof for Santayana s dictum that those who do not remember history are bound to repeat it. The moral equation The scale and consequences of the World Trade Center attack are massive indeed, but this was not the worst act of mass terrorism in US history, as some US media are wont to claim. The over 5000 lives lost in New York are irreplaceable, but one must not forget that the atomic raids on Hiroshima and Nagasaki killed 210,000 people, most of them civilians, most perishing instantaneously. But one may object that you can t really compare the World Trade Center attack to the nuclear bombings since, after all, Hiroshima and Nagasaki were targets in a war. But why not, since the purpose of the nuclear bombings was not mainly to destroy military or infrastructural targets, but to terrorize and destroy the civilian population? Indeed, the whole allied air campaign against Germany and Japan in , which produced the firestorms in Dresden, Hamburg, and Tokyo, that killed tens of thousands had as its central aim to kill and maim as many civilians as possible. Similarly, during the Korean War, terror bombing of civilians was the policy of the US Air Force s Far Eastern Command, which was instructed to pulverize anything that moved in enemy territory. So successful was the policy that in the summer of 1951, the commander was able to report that there is no structure left to be targeted. During the Cold War, mass elimination of the enemy s civilian population, alongside the destruction of his armed forces or industry, was institutionalized in the strategy of massive nuclear retaliation that lay at the center of the doctrine of Deterrence. In Vietnam, where the US was frustrated by the fact that combatants and civilians were indistinguishable, indiscriminate killing of civilians was a central part of a counterinsurgency war in which 20,000 civilians were systematically assassinated under the CIA s Operation Phoenix Program in the Mekong Delta. But must not such actions against civilians be judged in the context of a broader strategic objective of sapping the enemy s will to fight and thus bring the war to a conclusion? But then how different is this justification from the terrorists aim to change the foreign policy of the US government by eroding the support of the country s civilian population? The point is not to engage in a maleficent calculus, as Jeremy Bentham would have called this exercise, but to point out that the US government hardly possesses the high ground in the current moral equation. Indeed, one can say that terrorists like Osama bin Laden, an ex-cia prot?g?, have learned their lessons on the strategic targeting of the civilian population from Washington s traditional strategy of total warfare, where damage to the civilian population is not simply seen as collateral but as essential to achieving the ends of war. The Calusewitzian calculus In the aftermath of the World Trade Center assault, the perpetrators of the dastardly deed have been called irrational or Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen side 6

7 madmen or people that embody evil. This is understandable as an emotional reaction but dangerous as a basis for policy. The truth is the perpetrators of the deed were very rational. If they were indeed people connected with Osama bin Laden, their goal was most likely to raise the costs to the United States of maintaining its current policies in the Middle East, which they consider unjust and inequitable, and this was their way of doing it. They very rationally picked the targets and weapons to be used, paying attention not only to maximum destruction but also to maximum symbolism. The choice of the World Trade Center towers and the Pentagon as the targets, and American Airlines and United Airlines planes as the delivery vehicles doubling as warheads, was the product of cold-blooded thinking and planning. The loss of their own lives was factored into the calculation. What we saw was a rational calculus of means to achieve a desired end. In the view of these people, terrorism, like war, is the extension of politics by other means. These are Clausewitzian minds, and the worst mistake one can make is to regard them as madmen. Pearl Harbor og Tet? One metaphor that the Washington establishment has used to capture the essence of recent events is that of a second Pearl Harbor, with the implication that, like the first, the September 11 tragedy will galvanize the American people to an unprecedented level of unity to win the war against still unidentified enemies. The other side, one suspects, operates with a different metaphor, and this is that of the Tet Offensive of The objective of the Vietnamese was to launch massive simultaneous uprisings that, even if defeated separately, would nevertheless add up to a strategic victory by convincing the other side, especially its civilian base, that the war was unwinnable. The aim was to rob the US of the will to win the war, and here the Vietnamese succeeded. The perpetrators of World Trade Center assault are operating with a similar calculus, and, despite the current jingoistic talk in Washington, it is not certain that they are wrong. Will the American people really bear any burden and pay any price in a struggle that will persist way into the future, with no assurance of victory, indeed, with no clear sense of who the enemies are and of what victory will consist of? The media is full of news about the creation of an alliance against terrorism, conveying the impression that coordination among key states combined with the outrage of citizens everywhere will give a Washington-led coalition an unbeatable edge. Perhaps in the short run, although even this is not certain. For the problem is that, as in guerrilla wars, this is not a war that will be won strictly or mainly by military means. The underlying issues If it was bin Laden s network that was responsible for the World Trade Center attack, then the underlying issues are the twin pillars of US policy in the Middle East. One is subordination of the interests of the peoples of the region to the US untrammeled access to Middle East oil in order to maintain its petroleum-based civilization. To this end, the US overthrew the nationalist government of Mossadegh in Iran in 1953, cultivated the repressive Shah of Iran as the gendarme of the Persian Gulf, supported anti-democratic feudal regimes in the Arabian peninsula, and introduced a massive permanent military presence in Saudi Arabia, which contains some of Islam s most sacred shrines and cities. The war against Saddam Hussein was justified as a war to beat back aggression, but everybody knew that Washington s key motivation was to ensure that the region s most massive oil reserves would remain under the control of pro-western elites. The other pillar is unstinting support for Israel. That Arab feelings about Israel are so elemental is not difficult to comprehend. It is hard to argue against the fact that the state of Israel was born on the basis of the massive dispossession of the Palestinian people from their country and their lands. It is impossible to deny that Israel is a European settler-state, one whose establishment was essentially a displacement from European territory of the ethnocultural contradictions of European society. The Holocaust was an unspeakable crime against humanity, but it was utterly wrong to impose its political consequences chief of which was the creation of Israel on a people who had nothing to do with it. It is hard to contradict Arab claims that it was essentially support from the United States that created the state of Israel; that it has been massive US military aid and backing that has maintained it in the last half century; and that it is deep confidence in perpetual US military and political support that enables Israel to oppose in practice the emergence of a viable Palestinian state. Unless the US abandons these two pillars of its policies, there will always be thousands of recruits for acts of terrorism such as that which occurred last week. And while we may condemn terrorist acts- -as we must, strongly it is another thing to expect desperate people not to adopt them, especially when they can point to the fact that it was such methods that targeted civilians as well as military personnel, combined with the Intifada, that forced Israel to agree to the 1993 Oslo Accord that led to the creation of the Palestinian entity. Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen side 7

8 Yet another reason why the strategic equation does not favor the US is that there are a great many people in the world that are ambivalent about terrorism. In contrast to Europe, there has been a relatively muted response to the World Trade Center event in the South. A survey would probably reveal that while many people in the Third World are appalled by hijackers methods, they are not unsympathetic to their objectives. As one Chinese-Filipino entrepreneur said, It s horrible, but on the other hand, the US had it coming. If this reaction is common among middle class people, it would not be surprising if such ambivalence towards terrorism is widespread among the 80 per cent of the world s population that are marginalized by current global political and economic arrangements. Too much distrust There is simply too much distrust, dislike, or just plain hatred of a country that has become so callous in its pursuit of economic power and arrogant in its political and military relations with the rest of the world and so brazen in declaring its cultural superiority over the rest of us. As in the equation of guerrilla war, civilian ambivalence in the theater of battle translates strategically to a minus when it comes to the staying power of the authorities and a plus when it comes to that of the terrorists. In sum, if there is one thing we can be certain of, it is that massive retaliation on the part of the US will not put an end to terrorism. It will simply amplify the upward spiral of violence, as the other side will resort to even more spectacular deeds, fed by unending waves of recruits. The September 11 tragedy is the clearest evidence of the bankruptcy of the 30-year-old policy of mailed fist, massive retaliation response to terrorism. This policy has simply resulted in the extreme professionalization of terrorism. The only response that will really contribute to global security and peace is for Washington to address not the symptoms but the roots of terrorism. It is for the United States to reexamine and substantially change its policies in the Middle East and the Third World, supporting for a change arrangements that will not stand in the way of the achievement of equity, justice, and genuine national sovereignty for currently marginalized peoples. Any other way leads to endless war. Walden Bello. Executive Director of Focus on the Global South and professor at the University of the Philippines. Web Page: Attac Newsletter okt Signs of the Times af Naomi Klein As shocking as this must be to New Yorkers, in Toronto, the city where I live, lampposts and mailboxes are plastered with posters advertising a plan by antipoverty activists to shut down the business district on October 16. Some of the posters (those put up before September 11) even have a picture of skyscrapers outlined in red the perimeters of the designated directaction zone. Many have argued that O16 should be canceled, as other protests and demonstrations have been, in deference to the mood of mourning and out of fear of stepped-up police violence. But the shutdown is going ahead. In the end, the events of September 11 don t change the fact that the nights are getting colder and the recession is looming. They don t change the fact that in a city that used to be described as safe and, well, maybe a little boring, many will die on the streets this winter, as they did last winter, and the one before that, unless more beds are found immediately. And yet there is no disputing that the event, its militant tone and its choice of target will provoke terrible memories and associations. Many political campaigns face a similar, and sudden, shift. Post-September 11, tactics that rely on attacking even peacefully powerful symbols of capitalism find themselves in an utterly transformed semiotic landscape. After all, the attacks were acts of very real and horrifying terror, but they were also acts of symbolic warfare, and instantly understood as such. As Tom Brokaw and so many others put it, the towers were not just any buildings, they were symbols of American capitalism. As someone whose life is thoroughly entwined with what some people call the antiglobalization movement, others call anticapitalism (and I tend to just sloppily call the movement ), I find it difficult to avoid discussions about symbolism these days. About all the anticorporate signs and signifiers the culturejammed logos, the guerrillawarfare stylings, the choices of brand name and political targets that make up the movement s dominant metaphors. Is anti-globalization yeaterday? Many political opponents of anticorporate activism are using the symbolism of the World Trade Center and Pentagon attacks to argue that young activists, playing at guerrilla war, have now been caught out by a real war. The obituaries are already appearing in newspapers around the world: Anti-Globalization Is So Yesterday, reads a typical headline. It is, according to the Boston Globe, in tatters. Is it true? Our activism has been declared dead before. Indeed, it is declared dead with ritualistic regularity before and after every mass demonstration: our strategies apparently discredited, our coalitions divided, our arguments misguided. And yet those demonstrations have kept growing larger, from 50,000 in Seattle to 300,000, by some estimates, in Genoa. At the same time, it would be foolish to pretend that nothing has changed since September 11. This struck me recently, looking at a slide show I had been pulling together before the attacks. It is about how anticorporate imagery is increasingly being absorbed by corporate marketing. One slide shows a group of activists spraypainting the window of a Gap out- Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen side 8

9 let during the anti-wto protests in Seattle. The next shows The Gap s recent window displays featuring its own prefab graffiti words like Independence sprayed in black. And the next is a frame from Sony PlayStation s State of Emergency game featuring cool-haired anarchists throwing rocks at evil riot cops protecting the fictitious American Trade Organization. When I first looked at these images beside each other, I was amazed by the speed of corporate co-optation. Now all I can see is how these snapshots from the corporate versus anticorporate image wars have been instantly overshadowed, blown away by September 11 like so many toy cars and action figures on a disaster movie set. Despite the altered landscape or because of it it bears remembering why this movement chose to wage symbolic struggles in the first place. The Ontario Coalition Against Poverty s decision to shut down the business district came from a set of very specific and still relevant circumstances. Like so many others trying to get issues of economic inequality on the political agenda, the people the group represents felt that they had been discarded, left outside the paradigm, disappeared and reconstituted as a panhandling or squeegee problem requiring tough new legislation. They realized that what they had to confront was just not a local political enemy or even a particular trade law but an economic system the broken promise of deregulated, trickle-down capitalism. Challenge Thus the modern activist challenge: How do you organize against an ideology so vast, it has no edges; so everywhere, it seems nowhere? Where is the site of resistance for those with no workplaces to shut down, whose communities are constantly being uprooted? What do we hold on to when so much that is powerful is virtual currency trades, stock prices, intellectual property and arcane trade agreements? The short answer, at least before September 11, was that you grab anything you can get your hands on: the brand image of a famous multinational, a stock exchange, a meeting of world leaders, a single trade agreement or, in the case of the Toronto group, the banks and corporate headquarters that are the engines that power this agenda. Anything that, even fleetingly, makes the intangible actual, the vastness somehow human-scale. In short, you find symbols and you hope they become metaphors for change. For instance, when the United States launched a trade war against France for daring to ban hormone-laced beef, Jose Bove and the French Farmers Confederation didn t get the world s attention by screaming about import duties on Roquefort cheese. They did it by strategically dismantling a McDonald s. Nike, ExxonMobil, Monsanto, Shell, Chevron, Pfizer, Sodexho Marriott, Kellogg s, Starbucks, The Gap, Rio Tinto, British Petroleum, General Electric, Wal-Mart, Home Depot, Citigroup, Taco Bell all have found their gleaming brands used to shine light on everything from bovine growth hormone in milk to human rights in the Niger Delta; from labor abuses of Mexican tomato farmworkers in Florida to war-financing of oil pipelines in Chad and Cameroon; from global warming to sweatshops. In the weeks since September 11, we have been reminded many times that Americans aren t particularly informed about the world outside their borders. That may be true, but many activists have learned over the past decade that this blind spot for international affairs can be overcome by linking campaigns to famous brands an effective, if often problematic, weapon against parochialism. These corporate campaigns have, in turn, opened back doors into the arcane world of international trade and finance, to the World Trade Organization, the World Bank and, for some, to a questioning of capitalism itself. Easy targets But these tactics have also proven to be an easy target in turn. After September 11, politicians and pundits around the world instantly began spinning the terrorist attacks as part of a continuum of anti-american and anticorporate violence: first the Starbucks window, then, presumably, the WTC. New Republic editor Peter Beinart seized on an obscure post to an anticorporate Internet chat room that asked if the attacks were committed by one of us. Beinart concluded that the anti-globalization movement...is, in part, a movement motivated by hatred of the United States immoral with the United States under attack. In a sane world, rather than fueling such a backlash the terrorist attacks would raise questions about why US intelligence agencies were spending so much time spying on environmentalists and Independent Media Centers instead of on the terrorist networks plotting mass murder. Unfortunately, it seems clear that the crackdown on activism that predated September 11 will only intensify, with heightened surveillance, infiltration and police violence. It s also likely that the anonymity that has been a hallmark of anticapitalism masks, bandannas and pseudonyms will become more suspect in a culture searching for clandestine operatives in its midst. But the attacks will cost us more than our civil liberties. They could well, I fear, cost us our few political victories. Funds committed to the AIDS crisis in Africa are disappearing, and commitments to expand debt cancellation will likely follow. Defending the rights of immigrants and refugees was becoming a major focus for Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen side 9

10 the direct-action crowd in Australia, Europe and, slowly, the United States. This too is threatened by the rising tide of racism and xenophobia. And free trade, long facing a public relations crisis, is fast being rebranded, like shopping and baseball, as a patriotic duty. According to US Trade Representative Robert Zoellick (who is frantically trying to get fast-track negotiating power pushed through in this moment of jingoistic groupthink), trade promotes the values at the heart of this protracted struggle. Michael Lewis makes a similar conflation between freedom fighting and free trading when he explains, in an essay in The New York Times Magazine, that the traders who died were targeted as not merely symbols but also practitioners of liberty... They work hard, if unintentionally, to free others from constraints. This makes them, almost by default, the spiritual antithesis of the religious fundamentalist, whose business depends on a denial of personal liberty in the name of some putatively higher power. Qatar negotiations The battle lines leading up to next month s WTO negotiations in Qatar are: Trade equals freedom, antitrade equals fascism. Never mind that Osama bin Laden is a multimillionaire with a rather impressive global export network stretching from cash-crop agriculture to oil pipelines. And never mind that this fight will take place in Qatar, that bastion of liberty, which is refusing foreign visas for demonstrators but where bin Laden practically has his own TV show on the state-subsidized network Al- Jazeera. Our civil liberties, our modest victories, our usual strategies all are now in question. But this crisis also opens up new possibilities. As many have pointed out, the challenge for social justice movements is to connect economic inequality with the security concerns that now grip us all insisting that justice and equality are the most sustainable strategies against violence and fundamentalism. But we cannot be naive, as if the very real and ongoing threat of more slaughtering of innocents will disappear through political reform alone. There needs to be social justice, but there also needs to be justice for the victims of these attacks and immediate, practical prevention of future ones. Terrorism is indeed an international threat, and it did not begin with the attacks in the United States. As Bush invites the world to join America s war, sidelining the United Nations and the international courts, we need to become passionate defenders of true multilateralism, rejecting once and for all the label antiglobalization. Bush s coalition does not represent a genuinely global response to terrorism but the internationalization of one country s foreign policy objectives the trademark of US international relations, from the WTO negotiating table to Kyoto: You are free to play by our rules or get shut out completely. We can make these connections not as anti- Americans but as true internationalists. We can also refuse to engage in a calculus of suffering. Some on the left have implied that the outpouring of compassion and grief post-september 11 is disproportionate, even vaguely racist, compared with responses to greater atrocities. Surely the job of those who claim to abhor injustice and suffering is not to stingily parcel out compassion as if it were a finite commodity. Surely the challenge is to attempt to increase the global reserves of compassion, rather than parsimoniously police them. Besides, is the outpouring of mutual aid and support that this tragedy has elicited so different from the humanitarian goals to which this movement aspires? The street slogans PEOPLE BEFORE PROFIT, THE WORLD IS NOT FOR SALE have become self-evident and viscerally felt truths for many in the wake of the attacks. There is outrage in the face of profiteering. There are questions being raised about the wisdom of leaving crucial services like airport security to private companies, about why there are bailouts for airlines but not for the workers losing their jobs. There is a groundswell of appreciation for public-sector workers of all kinds. In short, the commons the public sphere, the public good, the noncorporate, what we have been defending, what is on the negotiating table in Qatar is undergoing something of a rediscovery in the United States. Seize this moment Instead of assuming that Americans can care about each other only when they are getting ready to kill a common enemy, those concerned with changing minds (and not simply winning arguments) should seize this moment to connect these humane reactions to the many other arenas in which human needs must take precedence over corporate profits, from AIDS treatment to homelessness. As Paul Loeb, author of Soul of a Citizen, puts it, despite the warmongering and coexisting with the xenophobia, People seem careful, vulnerable, and extraordinarily kind to each other. These events just might be able to break us away from our gated communities of the heart. This would require a dramatic change in activist strategy, one based much more on substance than on symbols. Then again, for more than a year, the largely symbolic activism outside summits and against individual corporations has already been challenged within movement circles. There is much that is unsatisfying about fighting a war of symbols: The glass shatters in the McDonald s window, the meetings are driven to ever more remote Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen side 10

11 locations but so what? It s still only symbols, facades, representations. Before September 11, a new mood of impatience was already taking hold, an insistence on putting forward social and economic alternatives that address the roots of injustice as well as its symptoms, from land reform to slavery reparations. Now seems like a good time to challenge the forces of both nihilism and nostalgia within our own ranks, while making more room for the voices coming from Chiapas, Porto Alegre, Kerala showing that it is indeed possible to challenge imperialism while embracing plurality, progress and deep democracy. Our task, never more pressing, is to point out that there are more than two worlds available, to expose all the invisible worlds between the economic fundamentalism of McWorld and the religious fundamentalism of Jihad. Coming to a close Maybe the image wars are coming to a close. A year ago, I visited the University of Oregon to do a story on antisweatshop activism at the campus that is nicknamed Nike U. There I met student activist Sarah Jacobson. Nike, she told me, was not the target of her activism, but a tool, a way to access a vast and often amorphous economic system. It s a gateway drug, she said cheerfully. For years, we in this movement have fed off our opponents symbols their brands, their office towers, their photo-opportunity summits. We have used them as rallying cries, as focal points, as popular education tools. But these symbols were never the real targets; they were the levers, the handles. They were what allowed us, as British writer Katharine Ainger recently put it, to open a crack in history. The symbols were only ever doorways. It s time to walk through them. Attac-Frankrig, pressmeddelelse, 20. september 2001 Refuse the Deadly Choice af Amanda Galbe & Michel Chastaignet On the day after the terrorist attacks committed in the United States, Attac expressed its emotion for the victims and solidarity towards their families and the American people. These criminal acts are yet another expression of the barbarity to which so many were victim during the 20th Century. Must we say it again? Our condemnation is total: no cause could justify these acts, nor can anything positive can come of them for any population. Going beyond the emotion and sympathy we feel for the victims, we must now analyse the reasons underlying this type of act, and debate the means of avoiding them in the future. For this we must reject all simplistic explanations. No, terrorist attacks are not the result of a clash between civilisations opposing Islam and The West. In fact, this analysis is what fundamentalist groups of all leanings would like to impose on reality. Societies, however, are diverse, often multi-cultural and, most of all, dominated by an increasingly unrestrained capitalism driven solely by the selfish profit of a few, creating social inequality and throwing three fifths of humanity into poverty. It is within this oppression and within purposively unresolved conflicts that one must find the cause of fundamentalism and hate. Terrorism takes its roots in people despair and suffering and exploit them for its own ends. The will to fight terrorism is before all the will to stop a situation unbearable for entire populations; it is refusing the gradual comodification of all human activities driven by corporate companies; it is accepting to adopt measures which challenge the liberal logic and the capitalist selfishness. By refusing the deadly choice between liberal disorder and terrorist logic, the anti globalisation movement bears new hope. Due to its fight for people empowerment, for citizen democracy over financial globalisation, the movement revitalizes hopes for a better world. As a international movement which goes beyond national selfishness, it constitutes the best protection against hate and fundamentalism. Any military action that would identify a handful of terrorists with an entire civilian population would only add barbarism to the existing barbarity for the sole profit of the terrorists. The good against evil crusade voiced by the American president imposes a war logic that will harm everybody including the American people. This crusade only aims to strengthen the US dominancy over the world and the power of their corporate companies. The hypocrisy of this bellicose declaration is obvious when we know that Bin Laden militia suspected for the attack and the oppressive Taliban regime has been actively supported by Washington in the past and that the US government refused any action against tax heaven. Yet it is notorious that tax heaven are used by mafias and terrorist organizations to finance their criminal activity. George W. Bush had to finally admit it when he announced that the war he intend to enter, will also include a financial side. Other governments such as UK so far refractory to any serious financial control are also Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen side 11

12 following this resolution. The height of the system immorality has been reached, and the proof that money can be made on anything especially death, with the allegation that Bin Laden as an efficient Wall Street trader experienced in obscure speculative operations, would have made an important amount of money by playing with the consequences on the stock exchange of the NY and Washington attacks. With this situation, a proof of the righteousness of its campaigns against lawless finance and for the regulation of money flow, Attac is more than ever determined to follow the core of its action: the fight against the perverse aspect of global capitalism. All previously planned initiatives will be pursued. Here is the list of the main ones until the end of the year: September 22nd and 23rd, for the meeting of the Ecofin Council in Liège: a week-end of mobilisation for the setting of a Tobin tax in Europe. Attac will send representatives to the union protest of the 21st of September and will participate the 22nd and 23rd in the same city to the European citizen Congress organised by Attac Belgium in partnership with FGTB, CSC and the union of Belgium NGO s. September 29th in Paris, Attac will participate to the demonstration for Afghan Women Rights November 10th, demonstrations against the opening of a new world trade liberalisation cycle and the WTO role will take place all around France. December 13th, 14th, 15th Attac will participate to the union initiatives planned in Bruxelles during the EU leaders summit, against liberal Europe and for alternatives. Attac, Paris, Septembre 20th 2001 Information, 5. oktober 2001: Den anden globalisering er håbet Af Christophe Aguiton, fransk ATTAC s internationale sekretær Terrorattentaterne kan kun bestyrke os i vores overbevisning om, hvor vigtigt det er, at vi videreudvikler vores globale, demokratiske og ikkevoldelige bevægelse globalt. For den globale bevægelse, som har aktioneret ved topmøder fra Seattle til Genova, har Wall Street og Pentagon hele tiden stået som hovedmodstandere. Førstnævnte som symbol på finansmarkedernes magt, sidstnævnte som repræsentant for den amerikanske militarismes imperialistiske magtstilling. Det var derfor et uhyggeligt sammenfald, at det var de samme symbolske mål, der blev ramt ved de morderiske terrorangreb i USA. At knytte globaliseringsskeptikernes kritik og attentatmændenes terror sammen kan alle vi, der er engagerede i kampen mod den liberalistiske globalisering, kun anse for absurd. Vi ved, at vores styrke og muligheder for at ændre verden fremover afhænger totalt af muligheden for massiv støtte fra den offentlige opinion. Ligesom den er totalt afhængig af et demokratisk engagement i de organisationer, hvor vores kamp har sin base og rødder. Hertil kommer, at vores bevægelse er stærk i netop USA, hvor fagforeninger og NGO er havde forberedt omfattende demonstrationer ved FMI s og Verdensbankens nu aflyste generalforsamling den 30. september i Washington. Åbenlyst i ond tro Trods dens indlysende absurditet afholder de, som med alle argumenter søger at forsvare den liberalistiske globalisering, sig ikke fra at drage denne parallel. Ikke alene er de med sådanne sammenligninger så åbenlyst i ond tro. De indser heller ikke, at netop i kampen imod den liberalistiske globalisering, ligger de bedste chancer for effektivt at imødegå desperate grusomheder som terroraktionen den 11. september. Terrorattentaterne kan kun bestyrke os i vores overbevisning om, hvor vigtigt det er, at vi videreudvikler vores globale, demokratiske og ikke-voldelige bevægelse. Den er for tiden den eneste, der har et bud på globale løsninger på den liberalistiske globaliserings problemer. Men terroraktionerne bør også få stormagternes regeringer - i første række USA s - og de internationale institutioner til at øve selvkritik af den politik, de nu har ført i årtier. Koldkrigsretorik De nærmeste uger og måneder vil vise, hvordan den amerikanske politik reagerer på den ændrede virkelighed efter terroren. Indtil videre minder George W. Bush bemærkninger om»det godes kamp mod det onde«og om at fange»bin Laden, død eller levende«, mest om en ny koldkrigers retorik. Det mest sandsynlige svar ser altså ud til at skulle blive militaristisk og repressivt. Nyt i situationen er det dog, at den brede alliance, som USA skønner det nødvendigt at rejse i kampen mod terrorisme, vil gøre nationale eller kulturelle stigmatiseringer meget vanskelige. Det betyder, at vi sna- Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen side 12

13 rere end det civilisationernes sammenstød, som Samuel P. Huntington profeterede om, risikerer, at den krig som USA s ledelse vil føre, kommer til at udløse interne borgerkrige. Under anklage Terrorismen er det hovedmål, som krigsindsatsen vil rette sig mod, men i dette nye korstog kan indre fjender - radikale bevægelser, sociale strømninger og forskellige grupper, der kæmper mod den liberalistiske globalisering - hurtigt komme under anklage. Samtidig er der tegn på, at forholdsregler til indskrænkelse af frihedsrettighederne kan være undervejs. I Europa har flere ansvarsfulde regeringsledere udtrykt betænkeligheder. Efter at have erklæret deres solidaritet med USA, har de insisteret på, at indsatsen mod terrorismen også må tage højde for de bagvedliggende politiske problemer, der er med til at skabe den, ikke mindst i Mellemøsten. Samtidig har de talt for nødvendigheden af flere politiske reguleringer på globalt plan. Viljen til at hævde Europas autonomi er også blevet styrket af de resultater, der kom ud af to internationale konferencer: Kyoto-protokollen blev underskrevet af et stort antal lande, heriblandt også EU-landene. Men ikke USA. Og på FN-konferencen i Durban om racisme hvor der blev vedtaget en resolution med europæernes støtte, på et tidspunkt hvor USA s delegation var udvandret. De nye modsætninger mellem USA og Europa kan åbne et nyt kritisk rum. Man kan håbe, at også Den Mutilaterale Investeringsaftale og WTO s generalforsamling kan bidrage hertil. Invester i retfærd I hvilket omfang det vil ske, er foreløbig et åbent spørgsmål, da presset for ubrydelig vestlig solidaritet lige nu er meget stærkt. Den kommende forhandlingsrunde om international handelspolitik, der skal finde sted ved WTO-mødet i Quatar den 9. november, kan muliggøre en international mobilisering, der kan ændre på den globale kortgivning. Det er i den globaliseringskritiske bevægelses anden globalisering, at verden skal investere sine bedste forhåbninger om en mere retfærdig og sikker verden for alle planetens beboere. With all compassion for the innocent victims of the attacks on New York, it has to be said that, of all countries, the US cannot be described as innocent Leder i Le Monde Diplomatique, oktober 2001 An enemy. At last af Ignacio Ramonet On 11 September aircraft were diverted from their normal flight routines. With fanatics at their controls, they headed for the heart of a big city, intent on destroying the symbols of a hated political system. In the explosions that followed, buildings were shattered. Survivors fled the wreckage. The media were on the spot broadcasting live. I am not talking about New York in 2001 but Santiago de Chile on 11 September With the complicity of the United States, General Pinochet staged his coup against the socialist government of Salvador Allende, which began with the bombardment of the presidential palace by the air force. Dozens of people were killed. It was the start of a regime of terror that was to continue for 15 years. With all compassion for the innocent victims of the attacks on New York, it has to be said that, of all countries, the US cannot be described as innocent. It has a long history of involvement in violent, illegal and often clandestine political actions in Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and Asia, with accompanying personal tragedies of death, disappearances, torture, imprisonment and exile. Harsh but obvious truth The present rampant pro-americanism of the West s politicians and media should not blind us to a harsh but obvious truth. Throughout the world, and particularly in the countries of the South, the most common public reaction to the attacks in New York and Washington has been: what happened in New York was sad, but the US deserved it. To trace the roots of such a reaction, it is worth recalling that throughout the cold war ( ) the US was involved in a crusade against communism. Sometimes that involved mass extermination: thousands of communists killed in Iran; 200,000 opposition leftists killed in Guatemala; almost 1m communists killed Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen side 13

14 in Indonesia. Atrocities filled the pages of the black book of American imperialism during those years - years that also saw the horrors of the Vietnam war ( ). This too was marketed as a battle between good and evil. But at that time Washington seemed to think that giving support to terrorists was not necessarily immoral. Through the CIA the US consciously endorsed projects of murder, hijacking, sabotage and assassination: in Cuba against the government of Fidel Castro, in Nicaragua against the Sandinistas, and in Afghanistan against the Soviets. In Afghanistan during the 1970s, with the support of two countries that could hardly be called democratic (Saudi Arabia and Pakistan), Washington encouraged the creation of Islamic detachments recruited in the Arab-Islamic world and made up of what the press called freedom fighters. As we now know, that was the environment in which the CIA enlisted and trained Osama bin Laden (see article by Selig S Harrison). Since 1991 the US has emerged as the worlds only superpower, effectively marginalising the United Nations. It promised to inaugurate a more equitable new world order, and it was on that basis that the US embarked on the war against Iraq. But it has remained scandalously partisan towards Israel, to the detriment of the rights of the Palestinians (1). Despite international protests it has also maintained an unrelenting embargo against Iraq, causing the deaths of thousands of innocent civilians while preserving the regime in power. All this has outraged public opinion in the Arab-Islamic world and sowed the seeds for the spread of a radical Islamic anti-americanism. Osama Bin Laden is a creation of the US. Now, with all the violence of Dr Frankenstein s creation, he has turned against his maker. In assembling a war coalition against him, the US is prepared to rely on Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, which for the past 30 years have contributed most to the spread of radical Islamic networks around the world, where necessary using terrorism. The men around George W Bush are veterans of the cold war. They may have reason to be pleased with the current events, in a sense a godsend. At a stroke the attacks of 11 September restored what had been missing since the collapse of the Soviet Union 10 years ago - an enemy. At last. The enemy may be known officially as terrorism but everyone knows that the real name is radical Islam. And we can now expect alarming sideeffects, including a modern McCarthyism directed at the opponents of globalisation. You enjoyed anti-communism? You re going to love anti-islamism. Politiken 27 oktober 2001 USA s nye kolonialisme Af George Monbiot, forfatter Man er naiv, hvis man tror, at a- merikanernes krig i Afghanistan kun handler om at knuse terrorismen. Den handler i høj grad også om at få kontrol med den globale energiforsyning. Afghanistan er som altid nøglen til vestlig dominans i Asien. Invasionen af Afghanistan er naturligvis en kampagne mod terrorisme, men der er også tale om et kolonialistisk eventyr. Den handler nemlig også om magten over olien. Afghanistan er lige så uundværlig for regional kontrol og transport af olie i Centralasien, som Egypten var det i Mellemøsten. Selve Afghanistan har en vis mængde olie og gas, men ikke nok til at gøre landet til et afgørende strategisk anliggende. Derimod har landets nordlige naboer olieforekomster, der kan være afgørende for de globale energiforsyninger i fremtiden. I 1998 bemærkede Dick Cheney, som nu er amerikansk vicepræsident, men som dengang var administrerende direktør for et stort olieselskab:»jeg kan ikke komme i tanke om noget tidspunkt, hvor vi har oplevet, at en region pludselig er blevet så strategisk afgørende, som det er sket i området ved Det Kaspiske Hav«. Men de olie- og gasforekomster, der er fundet under dette hav, er værdiløse indtil det øjeblik, hvor man kan flytte dem. Og den eneste rute, der giver mening både politisk og økonomisk, går gennem Afghanistan. At transportere alt Det Kaspiske Havs fossile brændstof gennem Rusland eller Aserbajdsjan ville i høj grad forbedre Ruslands politiske og økonomiske kontrol over de centralasiatiske republikker, og det er præcis det, som Vesten har brugt ti år på at forsøge at undgå. At lede olien gennem Iran ville forbedre landets økonomiske situation, og USA har længe forsøgt at isolere Iran fra omverdenen. At sende olien den lange vej om ad Kina ville, selv hvis man så bort fra de strategiske betragtninger, være uoverkommeligt dyrt. Men rørledninger gennem Afghanistan vil Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen side 14

15 gøre det muligt for USA at opnå to mål: At gøre energiforsyningen mangfoldig og at trænge ind på nogle af verdens mest lukrative markeder. Som forfatteren Ahmed Rashid har dokumenteret, indledte det amerikanske olieselskab Unocal i 1995 forhandlinger om at bygge olieog gasrørledninger fra Turkmenistan gennem Afghanistan og til pakistanske havne ved Det Arabiske Hav. Selskabets plan krævede en enkelt regering i Afghanistan, der kunne garantere sikker passage for selskabets varer. Kort efter at Taleban indtog Kabul i september 1996, skrev The Telegraph, at»kilder inden for olieindustrien siger, at drømmen om at sikre en rørledning gennem Afghanistan er hovedårsagen til, at Pakistan, USA s nære allierede, har støttet Taleban så stærkt. Desuden er det den vigtigste grund til, at USA så roligt har affundet sig med talebanernes erobring af Afghanistan«. Unocal inviterede nogle af talebanlederne til Houston, hvor de blev behandlet som grever og baroner. Firmaet foreslog at betale disse barbarer 4 kroner for hver tusind kubikmeter gas, som selskabet pumpede gennem det land, som barbarerne havde erobret. Det første år med talebanstyre syntes amerikansk politik over for regimet i princippet at være bestemt af Unocals interesser. I 1997 fortalte en amerikansk diplomat Rashid, at»taleban sandsynligvis vil udvikle sig på samme måde, som det er sket i Saudi-Arabien. Der vil komme rørledninger fra Aramco (det tidligere amerikanske oliekonsortium i Saudi-Arabien, red.), der vil komme en emir, men intet parlament. Desuden en masse Sharia-lovgivning. Det kan vi leve med«. I februar 1998 sagde John Maresca, der er leder af Unocals internationale relationer, til repræsentanter, at væksten i energibehovet i Asien samt sanktionerne mod Iran gjorde, at Afghanistan fortsat var»den eneste anden mulige rute«for olien fra Det Kaspiske Hav. Afghanistans strategiske betydning har ikke ændret sig. I september, få dage før angrebet i New York, rapporterede det amerikanske energiministerium, at»afghanistans betydning ud fra en energipolitisk synsvinkel stammer fra landets geografiske placering som potentiel transitrute for olie og naturgas, der eksporteres fra Centralasien til Det Arabiske Hav. Dette potentiale omfatter muligheden for at bygge rørledninger til olie og naturgas gennem Afghanistan«. Når man tager i betragtning, at den amerikanske regering er domineret af tidligere ledere fra olieindustrien, ville vi være godt tossede, hvis vi troede, at sådanne planer ikke længere indgår i regeringens strategiske overvejelser. Amerikansk udenrigspolitik er præget af doktrinen»dominans over hele spektret«. Det vil sige, at USA ønsker at kontrollere militær, økonomisk og politisk udvikling overalt i verden. Hvis det lykkes USA at styrte Taleban og erstatte regimet med en stabil og taknemmelig provestlig regering, og hvis USA derefter binder økonomien i Centralasien op på økonomien i det allierede Pakistan, så vil USA ikke alene have knust terrorismen, men også Ruslands og Kinas stadigt stigende ambitioner. Afghanistan er som altid nøglen til vestlig dominans i Asien. Mange har været uenige om, hvorvidt terrorismen vil blive svækket eller styrket af invasionen i Afghanistan, og om de nødlidendes forhold vil blive forbedret eller forværret af forsøgene på at ødelægge Taleban. Men ingen af disse synsvinkler beskriver hele sandheden og hele formålet med denne krig. Som John Flynn skrev i 1944:»Den fjendtlige angriber følger altid en kurs præget af tyveri, mord, plyndringer og barbari. Vi går altid frem med ædle hensigter, med en skæbne, der er pålagt os af det guddommelige, og som går ud på at genrejse vore ofre, mens vi i øvrigt erobrer deres markeder. Vi skal civilisere de vilde, de uforstående og de paranoide folkeslag, mens vi tilfældigvis falder over deres oliekilder«. Jeg mener, at den amerikanske regering er oprigtig, når den forsøger at knuse terrorismen med militær magt i Afghanistan, uanset hvor vildledt den måtte være. Men vi ville være naive, hvis vi mente, at det er alt, hvad den er ude på. Copyright: The Guardian Oversættelse: Lars Davidsen Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen side 15

16 Attac Newsletter okt War Is Peace af Arundhati Roy As darkness deepened over Afghanistan on Sunday, October 7, 2001, the US government, backed by the International Coalition Against Terror (the new, amenable surrogate for the United Nations), launched air strikes against Afghanistan. TV channels lingered on computer-animated images of Cruise missiles, stealth bombers, Tomahawks, bunker-busting missiles and Mark 82 high-drag bombs. All over the world, little boys watched goggle-eyed and stopped clamouring for new video games. The UN, reduced now to an ineffective abbreviation, wasn t even asked to mandate the air strikes. (As Madeleine Albright once said, The US acts multilaterally when it can, and unilaterally when it must. ) The evidence against the terrorists was shared amongst friends in the Coalition. After conferring, they announced that it didn t matter whether or not the evidence would stand up in a court of law. Thus, in an instant, were centuries of jurisprudence carelessly trashed. Nothing can excuse or justify an act of terrorism, whether it is committed by religious fundamentalists, private militia, people s resistance movements-or whether it s dressed up as a war of retribution by a recognised government. The bombing of Afghanistan is not revenge for New York and Washington. It is yet another act of terror against the people of the world. Each innocent person that is killed must be added to, not set off against, the grisly toll of civilians who died in New York and Washington. People don t win wars people get killed People rarely win wars, governments rarely lose them. People get killed. Governments moult and regroup, hydra-headed. They first use flags to shrink-wrap peoples minds and suffocate real thought, and then as ceremonial shrouds to cloak the mangled corpses of the willing dead. On both sides, in Afghanistan as well as America, civilians are now hostage to the actions of their own governments. Unknowingly, ordinary people in both countries share a common bond-they have to live with the phenomenon of blind, unpredictable terror. Each batch of bombs that is dropped on Afghanistan is matched by a corresponding escalation of mass hysteria in America about anthrax, more hijackings and other terrorist acts. There is no easy way out of the spiraling morass of terror and brutality that confronts the world today. It is time now for the human race to hold still, to delve into its wells of collective wisdom, both ancient and modern. What happened on September 11 changed the world forever. Freedom, progress, wealth, technology, warthese words have taken on new meaning. Governments have to acknowledge this transformation, and approach their new tasks with a modicum of honesty and humility. Unfortunately, up to now, there has been no sign of any introspection from the leaders of the International Coalition. Or the Taliban. When he announced the air strikes, President George Bush said, We re a peaceful nation. America s favourite ambassador, Tony Blair, (who also holds the portfolio of Prime Minister of the UK), echoed him: We re a peaceful people. So now we know. Pigs are horses. Girls are boys. War is Peace. Speaking at the FBI headquarters a few days later, President Bush said: This is our calling. This is the calling of the United States of America. The most free nation in the world. A nation built on fundamental values that reject hate, reject violence, rejects murderers and rejects evil. We will not tire. Here is a list of the countries that America has been at war with-and bombed-since World War II: China ( , ); Korea ( ); Guatemala (1954, ); Indonesia (1958); Cuba ( ); the Belgian Congo (1964); Peru (1965); Laos ( ); Vietnam ( ); Cambodia ( ); Grenada (1983); Libya (1986); El Salvador (1980s); Nicaragua (1980s); Panama (1989), Iraq ( ), Bosnia (1995), Sudan (1998); Yugoslavia (1999). And now Afghanistan. Certainly it does not tire-this, the Most Free nation in the world. What freedoms does it uphold? Within its borders, the freedoms of speech, religion, thought; of artistic expression, food habits, sexual preferences (well, to some extent) and many other exemplary, wonderful things. Outside its borders, the freedom to dominate, humiliate and subjugate-usually in the service of America s real religion, the free market. So when the US government christens a war Operation Infinite Justice, or Operation Enduring Freedom, we in the Third World feel more than a tremor of fear. Because we know that Infinite Justice for some means Infinite Injustice for others. And Enduring Freedom for some means Enduring Subjugation for others. The International Coalition Against Terror is largely a cabal of the richest countries in the world. Between them, they manufacture and sell almost all of the world s weapons, they possess the largest stockpile of weapons of mass destruction-chemical, biological and nuclear. They have fought the most wars, account for most of the genocide, subjection, ethnic cleansing and human rights violations in modern history, and have sponsored, armed, and financed untold numbers of dictators and despots. Between them, they have worshipped, almost deified, the cult of violence and war. For all its appalling sins, the Taliban just isn t in the same league. The Taliban was compounded in the crumbling crucible of rubble, heroin, and landmines in the backwash of the Cold War. Its oldest leaders are in their early 40s. Many of them are disfigured and handicapped, missing an eye, an arm or a leg. They grew up in a society scarred and devastated by war. Between the Soviet Union and America, over 20 years, about $45 billion worth of arms and ammunition was poured into Afghanistan. The latest weaponry was the only shard of modernity to intrude upon a thoroughly medieval society. Young boysmany of them orphans-who grew up in those times, had guns for toys, never knew the security and comfort of family life, never experienced the Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen side 16

17 company of women. Now, as adults and rulers, the Taliban beat, stone, rape, and brutalise women; they don t seem to know what else to do with them. Years of war have stripped them of gentleness, inured them to kindness and human compassion. They dance to the percussive rhythms of bombs raining down around them. Now they ve turned their monstrosity on their own people. With all due respect to President Bush, the people of the world do not have to choose between the Taliban and the US government. All the beauty of human civilization-our art, our music, our literature-lies beyond these two fundamentalist, ideological poles. There is as little chance that the people of the world can all become middle-class consumers as there is that they ll all embrace any one particular religion. The issue is not about Good vs Evil or Islam vs Christianity as much as it is about space. About how to accommodate diversity, how to contain the impulse towards hegemony-every kind of hegemony, economic, military, linguistic, religious, and cultural. Any ecologist will tell you how dangerous and fragile a monoculture is. A hegemonic world is like having a government without a healthy opposition. It becomes a kind of dictatorship. It s like putting a plastic bag over the world, and preventing it from breathing. Eventually, it will be torn open. So now we know. Pigs are horses. Girls are boys. War is Peace Reduced to rubble One and a half million Afghan people lost their lives in the 20 years of conflict that preceded this new war. Afghanistan was reduced to rubble, and now, the rubble is being pounded into finer dust. By the second day of the air strikes, US pilots were returning to their bases without dropping their assigned payload of bombs. As one pilot put it, Afghanistan is not a target-rich environment. At a press briefing at the Pentagon, Donald Rumsfeld, US defense secretary, was asked if America had run out of targets. First we re going to re-hit targets, he said, and second, we re not running out of targets, Afghanistan is... This was greeted with gales of laughter in the Briefing Room. By the third day of the strikes, the US defense department boasted that it had achieved air supremacy over Afghanistan. (Did they mean that they had destroyed both, or maybe all 16, of Afghanistan s planes?) On the ground in Afghanistan, the Northern Alliance-the Taliban s old enemy, and therefore the International Coalition s newest friend-is making headway in its push to capture Kabul. (For the archives, let it be said that the Northern Alliance s track record is not very different from the Taliban s. But for now, because it s inconvenient, that little detail is being glossed over.) The visible, moderate, acceptable leader of the Alliance, Ahmed Shah Masood, was killed in a suicide-bomb attack early in September. The rest of the Northern Alliance is a brittle confederation of brutal warlords, excommunists, and unbending clerics. It is a disparate group divided along ethnic lines, some of whom have tasted power in Afghanistan in the past. Until the US air strikes, the Northern Alliance controlled about 5 per cent of the geographical area of Afghanistan. Now, with the Coalition s help and air cover, it is poised to topple the Taliban. Meanwhile, Taliban soldiers, sensing imminent defeat, have begun to defect to the Alliance. So the fighting forces are busy switching sides and changing uniforms. But in an enterprise as cynical as this one, it seems to matter hardly at all. Love is hate, north is south, peace is war. Among the global powers, there is talk of putting in a representative government. Or, on the other hand, of restoring the Kingdom to Afghanistan s 89-year-old former king, Zahir Shah, who has lived in exile in Rome since That s the way the game goes-support Saddam Hussein, then take him out ; finance the mujahideen, then bomb them to smithereens; put in Zahir Shah and see if he s going to be a good boy. (Is it possible to put in a representative government? Can you place an order for Democracy-with extra cheese and jalapeno peppers?) Reports have begun to trickle in about civilian casualties, about cities emptying out as Afghan civilians flock to the borders which have been closed. Main arterial roads have been blown up or sealed off. Those who have experience of working in Afghanistan say that by early November, food convoys will not be able to reach the millions of Afghans (7.5 million according to the UN) who run the very real risk of starving to death during the course of this winter. They say that in the days that are left before winter sets in, there can either be a war, or an attempt to reach food to the hungry. Not both. As a gesture of humanitarian support, the US government air-dropped 37,000 packets of emergency rations into Afghanistan. It says it plans to drop a total of 5,000,000 packets. That will still only add up to a single meal for half-amillion people out of the several million in dire need of food. Aid workers have condemned it as a cynical, dangerous, public-relations exercise. They say that air-dropping food packets is worse than futile. First, because the food will never get to those who really need it. More dangerously, those who run out to retrieve the packets risk being blown up by landmines. A tragic alms race. Nevertheless, the food packets had a photoop all to themselves. Their contents were listed in major newspapers. They were vegetarian, we re told, as per Muslim Dietary Law(!) Each yellow packet, decorated with the American flag, contained: rice, peanut butter, bean salad, Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen side 17

18 strawberry jam, crackers, raisins, flat bread, an apple fruit bar, seasoning, matches, a set of plastic cutlery, a serviette and illustrated user instructions. After three years of unremitting drought, an air-dropped airline meal in Jalalabad! The level of cultural ineptitude, the failure to understand what months of relentless hunger and grinding poverty really mean, the US government s attempt to use even this abject misery to boost its self-image, beggars description. Reverse the scenario for a moment. Imagine if the Taliban government was to bomb New York City, saying all the while that its real target was the US government and its policies. And suppose, during breaks between the bombing, the Taliban dropped a few thousand packets containing nan and kababs impaled on an Afghan flag. Would the good people of New York ever find it in themselves to forgive the Afghan government? Even if they were hungry, even if they needed the food, even if they ate it, how would they ever forget the insult, the condescension? Rudy Giuliani, Mayor of New York City, returned a gift of $10 million from a Saudi prince because it came with a few words of friendly advice about American policy in the Middle East. Is pride a luxury only the rich are entitled to? Far from stamping it out, igniting this kind of rage is what creates terrorism. Hate and retribution don t go back into the box once you ve let them out. For every terrorist or his supporter that is killed, hundreds of innocent people are being killed too. And for every hundred innocent people killed, there is a good chance that several future terrorists will be created. Where will it all lead? Setting aside the rhetoric for a moment, consider the fact that the world has not yet found an acceptable definition of what terrorism is. One country s terrorist is too often another s freedom fighter. At the heart of the matter lies the world s deep-seated ambivalence towards violence. Once violence is accepted as a legitimate political instrument, then the morality and political acceptability of terrorists (insurgents or freedom fighters) becomes contentious, bumpy terrain. The US government itself has funded, armed, and sheltered plenty of rebels and insurgents around the world. The CIA and Pakistan s ISI trained and armed the mujahideen who, in the 1980s, were seen as terrorists by the government in Soviet-occupied Afghanistan. While President Reagan posed with them for a group portrait and called them the moral equivalents of America s founding fathers. Today, Pakistan-America s ally in this new war-sponsors insurgents who cross the border into Kashmir in India. Pakistan lauds them as freedom fighters, India calls them terrorists. India, for its part, denounces countries who sponsor and abet terrorism, but the Indian army has, in the past, trained separatist Tamil rebels asking for a homeland in Sri Lanka-the LTTE, responsible for countless acts of bloody terrorism. (Just as the CIA abandoned the mujahideen after they had served its purpose, India abruptly turned its back on the LTTE for a host of political reasons. It was an enraged LTTE suicide-bomber who assassinated former Indian prime minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1991.) It is important for governments and politicians to understand that manipulating these huge, raging human feelings for their own narrow purposes may yield instant results, but eventually and inexorably, they have disastrous consequences. Igniting and exploiting religious sentiments for reasons of political expediency is the most dangerous legacy that governments or politicians can bequeath to any peopleincluding their own. People who live in societies ravaged by religious or communal bigotry know that every religious text-from the Bible to the Bhagwad Gita-can be mined and misinterpreted to justify anything, from nuclear war to genocide to corporate globalisation. This is not to suggest that the terrorists who perpetrated the outrage on September 11 should not be hunted down and brought to book. They must be. But is war the best way to track them down? Will burning the haystack find you the needle? Or will it escalate the anger and make the world a living hell for all of us? At the end of the day, how many people can you spy on, how many bank accounts can you freeze, how many conversations can you eavesdrop on, how many s can you intercept, how many letters can you open, how many phones can you tap? Even before September 11, the CIA had accumulated more information than is humanly possible to process. (Sometimes, too much data can actually hinder intelligence-small wonder the US spy satellites completely missed the preparation that preceded India s nuclear tests in 1998.) The sheer scale of the surveillance will become a logistical, ethical and civil rights nightmare. It will drive everybody clean crazy. And freedom-that precious, precious thing-will be the first casualty. It s already hurt and hemorrhaging dangerously. Governments across the world are cynically using the prevailing paranoia to promote their own interests. All kinds of unpredictable political forces are being unleashed. In India, for instance, members of the All India People s Resistance Forum, who were distributing antiwar and anti-us pamphlets in Delhi, have been jailed. Even the printer of the leaflets was arrested. The right-wing government (while it shelters Hindu extremists groups like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and the Bajrang Dal) has banned the Students Islamic Movement of India and is trying to revive an anti-terrorist act Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen side 18

19 which had been withdrawn after the Human Rights Commission reported that it had been more abused than used. Millions of Indian citizens are Muslim. Can anything be gained by alienating them? No international press in the war zone Every day that the war goes on, raging emotions are being let loose into the world. The international press has little or no independent access to the war zone. In any case, mainstream media, particularly in the US, has more or less rolled over, allowing itself to be tickled on the stomach with press hand-outs from militarymen and government officials. Afghan radio stations have been destroyed by the bombing. The Taliban has always been deeply suspicious of the Press. In the propaganda war, there is no accurate estimate of how many people have been killed, or how much destruction has taken place. In the absence of reliable information, wild rumours spread. Put your ear to the ground in this part of the world, and you can hear the thrumming, the deadly drumbeat of burgeoning anger. Please. Please, stop the war now. Enough people have died. The smart missiles are just not smart enough. They re blowing up whole warehouses of suppressed fury. President George Bush recently boasted: When I take action, I m not going to fire a $2 million missile at a $10 empty tent and hit a camel in the butt. It s going to be decisive. President Bush should know that there are no targets in Afghanistan that will give his missiles their money s worth. Perhaps, if only to balance his books, he should develop some cheaper missiles to use on cheaper targets and cheaper lives in the poor countries of the world. But then, that may not make good business sense to the Coalition s weapons manufacturers. It wouldn t make any sense at all, for example, to the Carlyle Group-described by the Industry Standard as the world s largest private equity firm, with $12 billion under management. Carlyle invests in the defense sector and makes its money from military conflicts and weapons spending. Carlyle is run by men with impeccable credentials. Former US defense secretary Frank Carlucci is Carlyle s chairman and managing director (he was a college roommate of Donald Rumsfeld s). Carlyle s other partners include former US secretary of state James A. Baker III, George Soros, Fred Malek (George Bush Sr s campaign manager). An American paper-the Baltimore Chronicle and Sentinel-says that former President George Bush Sr is reported to be seeking investments for the Carlyle Group from Asian markets. He is reportedly paid not inconsiderable sums of money to make presentations to potential government-clients. Ho Hum. As the tired saying goes, it s all in the family. The oil family business Then there s that other branch of traditional family business-oil. Remember, President George Bush (Jr) and Vice-President Dick Cheney both made their fortunes working in the US oil industry. Turkmenistan, which borders the northwest of Afghanistan, holds the world s third largest gas reserves and an estimated six billion barrels of oil reserves. Enough, experts say, to meet American energy needs for the next 30 years (or a developing country s energy requirements for a couple of centuries.) America has always viewed oil as a security consideration, and protected it by any means it deems necessary. Few of us doubt that its military presence in the Gulf has little to do with its concern for human rights and almost entirely to do with its strategic interest in oil. Oil and gas from the Caspian region currently moves northward to European markets. Geographically and politically, Iran and Russia are major impediments to American interests. In 1998, Dick Cheney-then CEO of Halliburton, a major player in the oil industry-said: I can t think of a time when we ve had a region emerge as suddenly to become as strategically significant as the Caspian. It s almost as if the opportunities have arisen overnight. True enough. For some years now, an American oil giant called Unocal has been negotiating with the Taliban for permission to construct an oil pipeline through Afghanistan to Pakistan and out to the Arabian Sea. >From here, Unocal hopes to access the lucrative emerging markets in South and Southeast Asia. In December 1997, a delegation of Taliban mullahs traveled to America and even met US State Department officials and Unocal executives in Houston. At that time the Taliban s taste for public executions and its treatment of Afghan women were not made out to be the crimes against humanity that they are now. Over the next six months, pressure from hundreds of outraged American feminist groups was brought to bear on the Clinton administration. Fortunately, they managed to scuttle the deal. And now comes the US oil industry s big chance. In America, the arms industry, the oil industry, the major media networks, and, indeed, US foreign policy, are all controlled by the same business combines. Therefore, it would be foolish to expect this talk of guns and oil and defense deals to get any real play in the media. In any case, to a distraught, confused people whose pride has just been wounded, whose loved ones have been tragically killed, whose anger is fresh and sharp, the inanities about the Clash of Civilisations and the Good vs Evil discourse home in unerringly. They are cynically doled out by government spokesmen like a daily dose of vitamins or anti-depressants. Regular medication ensures that mainland America Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen side 19

20 continues to remain the enigma it has always been-a curiously insular people, administered by a pathologically meddlesome, promiscuous government. And what of the rest of us, the numb recipients of this onslaught of what we know to be preposterous propaganda? The daily consumers of the lies and brutality smeared in peanut butter and strawberry jam being airdropped into our minds just like those yellow food packets. Shall we look away and eat because we re hungry, or shall we stare unblinking at the grim theatre unfolding in Afghanistan until we retch collectively and say, in one voice, that we have had enough? As the first year of the new millennium rushes to a close, one wonders-have we forfeited our right to dream? Will we ever be able to reimagine beauty? Will it be possible ever again to watch the slow, amazed blink of a new-born gecko in the sun, or whisper back to the marmot who has just whispered in your ear-without thinking of the World Trade Center and Afghanistan? Ms. Roy is winner of the Booker Award for her novel based in India, God of Small Things Attac Newsletter oktober 2001 Only Poetry Can Address Grief: Moving Forward after 911 af Starhawk In the middle of the Anti-Capitalist Convergence march in Washington DC last month, I found myself nose to nose with a line of police attempting to push the crowd back. I was facing an angry but very short policewoman so in my case it was actually nightstick to bosom. Get back, get back! she was shouting, but our line was not giving ground. I explained to her, calmly and I thought, quite reasonably, that we were not going to get back, because there was nowhere for us to go. I think of that moment now as a metaphor for where what I like to call the Global Justice movement is today. We are facing an array of forces telling us to get back, to disperse, to leave the scene. The forces of the state, the media, all the powers that support global corporate capitalism would like to see us go away. But we have nowhere to go. We have nowhere to go because the conditions we have been fighting have not gone away. The disparity between rich and poor has not grown less, the attempts of the corporate powers to consolidate their hegemony have not ceased, the environment has not miraculously repaired itself, and our economic and social systems have not suddenly become sustainable. We re on the Titanic; our efforts to turn the course of the ship have just been hijacked, and we re churning full steam ahead into the iceberg. We don t have the luxury of defraying action to a more favorable moment. We need the movement to keep moving forward. How do we do that in the face of increased repression and much potential public opposition? I. STAND OUR GROUND: First, we don t panic, and we stand our ground. Fear is running rampant at the moment, and every effort is being made by the authorities to increase and play upon that fear. While the general public may fear more terrorist attacks, we in the movement are equally or more afraid of what our governments may do in restricting civil liberties and targeting dissent. But either way, fear is the authorities greatest weapon of social control. When we are in a state of fear, we re not taking in information, we re unable to clearly see or assess a situation, and we make bad decisions. We re more easily controlled. We can learn to recognize fear, in our own bodies, in our meetings, in our interactions. When fear is present, just stop for a moment, take a deep breath, and consciously set it aside. Then ask, What would we do in this situation if we weren t afraid? From that perspective, we can make choices based on reasonable Tekster om den globaliseringskritiske bevægelse og USA s krig mod terrorismen side 20

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