Definiteness Marking in Danish

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1 Institut for Lingvistik Aarhus Universitet Willemoesgade 15D DK-8200 Aarhus N Danmark Definiteness Marking in Danish A Corpus-Based Study of the Distribution of the Pre- and Postnominal Definite Articles Line Hove Mikkelsen Årskortnummer: Speciale Hovedvejleder: Hans Arndt Ekstern vejleder: Ewan Klein September 1998

2 Contents in brief 1 Introduction Why study definiteness? The basic data The organisation of the thesis The historical development of the Danish definite articles The history of the Danish definite articles Grammaticalization of the definite articles The corpus study Objective of the corpus study The DANTAG Corpus Extracting the data Marking up the data The tag set The results Transformational Approaches Delsing s SpecA-analysis General problems with transformational analyses Testing the clitic vs affix hood of the postnominal definiteness marker Formal Analysis Introduction to HPSG The Headedness of the Noun Phrase The Representation of Definiteness A Formal Analysis of the Danish data Conclusion 104 Bibliography 106 Appendices 117 i

3 Contents in detail Acknowledgements Abbreviations v vi 1 Introduction Why study definiteness? The basic data Terminology The organisation of the thesis The historical development of the Danish definite articles The history of the Danish definite articles Grammaticalization of the definite articles Further grammaticalization of the postnominal article Summary and further issues The corpus study Objective of the corpus study The DANTAG Corpus Extracting the data Extracting the morphological definites Extracting the syntactic definites Marking up the data The basic structure of a DTD Expanding the DTD Formatting the corpora The tag set Sentences Noun Phrases Constituency tests NP attributes The type attribute The demo attribute The coord attribute The marked attribute Date NPs Idiomatic phrases ii

4 Measure phrases Partitives Proper nouns Pre-determiners Definite articles Demonstrative Determiners Adjective Phrases Nouns Appositives Adverbial Phrases Prepositional Phrases Relative Clauses Restrictedness Reduced At-clauses Conjunctions The results The quantitative results The interaction of definiteness marking and relative clause attributes Restrictedness and definiteness marking Definiteness marking and reduced RCs Idioms and definiteness marking The qualitative results Adjective phrases and definiteness marking At-clauses Measure Phrases Transformational Approaches Delsing s SpecA-analysis Arguments in favour of the SpecA-analysis Theoretical problems with the SpecA-analysis General problems with transformational analyses Testing the clitic vs affix hood of the postnominal definiteness marker Selectivity Irregularities Definiteness marking of proper nouns Some lexical gaps in postnominal definiteness marking Morphophonological idiosyncrasies Words ending in -el, -en or -er Loan words in -(i)um and -(i)us Semantic idiosyncrasies Verden I forvejen Comparison with the genitive Participation in syntactic rules Relative ordering Summing up the evidence iii

5 5 Formal Analysis Introduction to HPSG Signs Schemas Principles The Headedness of the Noun Phrase The Representation of Definiteness Definiteness as a feature A Formal Analysis of the Danish data A sample of lexical entries Appositive at-clauses Revisions to the basic analysis Om as a marker Measure phrases Summary and residual issues Conclusion 104 Bibliography 106 Appendices 117 A DTD 117 B The Corpus Results 119 C The Chi-Square Test 122 D Restrictiveness 124 E Reducedness 125 F Restrictiveness and reducedness 126 G Idiomaticity 127 H NPs per Sentence 128 I At-Clauses 129 J Measure Phrases 133 K Distributional gaps 135 L Partial Sort Hierarchy for Danish Markers 139 M MorphCorpus 140 N SynCorpus 195 iv

6 Acknowledgements While this thesis is submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of Aarhus, most of the work reported here and all of the writing was carried out during my year as a visiting student at the Centre for Cognitive Science, University of Edinburgh. A number of people in both departments have been involved in my work on this thesis and I would like to express my gratitude to them here. As a result of being a visiting student during my final year, I have enjoyed the great fortune of having not one, but two excellent supervisors, Hans Arndt in Denmark and Ewan Klein here in Edinburgh. My sincerest thanks to both of them for detailed advice, comments and, not least, constant encouragement throughout these past twelve months. Thanks to Søren Harder and Thomas Bilgram at the Department of Linguistics in Aarhus for detailed assistance with the corpus study and various other computational and practical issues. I would also like to thank all staff and students at the Centre for Cognitive Science for making it such a brilliant place to work and be; special thanks are due to Ash Asudeh, Frank Keller, Mirella Lapata, Alex Lascarides, Jesse Tseng, and Simone Teufel. A number of people from outside have also contributed to this thesis in important ways. Thanks to Per Anker Jensen (HHS) and Anne Neville (KU) for initial stimulation and discussion of the ideas that presented in this thesis, and thanks to Kersti Börjars, Lars-Oluf Delsing, Claire Grover, Nina Grønnum, Caroline Heycock, Bob Ladd, Asifa Majid, Geoff Pullum, Ivan A. Sag, Barbara Partee, and Roberto Zamparelli for help in ways too numerous to list here. Finally, a special thanks to Lex Holt, Will Löwe and Frank Keller for their patient help and guidance with the formatting and layout of this thesis. The work reported here was supported by a grant from the University of Aarhus Research Foundation. v

7 Abbreviations In glosses COM COMP COMP MORPH DEF EMPH REFL GEN NEU PART PAS PLU REFL RP SING In HPSG HFP ValP AVM ADJ CAT CONT DTR LOC PRD RESTIND det bse fin mark prep common gender complementizer compounding morpheme definite emphatic reflexive genitive neuter particle passive (verb morphology) plural reflexive relative pronoun singular Head Feature Principle Valence Principle Attribute Value Matrix ADJUNCT CATEGORY CONTENT DAUGHTER LOCAL PREDICATIVE RESTRICTED-INDEX determiner base (bare infinitive verb form) finite marker preposition Bibliographical H&T Hopper and Traugott (1993) P&S Pollard and Sag (1994) Z&P Zwicky and Pullum (1983) vi

8 Chapter 1 Introduction This thesis is a case study of definiteness marking in Danish. I will primarily be concerned with the morphosyntactic aspects of definiteness marking, in particular the distribution of the pre- and postnominal definite articles with respect to other features of the noun phrase. I will be less concerned with the semantic, pragmatic and discourse properties of definiteness, though these issues invariably surface in various parts of the thesis. The empirical basis of the thesis is a corpus study of definiteness marking in modern written Danish. The corpus data are subjected to quantitative and qualitative analysis, and the qualitative results are incorporated into a formal analysis of definite noun phrases presented in chapter 5. The formal analysis is developed within a feature-based framework, more specifically the Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar of Pollard and Sag (1987, 1994). Before presenting my own feature-based analysis I review the transformational approach to definiteness marking employed in recent formal analyses of Scandinavian noun phrase structure, and argue against it on theoretical and empirical grounds. 1.1 Why study definiteness? Definiteness has received a great deal of attention in the linguistics literature, in particular the semantic, logical, philosophical and pragmatic aspects of definiteness (e.g. Russell (1905); Christophersen (1939); Strawson (1950); Donnellan (1966); Thorne (1972); Montague (1974); Chafe (1976); Karttunen (1976); Hawkins (1978); Grice (1981); Kamp (1981); Prince (1981); Heim (1982, 1983); Löbner (1985); Neale (1990), see also the survey article by Heim (1991) and the references cited there). These studies have contributed to our understanding of the relation between definiteness and such central linguistic concepts as reference, quantification, presupposition, anaphora, topic, focus, given vs. new information, co-reference, discourse referents, coherence etc. In particular it has been claimed that a theory of definiteness is needed to explain a number of specific phenomena known as definiteness effects or definiteness restrictions (Safir, 1987; Higginbotham, 1987; Heim, 1987). Though most of the studies have used data from only one language (typically English) the arguments and conclusions advanced have often turned out to be of cross-linguistic, if not universal, relevance. Though the study of the morphosyntax of definiteness is likely to be more language specific, there are still interesting typological issues involved, see e.g. Krámský (1972) and Gil (1987). The most relevant example in the present context is the cross-linguistic variation in definiteness marking displayed across the Scandinavian languages, including Faroese and Icelandic (Delsing, 1993b). Though I will be exclusively concerned with the Danish data here, the second chapter on the historical development of the definite articles will at least give a historical background to the cross-linguistic 1

9 similarities and differences in definiteness marking observed in the modern Scandinavian languages. Moreover, a detailed study of definiteness marking in its morphosyntactic context is likely to further the understanding of Danish noun phrase structure, since definiteness marking interacts with other parts and aspects of the noun phrase such as attributive adjectives, the form and function of postnominal modifier- and complement clauses, and demonstrative determination. 1.2 The basic data Danish has two definiteness markers, a prenominal definite article and a postnominal definite affix. These are illustrated in (1.1) and (1.2) respectively: (1.1) den the (1.2) hest-en horse-def gamle hest old.def horse As indicated in the gloss of (1.1), definiteness is also marked on the attributive adjective, a phenomenon similar to the distinction between strong and weak adjectival declension classes in German, cf. Diderichsen (1946: 46 7) and Zwicky (1986). The basic distribution of the two definiteness markers can be accounted for by the two generalisations in (1.3) and (1.4): 1 (1.3) Prenominal and suffixed article are in complementary distribution. (1.4) If an attributive adjective is present, only the prenominal article may be used. The first generalisation captures the fact that Danish, in contrast to the other Scandinavian languages, does not allow double definiteness marking, cf. the ungrammaticality of (1.5) below. The second generalization implies that postnominal definiteness marking cannot co-occur with attributive adjectives. This is illustrated in (1.6): (1.5) *den the (1.6) *gamle old (gamle) (old) hesten horse.def hesten horse.def The two generalisations also hold for plural noun phrases, but since I will only be concerned with singular definites in the corpus study as well as in the formal analysis, I will not present the plural data here. In general, definiteness has to be marked by one of the articles, cf. the ungrammaticality of (1.7) where the adjective is in the definite (weak) form, but no definite article is present: (1.7) *gamle hest old-def horse 1 Both traditional grammars (e.g. Diderichsen (1946) and Hansen (1967)), and more recent formal analyses (e.g. Delsing (1993b) and Jensen (1994)) assume that the two definiteness markers are semantically equivalent, and that the difference between them is purely distributional. I will not challenge this assumption here. 2

10 There are however exceptions to this rule. Certain adjectives, typically in the superlative, and some ordinals can occur without any overt definiteness marker in noun phrases that are semantically definite. These cases are problematic for most formal theories of definiteness, since they violate the standard assumption that definiteness has to be marked by a functional element (i.e. a determiner of some sort). I will not discuss these cases any further here, since the topic of the present thesis is the distribution of the two definite articles, and definite noun phrases without any definite article are therefore not directly relevant. Instead I refer to the discussion in Börjars (1994: ). Overall I believe both of these generalisations to be correct, which is supported by the corpus study (see chapter 3, section ). On the other hand, they leave several issues unresolved, some of which will be addressed in the corpus study: Is there free variation between the prenominal and suffixed articles, when no attributive adjective is present? How do postnominal complements and modifiers influence the choice of definiteness marker? Does the morphological derivation of the noun affect definiteness marking? Can we draw any semantic conclusions from the variation in definiteness marking across different lexical items and syntactic constructions? A detailed corpus-based distribution analysis will tell us more about the factors that influence the use of the suffixed vs. prenominal article. Moreover, it will provide a sound empirical basis for the formal analysis developed in chapter Terminology I will refer to the definiteness marker in (1.1) as the lexical or prenominal article, and to the construction as a syntactic definite. The definiteness marker in (1.2) will be referred to as the suffixed or postnominal article, and the construction as a morphological definite. I will follow the practice of using lower case, noun phrase or np, when I wish to talk about noun phrases without implying any particular syntactic analysis, and upper case NP and DP when talking about noun phrase analyses where a certain constituent (the noun and the determiner, respectively) is taken to be the syntactic head of the phrase. I use definite noun phrase to refer to both morphological and syntactic definites. I will use the singular, common gender den as the lemma form of the prenominal definite article, and similarly I will use -en to refer to the suffixed article independent of specific number and gender inflection. This practice of using the singular, common gender form as the citation form further extends to the indefinite article, demonstratives, and possessive pronouns. In glosses lower case is used for lexical items and small caps for morphological features (see the list of abbreviations (p. vi) for an explanation of the specific features used in the glosses). 1.3 The organisation of the thesis In chapter 2, I discuss the historical development of the definite articles from Old Norse demonstrative pronouns. The main part of the chapter is concerned with the linguistic factors and processes involved, which will be discussed from the point of view of grammaticalization theory (Hopper and Traugott, 1993). The corpus study is presented in chapter 3. I first discuss the objectives of the corpus study, and the DANTAG corpus on which it is based. I then discuss how the definiteness data was extracted and marked up. The bulk of the chapter consists of a detailed examination of the tag set which was used in the structural mark up, and the last part of the chapter presents and analyses the results. Chapter 4 is devoted to a detailed examination of transformational approaches to definiteness marking. In the first half of the chapter I review the GB analysis of definiteness marking in Danish 3

11 proposed in Delsing (1993b). In the second half of the chapter I present a detailed argument against one of the core assumptions of transformational analyses of definiteness; that the postnominal definiteness marker is a clitic element. In Chapter 5 I present a formal analysis of the definiteness data within the framework of Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG). In the analysis I try to bring together the results and conclusions arrived at in the other parts of the thesis, in particular I try to incorporate the qualitative results of the corpus study into a feature-based analysis of definiteness marking. Finally, the conclusions are summarised in chapter 6. 4

12 Chapter 2 The historical development of the Danish definite articles In this chapter I will be concerned with the historical development of the definite articles in Danish. First I sketch the historical background for this development, primarily based on Hansen (1927). Then I give a more detailed account of the linguistic processes involved in the development of the modern definite articles articulated within the framework of grammaticalization theory (Hopper and Traugott, 1993). 2.1 The history of the Danish definite articles The articles, including both definite articles and the indefinite article en, constitute the most recent parts of speech in Danish, as well as in the other Scandinavian languages, cf. Falk and Torp (1900: 60). As in most languages that have articles, the definite articles are developed from demonstrative pronouns, and the indefinite article from the numeral for one (Krámský, 1972). There has been some disagreement among historical linguists as to which demonstrative is in fact the source of the Danish definite articles, hin, sà, or then, (cf. the discussion in Haugen (1976: ) and Haugen (1982: 95 99)). Here I will concentrate on the account given in Hansen (1927: 119ff), which presents a detailed empirical argument based on an impressive range of text material. Hansen argues that the situation we find in modern Danish with two different definite articles in complementary distribution is the result of two main factors: the relatively free word order of the older stages of Danish, and the existence of several demonstrative elements at these earlier stages. The free word order property is documented in Faarlund (1994: 54), which lists the seven possible orderings of definite adjective-noun nuclei in Old Scandinavian. Of special interest here are the orderings in (2.1) and (2.2): (2.1) demonstrative ( adjective) noun (2.2) noun demonstrative ( adjective) Hansen investigates the distribution of the demonstratives hin and then with respect to the word order pattern in (2.1) in a number of important law texts such as Skaanske lov from 1162 AD, Valdemars lov from 1170 AD, and Jyske lov from 1241 AD, (see Skautrup (1944: ) for a detailed account of the historical and linguistic significance of these texts). Hansen finds that then is predominant in prenominal position, both with and without an attributive adjective, except when the adjective is anden (Eng. other ), in which case hin is preferred, a preference that has been lexicalised in the 5

13 modern Danish reciprocal hinanden (Eng. each other ). The result of the distribution analysis leads Hansen to conclude that then is the source of the modern prenominal article den. This conclusion is supported by evidence from Western Jutlandic, a dialect of Danish which only has the pre-nominal definite article æ, which Hansen (1927: ) shows to be a special phonetic development of the demonstrative then. 1 The postnominal article is developed from the word order pattern in (2.2), where the demonstrative, as a result of stress loss, has become cliticised on the noun, from which the term enclitic article derives. Which demonstrative is the source of the enclitic article is less clear, since both hin and then can occur in postnominal position, and phonetically both are equally likely to produce the suffix -en by loss of the initial consonant. Hansen does not provide a similar distribution analysis of the use of the demonstratives with respect to postnominal position, but other sources, e.g. Skautrup (1944: 138), give hin as the source for the suffixed article. This leads us to the following picture of the development of the present Danish articles: 2 (2.3) a. then adjective nounµprenominal article b. then DEM hœlœghe holy bok hellige bog bookµden the holy book (2.4) a. noun hin adjectiveµsuffixed article b. orm (h)inn frána (*skinnende) worm DEM shinyµormen worm-def (shiny) As indicated by the asterisk in (2.4b), postnominal attributive adjectives are no longer possible in Danish. This is just one example of the gradual loss of word order flexibility that has characterised the development of modern Danish, a development that was fuelled by the need to establish a standard national written language, cf. Skautrup (1944: 275 7). 3 The development of the articles from their respective demonstrative sources can help us understand the present day distribution of the two articles. The postnominal article does not occur with prenominal attributive adjectives, because it started out as a demonstrative pronoun used in noundemonstrative-adjective sequences, cf. (2.4). The prenominal article den, on the other hand, does occur with prenominal attributive adjectives, since this was in fact the specialised role of its demonstrative precursor then, cf. (2.3). If the orderings in (2.1) and (2.2) were the only ones possible in Old Scandinavian the complementary distribution of the articles would also be easily explicable: the modern articles den and -en do not co-occur, because their demonstrative sources then and hin never co-occurred in the first place. In fact Old Scandinavian did have double definiteness, as illustrated in (2.5) 4 : (2.5) demonstrative adjective noun demonstrative 1 Elsewhere in the literature, e.g. Falk and Torp (1900: 62) and Mikkelsen (1911: 207), the West Jutlandic prenominal article, and the use of the prenominal article without an attributive adjective in standard Danish, is explained as influence from German, which only has the prenominal article, and therefore uses it in all possible contexts. 2 The example in (2.3b) is taken from Hansen (1927: 124), who cites it from Jyske lov, and the example in (2.4b) is from Skautrup (1944: 138). In the gloss DEM stands for demonstrative, and DEF for definite. 3 A similar loss of word order flexibility has also taken place in the other Scandinavian languages, though they have retained a relatively free word order compared to Danish. One example is the position of possessive pronouns within the noun phrase: these can be placed both before and after the noun in all the Scandinavian languages, except Danish. 4 Note that in this construction the postnominal demonstrative is cliticised on the noun, cf. Faarlund (1994: 54). 6

14 This construction is preserved in the other modern Scandinavian languages, though it is more widespread in Swedish and Norwegian than in Faroese and Icelandic, only Danish lacks it completely. One possible way to explain this cross-linguistic variation, analogous to Hansen s explanation of the development of the two Danish articles, would be to assume that the patterns of use of the various possible noun phrase configurations in each of the Scandinavian dialects (and the relative distribution of the various demonstrative elements in each of the possible configurations) were different, at the point in time when the demonstratives started to grammaticalize into definite articles. 5 The question of grammaticalization will be discussed in the next section. 2.2 Grammaticalization of the definite articles In this section I will describe the historical development of the Danish definite article within the framework of grammaticalization put forth in Hopper and Traugott (1993) (henceforth H&T). H&T do not discuss this development directly (except for a brief mention on p. 9), but they provide a coherent framework and useful terminology for characterising this development. In their framework, the development of the Danish definite articles can be demonstrated to be a typical example of grammaticalization, which proceed by the mechanisms typical of language change (generalization, abduction, and reanalysis), and display the characteristic semantic, syntactic, and morphophonemic changes (bleaching, erosion, and fusion). According to H&T (p.7), grammaticalization is best described as left-to-right movement along a cline : 6 (2.6) content item grammatical word clitic inflectional affix Two things should be notes here. Firstly, that the individual points on the cline should not be thought of as hard-and-fast, mutually exclusive categories, but rather as clusters (H&T, p. 105), and secondly, that further grammaticalization processes can take place within any one of these categories without pushing the item further right on the cline (this latter point will be illustrated shortly). In the case of the Danish definite articles there is no direct historical evidence for the lexical source of the demonstratives (i.e. the content item on the left end-point of the cline). As H&T (p.129) point out, this is general problem for the study of the grammaticalization of the Indo-European demonstratives: Among the highly stable grammatical items with no known lexical origin is the Indo- European demonstrative to-. Given the unidirectionality hypothesis [that grammaticalization always proceeds from left to right on the cline LHM] we must hypothesise that to- originated in some currently unknown lexical item. We do not at this stage of our knowledge know what this item was. But neither do we know that there was none, or indeed that there might theoretically have been none. (H&T, p. 129) One could speculate, along the lines of Lyons (1975), that there was no lexical source for the demonstrative, since the demonstrative provides the primitive link between language and the world, i.e. the demonstrative was just the linguistic routinization of the sound accompanying a pointing gesture, (Lyons, 1975: 65 7). 5 A similar kind of explanation is invoked by Hansen (1927: 127ff) to explain certain geographical/dialectal differences in the use of prenominal and suffixed article in Danish. 6 The term cline was first introduced in Halliday (1961). 7

15 In any case the Old Norse demonstratives then and hin are to be placed as grammatical words on the cline in (2.6). How did they develop into definite articles? Following Laury (1997), I suggests that the grammaticalization of the demonstratives as definite articles, was brought about by a pragmatically motivated generalization of the meaning of the demonstratives from purely deictic to signalling general identifiability, (see Laury (1997: 29 51) for a detailed discussion of the concepts of deixis and identifiability). The demonstratives were originally used to point out and pick up salient discourse referents (in the physical, social or linguistic context), which was important to establishing coherence in discourse and text. By functional generalization (H&T, p.100 3) the demonstratives came to mark identifiability, and spatial information encoded in the demonstrative (distal vs. proximate) was lost in a classic case of semantic bleaching (H&T, p.87 93). Semantic bleaching is often accompanied by phonetic attenuation, in the case of the Danish articles this is evidenced by loss of stress (contrary to the demonstratives, which are always stressed). I will discuss the further phonetic development of the postnominal article in the next section. 7 So far the developments of the two articles have proceeded in parallel, as illustrated in (2.7): (2.7) (unknown lexical origin) demonstrative article then (stressed) then (unstressed) hin (stressed) hin (unstressed) At this stage the developments of the two original demonstratives diverge: the prenominal article developed from the demonstrative then continues to be a grammatical word (on the cline in (2.6)), whereas the postnominal article developed from the demonstrative hin grammaticalizes further down the cline Further grammaticalization of the postnominal article As argued at length in chapter 4, section 4.3, the postnominal definite article is an inflectional affix in modern Danish. In this section, following H&T chapter 6 (p ), I characterise the development from a lexical definiteness marker hin to the affix marker -en, as a case of morphologization. Morphologization is that part of grammaticalization that involves the right hand side of the cline: (2.8) autonomous lexical item clitic affix In our case the autonomous lexical item is the full lexical form of the article, hin. Recall from (2.2) in section 2.1, that when hin occurred after the noun it would precede any postnominal (adjectival) modifiers. This word order facilitated the cliticization of the postnominal article hin onto the noun, since the article would always be adjacent to the noun. None of the sources on the history of the Danish articles consulted in the previous sections give direct evidence of a clitic stage in the development of the postnominal article, but according to H&T such a stage can legitimately be hypothesised on the basis of the existence of the end points of the cline. They write: While there is not always evidence of a clitic pre-stage in the grammaticalization of affixes out of autonomous lexical words, the very loss of lexical autonomy involved in the process presupposes a clitic stage. (H&T, p.132). The final step in the grammaticalization process involves univerbation whereby the grammatical marker becomes united with its host in the form of an (inflectional) affix (H&T, p.135 6). Univerbation is normally accompanied by various sort of phonological changes, typically of a reductive nature. 7 I do not regard the phonetic development of the initial consonant of the prenominal article, [th] [d], as evidence of further grammaticalization of the prenominal article, since this phonetic change seems to be a regular historical development, which also affected the original demonstrative then. 8

16 H&T (p.145 6) distinguish two main types of reductive changes which tend to accompany morphologization: a) quantitative (or syntagmatic ) reduction, and b) qualitative (or paradigmatic ) reduction. Since both of these processes are involved in the univerbation of the postnominal definiteness marker and the noun, I will briefly characterize them here. In a quantitative reduction forms become shorter as the phonemes that comprise them erode. This is illustrated by the loss of the initial [h] in hin. In a qualitative reduction the remaining phonological segments in the form are drawn from a progressively shrinking set... [which] tends to reflect the universal set of unmarked segments. (H&T, p.145). Unmarked segments should be understood in terms of textual frequency across a wide range of different languages. The change of the vowel from [i] to [] in (h)in -en is an example of a qualitative reduction, since schwa is an unmarked segment, both in the sense of being highly frequent, as well as in articulatory terms (Ladefoged, 1993: 33). In fact schwa is often elided in this position in normal speech or replaced by a stød, and the final n becomes syllabified [stolèn ]. This last development shows the interaction and mutual facilitation of quantitative and qualitative reductions Summary and further issues The results of the previous sections are summarised in the figure below (see also (2.6) and (2.7) in section 2.2): (2.9)content item grammatical word (more) gramm. word 8 clitic affix (unknown origin) demonstrative article then (stressed) then (unstressed) hin (stressed) hin (unstressed) -hin -en As illustrated in (2.9), only the postnominal article has gone all the way, and grammaticalized as a affix (on the noun), whereas the prenominal article is preserved as an autonomous lexical form. This is, however, not counter evidence to the grammaticalization of the prenominal article. As H&T write (p.95): Changes do not have to occur. They do not have to go to completion, in other words, they do not have to move all the way along a cline. Here H&T are promoting a non-deterministic view of language change, which is well-supported by the empirical data they cite. On the other hand, they do not think of language change as completely arbitrary, neither in the shape of semantic and functional change, nor in the shape of phonetic change. Instead H&T speak of enabling factors (pp. 63ff) which in the context of semantic and functional changes include pragmatic, conversational and conventional inferencing, and metaphorical and metonymic processes. In the context of phonetic change enabling factors include word order, prosody, and general morphotactic rules and strategies. Enabling factors in the development of a suffixed postnominal article The concept of enabling factors can help us to understand why it was the postnominal article rather than the prenominal article that went all the way to become an inflectional affix. In section 2.2, I presented what I take to be the enabling factors for the functional change from demonstrative to definite article; the pragmatically motivated generalization from deictic demonstration of discourse referents to grammatical marking of identifiability (see Laury (1997: ) for a detailed discussion of this point in the context of the grammaticalization of the Finnish demonstrative se). I naturally believe this motivation to be common to both the development of the prenominal and the postnominal definite article, and as such it cannot help us understand the difference in degree of grammaticalization evidenced in (2.9) above. Instead I 8 The development from demonstrative pronoun to definite article is not an development from lexical to grammatical, but rather a development from grammatical to more grammatical, cf. the comments to (2.6) in section (2.2), and H&T (p.2,7). 9

17 believe that the explanation is to be sought in the phonetic enabling factors this is no surprise since the right-hand side of the cline, at least in this case, mainly has to do with phonetic change, whereas the grammatical function remains fairly stable across these categories (more grammatical word clitic affix). More specifically I propose that the following three factors played an enabling role in the morphologization of the postnominal article: (2.10) a. The typical morphological process in Danish is suffixation (rather than pre- or infixation). b. The postnominal article was always adjacent to (i.e. immediately after) the noun (cf. (2.2) in section 2.1). c. Word stress is assigned on a left to right basis in Danish, and inflectional affixes tend not to affect stress assignment. 9 As I will show below these factors all favour the morphologization of the postnominal article over the prenominal article. 10 The first factor favours the postnominal article hin, because hin (qua its postnominal position) is in a suitable position to potentially suffixate on the noun. The prenominal article, on the other hand, is phrase initial, and as such disfavoured by (2.10a), since it could only suffixate on an element outside the noun phrase (i.e. on the rightmost element of the immediately preceding phrase), and since definite noun phrases can occur sentence initially, this would be further disfavoured by the prospect of cliticizing across sentence boundaries. The second factor favours the morphologization of the postnominal article, since the noun is the morpho-syntactic locus of the noun phrase (Zwicky, 1985), and as such a privileged host/stem for clitics and affixes. The prenominal article on the other hand, could at most pro-cliticize onto the adjective, which as an adjunct does not enjoy any privileged morphosyntactic status within the noun phrase. The third factor favours the morphologization of the postnominal article in that a suffixed article is less likely to interfere with stress assignment (of the word it attaches to), compared to a prefixed definite article (though see fn. 9). The persistence of the demonstrative source of the prenominal article Another issue that sets apart the grammaticalization patterns of the two definiteness markers, is the fact that the demonstrative source for the prenominal article is still functioning as a demonstrative in modern Danish, whereas the postnominal demonstrative hin is no longer an available grammatical marker (as noted above the full form is now only found as a residual morpheme in the lexicalised reciprocal hinanden). Not only are the prenominal article and its demonstrative source coexisting, they have also stayed very close in actual form, which makes it difficult to distinguish the two on formal grounds, except in speech where they are distinguished by stress, cf. (2.7). H&T describe this kind of situation as layering (pp ). They write: 9 Notable exceptions to this generalization are multi-syllabic (loan) words with a strong vowel in the second syllable, e.g. traktor, motor, radiator, where inflectional affixes (of number and/or definiteness) can (in certain dialects of Danish, including my own) shift the regular stress pattern (main stress on the first syllable, secondary stress on the third syllable) one syllable forward to produce the free allomorphs traktorer(ne), motorer(ne), radiatorer(ne). 10 It is possible that the three factors are related, and possibly even reducible to one complex condition, at some higher level of abstraction. Here I present them as separate factors mainly for ease of exposition. See also H&T (p ) for a related discussion of the enabling factors of the morphologization of the postnominal possessive adjectives rather than the prenominal possessive adjectives in Classical Mongolian. 10

18 Within a broad functional domain, new layers are continually emerging; in the process the older layers are necessarily discarded, but may remain to coexist with and interact with new layers... Layering is the synchronic result of successive grammaticalization of forms which contribute to the same domain (H&T, p.124) This description seems adequate to the situation at hand: articles and demonstratives function within the same broad functional domain (of noun phrases marking), they evidently coexist, and, as I will discuss in more detail below, they can be shown to interact, albeit indirectly, with each other. The interaction I am going to focus on here concerns the expression of emphatic definiteness, as illustrated with the English example in (2.11) (small caps illustrate emphatic pronunciation): (2.11) That is THE book everybody is reading at the moment The corresponding Danish sentence is given in (2.12) below: (2.12) Det er bogen alle That is book.def everybody læser reads for tiden for time.def Note that emphatic definiteness is achieved by stressing the suffixed article in Danish, not the prenominal lexical article. From a purely prosodic point of view this is surprising, since inflectional affixes are less likely to receive emphatic pronunciation than autonomous function words (Nina Grønnum, p.c.). Moreover, the noun is followed by a reduced restrictive relative clause (alle læser for tiden), which is normally strongly disfavoured with an (unstressed) morphological definite (cf. chapter, 3 section ). If we look at this construction in the context of layering however, the construction can be motivated as the result of functional interaction within the domain of noun phrase marking: since the demonstrative and prenominal definite article coexist with only stress to distinguish between them, it is not possible to express emphatic definiteness by stressing the prenominal article, since this expression device is already occupied by the demonstrative. The conflict is resolved by transferring the emphatic definiteness marking to the suffixed article which is otherwise always unstressed, and where there is no contemporary, stressed postnominal demonstrative to compete with. Further developments Since grammaticalization in the view of H&T is an ongoing process, with renewal and creation counteracting the forces of semantic and phonetic erosion, it makes sense to ask what the possible future developments of the Danish definite articles might be. In an influential paper based on extensive cross-linguistic data Greenberg (1978) proposes that definite articles are only the second stage in a four-stage process in which demonstratives develop into pure category markers via an article stage, and a gender marking stage (see also Lehmann (1995: 38 9)). Could this be happening in Danish too, could the suffixed article be loosing its definite meaning, and come to signify only the gender of the noun it attaches to, and eventually only the category of its stem? At the present this question cannot be given a qualified answer, but it is telling that the suffixed article seems to be more idiomatic in its use than the prenominal article (cf. chapter 3, section ), and that it is often obligatory in constructions where a closely related language, like English, has a bare singular noun or an autonomous functional item, e.g. i stedet for, Eng. in stead of and i løbet af, Eng. during. 11

19 Chapter 3 The corpus study 3.1 Objective of the corpus study The objective of the corpus study is to provide a more detailed account of the distribution of suffixed and prenominal definiteness marking in Danish noun phrases. There are two ways in which a corpus study can contribute to this aim. Firstly, it can provide quantitative data about significant correlations between definiteness marking and various other aspects of noun phrase structure. Secondly, it can provide qualitative data on various morphosyntactic constraints on definiteness marking which can serve as the empirical basis for testing and developing a formal analysis of definiteness marking in Danish. 1 I will attempt to do both. Before extracting the data from the DANTAG corpus I had to decide which data to include in the study. Since the purpose of the thesis is to examine the distribution of morphological and syntactic definiteness, the basic idea was to construct a subcorpus consisting of all the definite noun phrases contained in DANTAG, which could then be subjected to structural mark-up. For various reasons I decided to exclude plural noun phrases, possessives, and proper nouns from the data sample. The main reason I decided to exclude plurals was to avoid the complex issues surrounding the syntax and semantics of plurals (see the survey article by Link (1991)). In a different context, I do believe that a well-designed corpus study could shed some light on some of these issues (e.g. the use of bare plurals, and the much discussed distinction between collective and distributive readings of plurals), but these are separate issues from the main purpose of this thesis: to investigate the distribution of morphological and syntactic definiteness in Danish noun phrases. I chose to leave out possessive phrases, such as den nye elevs, the new pupil s in den nye elevs skrivebord, the new pupil s desk, because their categorial status as noun phrases is controversial. They have been analysed as Genitive Phrases (GP) by Jensen (1994), Possessive Phrases (PossP) by Delsing (1993b), and instances of a general Functional Phrase (FP) by Giusti (1995). Finally, I excluded proper nouns 2 because their behaviour with respect to definiteness marking is intricately tied up with long-standing problems in formal semantics, theories of reference, and philosophy of language (see Lerner and Zimmermann (1991) and the references cited there). Again these 1 See McEnery and Wilson (1996: ) and Abney (1996) for detailed discussion of the role of corpus linguistics within general and theoretical linguistics, and McEnery and Wilson (1996: 61 86) on the distinction between quantitative and qualitative analysis in the context of corpus linguistics. 2 I have only excluded proper nouns to the extent these were tagged as such in the DANTAG corpus (with the tag EGEN). There were in fact a significant number of noun phrases which were picked up by the XKWIC queries which I judged to be proper noun phrase and they were tagged as proper noun phrases in the manual mark-up, see section On the distinction between common and proper nouns in the DAN-TWOL tag set, see Bilgram and Keson (1998: 132 4). 12

20 are interesting problems that could quite possibly benefit from corpus research, but also problems that it would be impossible to do justice to within the scope of this thesis. Although these restrictions limit the empirical scope of the investigation, I think that they will ultimately be beneficial to the thesis as a whole, since they allow me to concentrate on a smaller, but well-defined area of definiteness marking, which will hopefully enable me provide a more detailed and revealing analysis of the phenomena within this domain. Taking these revisions into account the objective of the corpus study can be restated as follows: i) to extract all singular, non-possessive, definite common noun phrases from the DANTAG corpus, using the morphological and parts-of-speech information provided by the DAN-TWOL tagger, and ii) to mark up the syntactic structure of the extracted noun phrases with respect to the presence, and nature of prenominal modifiers, postnominal complements and adjuncts. 3.2 The DANTAG Corpus The corpus data used for this study was extracted from DANTAG, a word corpus of written Danish collected and tagged by Thomas Bilgram, Department of Linguistics, Aarhus University. 3 The corpus is documented in Bilgram (1994) and Bilgram and Keson (1998). The text material in DANTAG is composed of a random selection of approx excerpts containing one or more consecutive paragraphs (each excerpt totalling approx words) extracted partly from the 40 mill. word corpus of the Danish Dictionary at DSL (Bilgram and Keson, 1998: 129). 4 The corpus was tagged automatically using a two-level description of Danish morphology, the so called DAN-TWOL tagger described in Bilgram and Keson (1998). The automated tagging was followed by a manual disambiguation process, where the correct parse was selected among all possible morphosyntactic analyses. The DAN-TWOL tagger is based on work by Koskenniemi (1983), and provides each word in the corpus with a list of possible morphosyntactic analyses. The tag set includes parts of speech information, feature-based morphological information (in the case of nouns the following tags are applicable: gender, number, case, and definiteness), and various syntactically oriented information (mainly more detailed parts of speech tags, and other kinds of distributional and textual information (Bilgram and Keson, 1998: 132)). A human tagger then evaluated all the analyses given for each word (the cohort), and marked the correct parse with a special tag. According to Bilgram and Keson (1998: 2) more than half of the words in the corpus were ambiguous, and the average level of ambiguity is approx. 2 analyses for every word. After the manual disambiguation process it was estimated that the selected analysis was correct in % of the cases (Thomas Bilgram p.c.). 3.3 Extracting the data The data was extracted using the XKWIC query system documented in Christ (1995). XKWIC is a graphical user interface for running queries on a corpus and manipulating the query results. The 3 I wish to thank Thomas Bilgram for giving me access to the DANTAG corpus, and for his extensive help in answering questions about the DANTAG corpus and the DAN-TWOL tag set. 4 The 40m word corpus referred to here was collected by Det Danske Sprog- og Litteraturselskab (DSL) as part of a recent dictionary project (Den danske Ordbog). The corpus consists of excerpt from Danish newspapers, novels, magazines, etc. from the period Of the 40m words, almost 7m are transcribed speech, but all speech-based excerpts were explicitly filtered out in the process of collecting DANTAG (Thomas Bilgram p.c.). Further information about the DSL corpus is available (in Danish) at ddo/ddokorpd.htm. 13

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