1 The Charismatic Movement and the Churches Center for Multireligious Studies 2001 Indhold Forord 3 Viggo Mortensen Christianity is changing 5 Allan Anderson Global Pentecostalism in the new Millennium 11 Allan Anderson Pentecostals in Africa: The Shape of Future Christianity? 25 Anna Marie Aagaard Global Pentecostalism in the New Millennium Response to Allan Anderson 43 Lene Sjørup Roots, poverty and the democratisation of Christianity Response to Allan Anderson 47 Flemming Hansen What About Theology? Response to Allan Anderson 53 Ole Skjerbæk Madsen Hvorledes kan den karismatiske bevægelse være en positiv inspiration for kirkerne 55
2 Som andet bind i serien AKTUELLE SKRIFTER fra Center for Multireligiøse Studier kommer dette lille skrift, der prøver at belyse aspekter af en bevægelse, som sætter sit stærke præg på kristendommen globalt. Indlæggene går tilbage til en konference afholdt på Aarhus Universitet december 2000 under overskriften "The Charismatic Movement and the Churches". I de forskellige indlæg dokumenteres det til overflod, at den kristne bevægelse par excellence i det tyvende århundrede er den karismatiske eller pentekostale bevægelse. Hvis vi på dansk blot ville bruge betegnelsen "pinsemenighed" eller "pinsekirke", ville vi stå i fare for ikke at få hele bredden i denne globale bevægelse med. Alle de relevante data, der dokumenterer denne påstand, er givet i Allan Andersons artikler, der var hovedbidragene til denne konference. Dermed er focus også givet for disse overvejelser: Den globale vækst i karismatisk og pentekostal kristendom. Dermed falder udgivelsen godt i tråd med de forskningsbestræbelser, som vi vil forfølge ud fra Center for Multireligiøse Studier. Dette center ved Aarhus Universitet har til opgave at beskrive, analysere og fortolke den mangefacetterede udvikling af det multireligiøse landskab, som foregår globalt såvel som nationalt. Globaliseringen medfører dels, at de klassiske religioner forandres, dels at nye religiøse former ser dagens lys. Når verden er blevet ét sted er forskellige religioner præsente samtidig alle steder. Det religiøse møde er ikke længere noget, der finder sted "derude", men det er blevet globaliseret og sker overalt. I dette globaliserede religiøse møde viser de forskellige religioner sig at have forskellige potentialer og strategier i forhold til at tackle den moderniseringsbevægelse, som globaliseringen også er. Den nye situation træffer kristendommen i Nord og Vest på et tidspunkt, hvor den har udtømt sig i en selvsækulariseringsbevægelse, der slår ud i en usikkerhed med hensyn til, hvad der er dens opgave og mission. Det kristne enhedssamfund er under afvikling og betragte-lige dele af befolkningerne får aflø b for deres religiøse følelser på alternative måder. Samtidig er resterne af den gamle kristne enheds-kultur udfordret af selvbevidste religioner i mission. Det har bl.a. at gøre med de stærke demografiske ændringer i befolkningernes sammensætning.
3 Globaliseringen med dens fremme af mobilitet bidrager til vældige folkevandringer og fører også til, at religioner udbreder sig på nye måder. Det leder igen ofte til spændinger, når disse udviklinger konfronteres med mere traditionelle samfund. Den samme nye situation synes imidlertid at få den virkning på kristendommen i Syd, at den skaber sig nye former, præget af karismatiske strømninger. Derfor byder den karismatiske/ pentekosta-le bevægelse sig til som studieobjekt, for her ser man en kristendoms-form i frembrud, hvis forhold til moderniteten er meget komplekst. Det viser sig, at det er den kristendomsform, der vokser stærkest. Samtidig antager den former, der sommetider kan være svære at genkende som autentisk kristne i kristenhedens gamle lande. Når kristendommen får sin tur i globaliseringsmøllen (jvf. hvad jeg senere benævner Pizza effekten), må vi regne med at se former opstå, som vi måske ikke lige ventede. Det er hvad der gør det spændende at beskæftige sig med den karismatiske bevægelse og kirkerne - netop nu. 1/ Viggo Mortensen
4 Christianity is Changing Viggo Mortensen Let me start with two snapshots: It is Sunday morning in South Africa. We have joined a group of international missiologists going to church. For our Sunday worship we are on our way to Zoe Bible Church. This church is in Soweto, a 2 million suburb to Johannesburg. This is in the nicer parts of Soweto, but nevertheless we are advised to keep close company. When we approach a former factory building we hear singing, clapping and loud music. The factory building has been cleared from its earlier use and functions now as a church. The hall is packed with people already worked up pretty good. When we enter, some of the young people are ushered out to create room for us. The pastors take turns in leading the prayers only interrupted by loud outcries of Amen and Hallelujah. The singing and clapping continues until the preacher enters the platform. He is called bishop, is dressed in a purple shirt and has obviously an Anglican background. For little more than an hour he is speaking to the people. It is an evangelical sermon, always to the point, with a strong Christian message. Although evangelical in its form it addresses very directly the social needs of the people. And people are listening. He also raises the issue of a new church building. By most standards one would say, this is no luxury. This worn out hall very sparsely decorated with a crossembroidered on a purple cloth is filled with worshippers, - so of course they have a need for a more suitable place for worship. And this congregation is working on it. But, "we are not beggars", shouts the preacher. They want a new church and they want it now, but they want primarily to depend on themselves. There is a proudness and a self-reliance over these people. And the pastor does not appeal in vain, when he stresses, that they need to make their investment, if they expect any return from God. What are you going to do for God? Make your investment, and then you should expect something. The sermon takes a little over an hour, and you are not lost on the way. The whole service lasts between 3 or 4 hours and it is followed by adult education. At the end streams of young people come forward to accept the lord as their personal saviour and they are then being prayed for. When we leave the church it is with a strong impression, that Christianity has taken root in these people.
5 2. Djarkarta, Indonesia We are in Indonesia, the biggest Muslim country in the world, and it is in the final days of the corrupt Suharto regime. Indonesia by that time was held in a stronghold based on a alliance between the religion of Islam and a strong nationalist movement around the idea of Pancasilla. It is Sunday and we are approaching a public building, built within the last ten years in not so nice "modern" concrete style. Western style modern cars pull up and welldressed families and young people get out and come to church. People gather in the basement, a naked concrete basement with loose chairs. Also here the room is packed.. I do not know if the fire authorities would approve of such an arrangement. The climate quickly turns very hot, with all the people assembling in a room without any working aircondition. There is a podium where a band with three lead singers already have started very loud and rhythmic music. The hymns are by way of a overhead projector shown at the concrete walls, and the congregation joins in the singing of these very melodius and easy to learn western evangelical hymns. People sing, dance and clap their hands and when the charismatic preacher begins he often appeals to his listeners and not in vain. I do not understand a word of the sermon, not only because it is in the local tongue, but mostly because the preacher almost half of the time is speaking in tongues. And the congregation happily joins in. Healings and laying on of hands are practised. Also this congregation wants to build a church. They have the money, but it is obviously impossible for them to get a suitable peace of land and the authorities will not give their approval, and they are obviously not in a position (or willing) to protect their own citizens, when they attempt to make use of their human right and freedom of religion to worship as they like. They are not poor, but still oppressed. They assemble in a cellar, and I am pondering if this can be compared with experiencing the church in the catacombs. While I am sitting there I am puzzled by the fact, that I am experiencing this in a strongly regulated Muslim country. We encounter here a style of worship and preaching that is far from homegrown. Our textbook knowledge about contextualization and indigenisation gets a visible blow confronted with this experience. This preaching and style of worship is not at all contextualized to the local Indonesian culture. Next to us sits a smartly dressed up younger woman, mobile phone in hand, smiling shyly and not participating fully, but very observing. She obviously belongs to the upward mobile people in this society. And by watching her it strikes me, that this worship indeed is contextualized, - not to the local culture, - but to the global culture.
6 Thesis This is the background for my thesis: Pentecostalism is a form of Christianity adapted to modernity and contextualized into the global culture. In many ways modernity can be said to give room for a syncretis-tic culture. Thus it is no wonder that a religion adapted to modernity also takes a syncretistic form. It starts from the margins and makes it way forward as a protest movement, a protest against different theological ideologies. In this process pentecostalism assimilates different elements from folk religiosity and from capitalism. Thus the syncretistic image sticks. But Christianity has always been accompanied by syncretistic movements, so this is not entirely new in the history of Christianity; on the contrary. The critique of the charismatic, Pentecostal and independent churches for being syncretistic misses the point. We should expect variety. The great scholar of Pentecostalism, Walther Hollenweger, compares the present situation with the situation when Christianity moved from being a Jewish sect to being a church inculturated in the Greco-Roman World. Thus it illustrates classic dilemmas in evangelisation and mission. Traditionally we understand communication - and in this case also gospel communication - as a one to one relationship. The preacher confronts the "heathen", speaks to his head (in the reformed/lutheran tradition) or his heart (the Catholic or traditional Pentecostal tradition), in order to attempt a conversion. The only problem with this form of evangelisation is that it does not work. You only end up with clones of yourself. Secondly it is not biblical. If we want a biblical paradigm for mission and evangelization we could go to the narrative of Cornelius baptism in Acts 10. Here Peter and Cornelius exchanges experiences; they refer both to the third party, namely God. That indicates that the evangelist come to a new insight about God in the course of the encounter with the person he wants to convert. The best starting point for a evangelistic outreach is not: How can I win you over, but rather the question: How can we together interpret the Bible, so that we can understand the world and God better. In many of the Pentecostal churches in the South such syncretistic and pluralistic situations are created in the course of their evangelizing work. Obviously this is a style that fits the independent churches so prevalent in the South.
7 The Pizza effect Some people talk in this connection of the "Pizza effect". The term originates with the intellectual historian Agehananda Bharati, and has been used by American missiologist Terry Muck. He describes it as follows: "Pizza was a nondescript dish that was little more than tomato sauce smeared on a piece of bread, an ordinary Italian equivalent to our jam on toast. The dish was carried to America by Italian immi-grants and there transmogrified by Dominos, Pizza Hut, and Little Caesars into a cultural food icon that was then exported back to Italy where, by all accounts it has become widely popular in this new elaborate form. One culture borrows, develops, and then re-teaches the culture of origination. In this back and forth process, common religious forms emerge." (Terry Muck in Missiology 1/2000) This is what happens with religion in a globalized world. When the world is one place, the religious encounter happens everywhere. The different religions do not any more live in spendid isolation in diverse places, but are potentially overall. Globalized religion - and this is also the case with Christianity, - thus comes back to us in a diversified and repacked form. This is exactly what we experience also within globalized pentecostalism. Living in the northern secularized part of the "old" Christendom one can easily reach the conclusion that the time for Christianity is over. In a time when we in our culture are haunted by doubt about our own mission, it is indeed refreshing to see strands and characteristics from the first days of the church come alive in the churches of the South. Some forms of Christianity might have outlived themselves. But the growing vibrant Pentecostal churches of the South are witnessing to the fact that they do not think Christianity is doomed. Certain forms might die out. Some new forms we might not like. We might not feel at home in some of the new forms this revival takes. But maybe - just maybe - we are in for a lesson, if we can listen and understand. We are not here to judge. We are here to get better informed, to accompany the development with critical reflection and thus to be inspired in our own thinking of the forms Christianity can take - also in our contexts.
8 The Significance of Pentecostalism in the Third World Allan Anderson 1 Introduction The Pentecostals and Charismatics are the fastest growing movements within Christianity today with over 500 million adherents worldwide, one quarter of the world s Christians, more than the total number of Protestants and Anglicans combined, and predominantly a Third World phenomenon. The greatest growth of Pentecostalism is occurring in the three continents of Africa, Latin America and parts of Asia. This reflection on the growth and significance of Pentecosta-lism examines the fundamental contribution made by these renewal movements to what Harvey Cox has described as the reshaping of religion in the twenty-first century. Pentecostal and Charismatic movements are concerned primarily with the experience of the baptism in the Holy Spirit, accompanied by gifts of the Holy Spirit, especially speaking in tongues, prophecy and healing. The term Pentecostal, taken from the Day of Pentecost experience of Acts 2:4, is probably the distinguishing proof text of Pentecostalism, when believers in Jerusalem were all filled with the Holy Spirit, and began to speak in other tongues as the Spirit gave them utterance. This experience of being filled or baptised with the Holy Spirit is that which distinguishes Pentecostals (in their own view) from other Christians. Following Hollenweger, I intentionally use the term Pentecostal more inclusively here than it is normally used by western Pentecostals, to embrace a wide variety of different movements. Pentecostal roots Pentecostalism s immediate background was the North American Holiness movement based on the teaching of John Wesley, who was himself influenced by the Moravians, an offshoot of German Pietism. Pietism emphasised the importance of feeling in Christian experience and encouraged a personal relationship with God. The Moravian revival movement had a profound effect upon Wesley and the Methodist revival. In some early Methodist revival meetings there were unusual manifestations of the Holy Spirit. Wesley himself said that charismatic gifts were withdrawn when dry, formal, orthodox men began to ridicule them, and that these gifts had returned to some of his fellow Methodists. 1 Allan Anderson is professor at the Research Unit for Pentecostal Studies, Graduate Institute for Theology and Religion, University of Birmingham, Selly Oak, B29 6LQ, England
9 Wesley's doctrine of a second blessing that he called sanctification or perfect love was a central emphasis of early Methodism. This teaching of a crisis experience subsequent to conversion was Wesley s main contribution to Pentecostalism. Eventually, in the late 19th Century a polarisation within Methodism occurred between those who believed Wesley's second blessing teaching and those who did not. The latter remained within main-stream Methodism. The former became the Holiness movement, a reaction to liberalism in established churches and espousing a fundamentalist view of the Bible, the need for a personal and individ-ual experience of conversion and the moral perfection (holiness) of the Christian individual. None of the major churches emphasised these principles and gradually Holiness Churches separated, characterised by revivalism accompanied by ecstatic phenomena, spread through camp meetings held all across North America. In the ten years between 1895 and 1905, over twenty separate Holiness denominations were set up. In this way a door opened for the further fragmentation that later took place within Pentecostalism. The Keswick Convention, which began annual gatherings in England in 1875, recognised two distinct experiences of new birth and the fullness of the Spirit. In the Holiness movement the phrase baptism with the Spirit came to be used increasingly to indicate the second blessing, and towards the end of the 19th Century, some understood Spirit baptism not in terms of holiness but as empowering for service. Evangelist Reuben Torrey, who said that the form of the power received would vary according to different gifts of the Spirit, taught this change in emphasis. Other Holiness teachers said that the spiritual gifts were connected to the power of the Spirit and should still be in operation, and some spoke of Spirit baptism as a third blessing to be sought. The groundwork was laid for the Pentecostal movement. In 1900 Charles Fox Parham, a former Methodist minister, opened Bethel Bible College in Topeka, Kansas and about 40 students were enrolled. Their only textbook was the Bible and Parham gave the students the assignment of discovering some certain common evidence of the baptism in the Holy Spirit, before he left on a preaching trip. The students reached the conclusion that the biblical evidence of the baptism in the Spirit was speaking in tongues, which they told Parham on his return. The 31 December 1900 was set aside for praying for this experience. A watchnight service was held with great expectation. Throughout 1 January they prayed and waited until finally at 11pm, Agnes Ozman asked Parham to lay hands on her to receive the gift of the Spirit. She was reportedly the first to speak in tongues, followed by others in the next three days, including Parham. This can be regarded as the beginning of the classical Pentecostal doctrine of initial evidence.
10 For two years there was little acceptance of this experience. In 1903 Parham preached at Holiness missions in Kansas and Missouri, where there were many experiences of tongues and healings. By 1905 there were said to be about a thousand who had received the baptism in the Spirit, and the movement was now known as the Apostolic Faith. In that year Parham started preaching in Texas and began a Bible College in Houston, where a black preacher named William Joseph Seymour, a son of freed slaves, was allowed to listen to Parham s lectures outside the classroom through a half-opened door, and in spite of this racism he became convinced of Parham's views. The leadership of the movement was soon to pass to Seymour and take on international dimensions. In 1906 Seymour was invited to preach at a black Holiness church in Los Angeles, where his sermon on tongues caused the church building to be locked against him. Members of this church continued meeting in a house with Seymour for prayer. Seymour's black Baptist host asked the preacher to lay hands on him, fell to the floor as if unconscious and began speaking in tongues. Seven others including Seymour were struck from their chairs the same day, receiving the same experience. For three days and nights the house was filled with people praying and rejoicing continuously and loudly. Whites soon joined this group and the house became too small. They moved into a livery shed in Azusa Street (a former building of the African Methodist Episcopal Church) where the Apostolic Faith Mission was born. With a sawdust-sprinkled floor and wooden planks to sit on, daily meetings commenced at about ten in the morning and usually lasted well into the night for the next three years. These services were completely spontaneous, without planned programmes or speakers. The racial integration in these meetings was unique at that time of Jim Crow laws, and people from ethnic minorities discovered the sense of dignity and community denied them in the larger urban culture. For the next three or four years the revival in Azusa Street was the centre of Pentecostalism and the beginning of Pentecostal spirituality and experience, in contrast to the earlier doctrinal beginning with Parham. People came to Azusa Street from all over the western world to see what was happening and be baptised in the Spirit. Adverse press reports helped publicise this revival. Parham came to control this phenomenon and was disgusted by the animalism and particularly by the interracial fellowship. He misinterpreted his authority, was rejected as leader, never reconciled with Seymour and went into obscurity and eventual disgrace. But it is William Seymour and not Parham who must be considered originator of much of present-day Pentecostalism, certainly of those 26 different North American Pentecostal denominations who trace their origins to Azusa Street, including the Assemblies of God. People went
11 there from Europe and other parts of North America and went back with the baptism, and Pentecostal missionaries were sent out all over the world, reaching over 25 nations in two years. But although Azusa Street is probably the most significant cradle of world-wide Pentecostalism, there are significant Pentecostal movements, particularly in Chile, West Africa, Korea and India, which were not directly connected with this revival, developing out of indigenous revival movements of their own. Pentecostal origins in global perspective The debate about the origins of Pentecostalism rages on in North America. Pentecostal historian Augustus Cerillo suggests that there are at least four approaches to this subject, and that one theory of the complex origins of Pentecostalism cannot be emphasized to the exclusion of others. However, the generating stimulus of the movement from a predominantly black church with black leadership, undoubtedly rooted in the African American culture of the 19th Century, is significant. Many of the early manifestations of Pentecostalism were found in the religious expressions of the slaves and were themselves a reflection of the African religious culture from which they had been forcefully abducted. Seymour was deeply affected by black slave spirituality. Black Pentecostal Leonard Lovett says that black Pentecostalism emerged out of the context of the brokenness of black existence... their holistic view of religion had its roots in African religion. Walter Hollenweger considers the main features of this African American spirituality to be oral liturgy, narrative theology and witness, the maximum participation of the whole community in worship and service, the inclusion of visions and dreams into public worship, and understanding the relationship between body and mind manifested by healing through prayer. MacRobert adds that rhythmic hand clapping, the antiphonal participation of the congregation in the sermon, the immediacy of God in the services and baptism by immersion (all common Pentecostal practices) are survivals of Africanisms. These expressions were fundamental to early Pentecostalism and remain in the movement to this day. The African roots of Pentecostalism help explain its significance in the Third World today. But as Robert Anderson observes, a movement which was born of radical social discontent... expended its revolutionary impulses in veiled, ineffectual, displaced attacks that amounted to withdrawal from the social struggle in its subsequent history. This originally working class and racially integrated movement was designed to protest against the social system which marginalised its members, but it eventually functioned in a way that perpetuated that very system. Hollenweger reminds us that it all depends on what we consider to be the essence of Pentecostalism in
12 this debate. Either the essence of Pentecostalism lies in a particular doctrine of a particular experience (speaking in tongues), or else it lies in its oral missionary nature and its ability to break down barriers. For him, the choice is not an historical but a theological one. Cecil Robeck also points out that Seymour and Azusa Street played a more significant role in Pentecos-tal and Charismatic self-definition than Parham s movement had. But for the overwhelming majority of Pentecostals in the world, this is largely an academic, western debate. Azusa Street was certainly significant in reminding North American Pentecostals of their non-racial and ecumenical origins and their ethos. A choice between Parham and Seymour is an important theological decision to make in defining the essence of Pentecosta-lism. The Azusa Street revival has given inspiration to black South African Pentecostals, for many decades denied basic human dignities by their white counterparts, often in the same Pentecostal denomination. Emissaries from Azusa Street and Zion City, Englishman Tom Hezmalhalch and Canadian evangelist John G Lake, who reported back to Seymour, founded the first Pentecostal church in South Africa, the Apostolic Faith Mission, in Henry M Turney, who went to South Africa in 1909 and was associated with the formation of the Assemblies of God there, was also an Azusa Street product. The list of missionaries sent directly or indirectly from Azusa Street is certainly impressive. But there were several places in the world where Pentecostal revival broke out quite independently of the Azusa Street revival and in some cases even predated it. The Korean Pentecost began in 1903 and greatly influenced the present dominance of the Charismatic movement in the Presbyterian and Methodist churches there, many of whose characteristic practices have been absorbed by the classical Pentecostal churches (like Yonggi Cho s famous Yoido Full Gospel Church) that emerged more than fifty years later. In this context, it is important to note which movement preceded which. Korean Pentecostals are unanimous in acknowledging the contribution of the earlier revival to their own movement. Furthermore, in spite of North American missionary participation in this revival, early Korean revival leaders in the Presbyterian and Methodist churches were probably much more Pentecostal and indigenous in their ecstatic manifestations than the missionaries would have wanted them to be. In India, the revival at Pandita Ramabai s Mukti Mission in Poona, in which several young Indian women baptized by the Spirit had seen visions, fallen into trances and spoken in tongues, was understood by Ramabai herself to be the means by which the Holy Spirit was creating an indigenous form of Indian Christianity. The Apostolic
13 Faith, Azusa Street s newsletter, greeted news of the Indian revival in its November 1906 issue with Hallelujah! God is sending the Pentecost to India. He is no respecter of persons. There is no mention of missionaries or of Ramabai s mission, but it suggests that there, natives... simply taught of God were responsible for the outpouring of the Spirit, and that the gifts of the Spirit were given to simple, unlearned members of the body of Christ. Another report on the revival in India is printed in The Apostolic Faith the following month. Pentecostal missionaries worked with the Mukti Mission for many years and Ramabai received support from the fledgling Pentecostal movement in Britain. However, as Satyavrata has pointed out, the original Pentecostal outpouring in India took place much earlier than Mukti, in Tamil Nadu in 1860 under the Tamil evangelist Aroolappen. Although the Mukti revival itself may not have resulted directly in the formation of Pentecostal churches, it had other far-reaching consequences that penetrated parts of the world untouched by Azusa Street. Methodist missionary Minnie Abrams received Spirit baptism at Mukti and communicated the news with her friends the Hoovers in Chile, where the first Pentecostal revival in South America began in The Chilean movement was unconnected with North American Pentecostalism and Hoover became founder of an autonomous and indigenous Chilean church. The Assembléias de Deus began in Brazil in 1911 as the Apostolic Faith Mission, three years before the Assemblies of God was constituted in the USA. There are far more Assemblies of God members in Brazil than in the USA today, and in fact more than in any other country. Douglas Petersen has shown that in Central America (the region closest for North American missionaries), strong Pentecostal churches emerged with little external assistance or foreign control. There were revivalists all over the world unconnected with North American Pentecostalism. In the Ivory Coast and the Gold Coast (now Ghana), the Liberian Kru, William Wade Harris spearheaded a revival in 1914 quite distinct from the western Pentecostal movement, but with many Pentecostal phenomena including healing and speaking in tongues. This was the largest ingathering of Africans to Christianity the continent had ever seen. In China, indigenous evangelists crisscrossed that vast nation with a Pentecostal message similar to but distinct from its western counterpart, resulting in the formation of independent Chinese Pentecostal churches. In fact, untold thousands of Pentecostal preachers in Latin America, Africa and Asia were responsible for the spread of the Pentecostal message into the furthest corners of the globe. This was not primarily a movement from home to abroad, but much more from abroad to abroad. One of the greatest disservices we do the worldwide Pentecostal movement is to assume that this is a made in the USA product. Los
14 Angeles becomes the Jerusalem from which the full gospel reaches out to the nations of earth. There were in fact many Jerusalems : Pyongyang, Beijing, Poona, Wakkerstroom, Lagos, Valparaiso, Belem, Oslo and Sunderland, among others. Pentecostalism has had many beginnings, and there are many Pentecostalisms. This may be one of the most important reconstructions necessary in Pentecostal historiography. The 1988 edition of the Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements is predominantly North American in focus, with some attention given to Europe, but the world of the great majority of Pentecostals is almost entirely absent. The editors are aware of this in their Preface, but betray their presupposi-tions there too: It is necessary first to concentrate on North America and Europe, where classical Pentecostalism and the charismatic movement originate. Of course, the editors probably didn t have access to this information in the first place. An obscure history of Pentecostalism has been taken for granted for so long that the multitudes of nameless ones responsible for the grassroots expansion of the movement have passed into history unremembered, and their memory is now very difficult to retrieve. Everett Wilson s essay on Pentecostal historiography warns us of the futility of expecting either to find a homogeneous Pentecostal type at the beginning or to assume that the experience of the first set of Pentecostals provides a model for the future. He says that it is the ordinary people, people who were not at all certain where they were going who carried the movement through its various stages to make an impact. He points out that the future of Pentecostalism lies not with the North Americans but with the autonomous churches in the Third World, whose origins often predate those of the classical Pentecostals in the West. Global expansion Many of the first Pentecostals believed that they had been given foreign languages through Spirit baptism by which to preach the gospel throughout the world. The first North American missionaries who went out after the Azusa Street revival were self-supporting. Alfred and Lilian Garr, who believed they had spoken in Bengali when they received the Spirit at Azusa Street, left Los Angeles for India, arriving in Calcutta in 1907, where they were invited to conduct Pentecostal revival services in a Baptist church. Quite independently of this event and only eight kilometres away, a revival broke out in a girls orphanage run by Fanny Simpson, a Methodist missionary from Boston, who was thereupon dismissed and sent back to the United States. She returned to India as a Pentecostal missionary in 1920 and set up another orphanage in Purulia.
15 Others left for the Bahamas in 1910 and for British East Africa in Two single women, Kathleen Miller and Lucy James, left for India from Britain under the Pentecostal Missionary Union in 1909, followed by four others a year later. One of these, John Beruldsen, spent 35 years in North China. Pentecostal phenomena broke out in a missionary convention in Taochow, China in 1912 when William Simpson, missionary in China and Tibet for many years, became a Pentecostal. North American revivalist Willis Hoover, Methodist minister in Valparaiso, Chile, had heard of the orphanage revival in Mukti and that in Oslo among his fellow Methodists. The revival in his church in 1909 resulted in Hoover s expulsion from the Methodist Church in 1910 and the formation of the Methodist Pentecostal Church, to become an indigenous church and the largest non-catholic denomination in Chile, where Pentecostals now constitute 15% of the total population. In 1909 the Pentecostal message was taken to Italian communities in Brazil by Luis Francescon, to become the first Pentecostal denomination in that country, the Congregação Cristã, today with over 3 million members. In 1910 two Swedish immigrants, Gunnar Vingren and Daniel Berg, began what became the Assembléias de Deus (Assemblies of God) in Brazil, now with an estimated 14 million affiliates in 1990, over half of the total number of Brazilian Pentecostals and 16% of the total population. This church is the largest non-catholic denomination in Latin America and the largest Pentecostal denomination in the world. The healing campaigns of North American Pentecostalism, which contributed to the growth of western forms of Pentecostalism in many parts of the world, developed after the Second World War and had their peak in the fifties. Leading independent healing evangelists at this time were William Branham, TL Osborne, Oral Roberts and Tommy Hicks, and remarkable healings and miracles were reported in their campaigns. First Branham and later Roberts were probably the most widely travelled and acclaimed. Hicks was responsible for a revival in Argentina in 1954 resulting in accelerated growth among Pentecostal churches there, and Osborne had large crowds at his crusades in Africa. But quite apart from these efforts of North American Pentecostals, Pentecostalism continued to expand in the Third World in many different forms. Taken as a whole, the Pentecostal movement is the fastest growing section of Christianity this century, one of the most remarkable occurrences in church history. Almost a century after Azusa Street, there is an estimated 524 million Penteco-stals/ Charismatics, or 26% of the world s Christian population. Statisticians Barrett and Johnson calculate that if present trends continue, the figure is likely to rise to 812 million or 31% of the Christian world total by Furthermore, two thirds of Pentecosta-lism is now a Third World movement, and only a quarter of
16 its members are white. There are many movements throughout the world, like the thousands of African initiated churches, which are phenomenologically pentecostal movements but have developed a form of Christianity quite distinct from western Pentecostalism. Pentecostals have taken on considerably diverse characteristics in different parts of the world largely because freedom in the Spirit often allows them to be more flexible in developing their own culturally relevant forms of expression. In recent years, the greatest increases in Pentecostalism have been in sub-saharan Africa, Indonesia (where there are some six million Pentecostals today), the Philippines, South Korea, China and especially in Latin America, where the growth has been so phenomenal that scholars are asking whether the continent is turning Protestant. In Brazil, Chile, Guatemala and Nicaragua, Pentecostals far outnumber all other Protestants and may soon be the majority of the population. In Brazil and Nicaragua they are 16-20% of the population, and in Guatemala, 25-30%. Pentecostals are also growing rapidly in the Caribbean, particularly in Jamaica, Puerto Rico and Haiti. In Africa today, the largest non-catholic denomination in Ghana and the largest denomination in Zimbabwe are Pentecostal. In West Africa in particular, but throughout Africa in general, Pentecostalism is by far the most rapidly expanding Christian movement, and Pentecostal forms of Christianity are fast becoming the dominant expression of Christianity there. The rapidly growing house church movement in China is mostly of an indigenous pentecostal type, said to number over fifty million. The largest Christian congregation in the world, with 700,000 members in 2000 is the Yoido Full Gospel Church in Seoul, Korea, affiliated to the Assemblies of God. Enormous buildings holding thousands of worshippers reflect the emerging Pentecostal middle class in some parts of the world. Pentecostals in the Third World, however, are usually and predominantly grassroots move-ments appealing especially to the disadvantaged and underprivileged. Many, if not most, of the rapidly growing Christian churches in the Third World are pentecostal, indigenous, and operate independently of western Pentecostalism. The phenomenon is so significant that the author of The Secular City, Harvey Cox, in his Fire from Heaven, reverses his well-known position on secularisation. He now speaks of Pentecostalism as a manifestation of the unanticipated reappearance of primal spirituality in our time. Since the 1980s large independent Pentecostal congregations have sprung up all over the world, particularly in Africa, Latin America and North America, some of which form loose co-operative associations. There were an estimated 100,000 White-led independent Charismatic churches in 1988, mostly in North America. In many parts of Africa the
17 new Pentecostals are the fastest growing section of Christianity, appealing especially to younger, educated urban people. Some of these churches have been criticised for propagating a prosperity gospel that seems to reproduce a form of North American capitalism in Christian guise. But there is a danger of generalising in making this assessment, especially when there might be a failure to appreciate the reconstruc-tion and innovations made by these new Pentecostals in adapting to a radically different context. Types of Pentecostal movements Those Pentecostal churches whose historical origins are found at the beginning of this century in the USA and who subscribe to the initial evidence theory that speaking in tongues is the evidence of the baptism in the Spirit are sometimes referred to as Classical Pentecos-tals. The largest of these denominations is the Assemblies of God, mainly a white church in the USA but largest in Brazil. Classical Pentecostals are themselves divided into various types, which are as distinct as other divisions within Protestantism. Henry Lederle speaks of three main doctrinal groupings of Classical Pentecostals: (1) Wesleyan-Holiness Pentecostals are three stage Pentecostals who hold three distinct experiences of salvation, sanctification and Spirit baptism. They include the large, predominantly black Church of God in Christ, the Church of God (Cleveland) and the Pentecostal Holiness Church, among others, all of which were a direct development from the Holiness Movement. The largest Black-led churches in Britain are of this type. (2) Baptistic Pentecostals are two stage, developing after the finished work controversy initiated by William Durham of Chicago, in which sanctification is regarded as a progressive work beginning at salvation, and involving the two experiences of salvation and Spirit baptism. The Assemblies of God and the international Church of the Foursquare Gospel are the largest of these in North America. (3) Oneness Pentecostals are mostly two stage churches, develop-ing after the new issue division of 1916 that rejected Trinitarianism for a form of monistic unitarianism. The largest of these churches is the United Pentecostal Church, which is particularly strong in Colombia. In reality, the division between Wesleyan-Holiness and Baptistic Trinitarian Pentecostals is no longer as distinctive as it used to be. Most Classical Pentecostals in the USA practise adult baptism by immersion. In other parts of the world, Pentecostalism has taken on many forms quite different from those of North America, and in a global
18 context the North American types are not really meaningful. The Methodist Pentecostal Church, largest Pentecostal denomination in Chile, for example, practises infant baptism and follows some Methodist liturgy. Many Pentecostal groups, including some of the largest Pentecostal churches in Europe and Latin America and many in the so-called Charismatic Movement, do not insist on the initial evidence of tongues. Some groups, particularly older African initiated pentecostal churches, use more ritual symbolism in their liturgy than others do. It may be very difficult to conclude what is meant by pentecostal today, but perhaps the term is best understood as referring to those movements with an emphasis on the experience of the power of the Holy Spirit with accompanying manifestations of the imminent presence of God. Walter Hollenweger has classified Pentecostalism into three broad types: (1) Classical Pentecostals; (2) the Charismatic renewal move-ment; and (3) Pentecostal or pentecostal-like indigenous churches in the Third World. There are other terms which are used like neo-pentecostal, referring to those churches and movements which have their origins in the Charismatic Movement which began in 1960, including the so-called non-denominational and new churches. Some of these churches have departed quite significantly in many respects from the Classical position and some are also referred to as Third Wave churches (such as the Vineyard Association founded by John Wimber). There are also very large numbers of Catholic Pentecos-tals who retain their allegiance to Rome. Pentecosta-lism must be seen as a movement that has many widely divergent forms, rather than as a homogeneous denomination. Robert Anderson points out that whereas western Classical Pentecostals usually define themselves in terms of the doctrine of initial evidence, the Pentecostal movement is more correctly seen in a much broader context. It should be seen as a movement concerned primarily with the experience of the working of the Holy Spirit and the practice of spiritual gifts.
19 Pentecostals in Africa: The Shape of Future Christianity? Allan Anderson The new factor in African Christianity The role of a new and rapidly growing form of African Christianity,2 here called newer Pentecostal and Charismatic churches (NPCs), is increasingly being recognized.3 This movement, which has only emerged since 1970, is fast becoming one of the most significant expressions of Christianity on the continent, especially in Africa s cities. We cannot understand African Christianity today without also understanding this latest movement of revival and renewal. Ogbu Kalu calls this new Pentecostalism in Africa the third response to white cultural domination and power in the church, the former two responses being Ethiopianism and the Aladura/ Zionist churches.4 I would argue that this newer Pentecostal and Charismatic movement is not fundamentally different from the Holy Spirit movements and so-called prophet-healing and spiritual churches that preceded it in the African Initiated Churches (AICs),5 but it is a continuation of them in a very different context. The older prophet-healing AICs, the classical Pentecostals and the newer Pentecostal churches have all responded to the existential needs of the African worldview. They have all offered a personal encounter with God through the power of the Spirit, healing from sickness and deliverance from evil in all its manifestations, spiritual, social and structural. This is not to say that there are no tensions or differences between the new and the old AICs, which will be obvious in this article. In a study of NPCs in north-east Zimbabwe, David Maxwell points out that many Christian movements in Africa (and, in fact, all over the world) have begun as 2 This paper is based on Chapter 8 of Allan Anderson, African Reformation: African Initiated Christianity in the Twentieth Century (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2001). I have opted for newer rather than new because some of these churches have been established for almost three decades. 3 David Maxwell, Witches, Prophets and Avenging Spirits: The Second Christian Movement in North-East Zimbabwe, Journal of Religion in Africa 25:3, 1995, 313; Paul Gifford, African Christianity: Its Public Role, (London: Hurst, 1998) 31; Anderson, Zion and Pentecost: The Spirituality and Experience of Pentecostal and Zionist/ Apostolic Churches in South Africa, (Pretoria: University of South Africa Press, 2000) Ogbu U. Kalu, The Third Response: Pentecostalism and the Reconstruction of Christian Experience in Africa, , Journal of African Christian Thought, 1:2, 1998, 3. 5 The terms African Independent Church and African Indigenous Church have been substituted more recently with African Initiated Church or African Initiated Church, all using the now familiar acronym AIC.
20 movements of youth and women. The new churches give opportuni-ties not afforded them by patriarchal and gerontocratic religions that have lost their charismatic power. As Maxwell points out, even the older Pentecostal churches, whether AICs or founded by western missions, can lose their pentecostal vigour through a process of bureaucratization and ageing.6 The entrance and pervading influence of many different kinds of NPCs on the African Christian scene now makes it even more difficult, if not impossible, to put AICs and African Pentecostalism into types and categories. It is becoming increasingly difficult to define Pentecos-tal precisely, and persisting with narrow perceptions of the term escapes reality. In the West, a limited, rather stereotyped and dogmatic understanding of Pentecostal fails to recognize the great variety of different pentecostal movements in most of the rest of the world, many of which arose quite independently of western Pentecostalism and even of Azusa Street. The Pentecostal and Charismatic movement is better understood as a movement concerned primarily with the experience of the working of the Holy Spirit and the practice of spiritual gifts. In this sense, in Africa the term would include the majority of older Spirit type AICs, those classical Pentecostals originating in western Pentecostal missions, and those newer independent churches, fellowships and ministries in Africa which are the focus of this paper. It is in this sense that we refer to these various movements as newer Pentecostals and of course, the term Pentecostal would also apply to a great number of other, older kinds of AICs which emphasize the Holy Spirit in the church. The classical or denominational Pentecostals (like the Assemblies of God and the Church of God) are also a very active and growing phenomenon throughout Africa, and undoubtedly played a significant role in the emergence of some of these newer groups. But as these were founded by missionaries mostly from Britain and North America although with more African involvement in leadership and financial independence than was the case in most of the older missionary founded churches these classical Pentecostals cannot be regarded primarily as African initiated movements, even though most of their proliferation was due to the untiring efforts of African preachers. Pentecostal churches of western origins have operated in Africa for most of the 20th Century. We know that Pentecostal missionaries from Azusa Street first went to Liberia, Kenya and South Africa in 1907 and 1908, and some died there. Most of classical Pentecostal churches in Africa trace their historical origins to the impetus generated by the Azusa Street Revival, which sent out missionaries to fifty nations within two 6 Maxwell, Witches,
21 years. 7 The connections between this classical Pentecostal movement and AICs throughout Africa have been amply demon-strated. 8 Some classical Pentecostal churches have become vibrant and rapidly expanding African churches throughout the continent, in particular the Assemblies of God, which operates in most countries of the Sub-Sahara. Throughout the history of AICs there has been a predominance of Pentecostal features and phenomena. Harvey Cox is at least partly correct to refer to the Apostolic/ Zionist churches in Southern Africa, the Lumpa Church in Zambia and the Kimbanguist church in the Congo as the African expression of the worldwide Pentecostal movement, but these churches do not usually define themselves in this way. Nevertheless, not enough attention has been given to this resonance, although Paul Gifford is right to question whether the older AICs can be regarded as paradigmatic of the Pentecostal movement in Africa.9 The new Pentecostal and Charis-matic churches more typically represent the Pentecostal movement in Africa is today. The development of newer churches In the 1970s, partly as a reaction to the bureaucratization process in established churches, new independent Pentecostal and Charismatic churches began to emerge all over Africa, but especially in West Africa. Many of these vigorous new churches were influenced by the Pentecostal and Charismatic movements in Europe and North America and by established Pentecostal churches in Africa. However, it must be remembered that these churches were largely independent of foreign churches and had an African foundation. Many arose in the context of interdenominational and evangelical campus and school Christian organizations, from which young charismatic leaders emerged with significant followings, and often the NPCs eventually replaced the former interdenominational movements. 10 At first they were 7 Walter J. Hollenweger, The Pentecostals, (London: SCM, 1972) 22-4; Vinson Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Tradition: Charismatic Movements in the Twentieth Century, (Grand Rapids & Cambridge, 1997) Anderson, African Reformation, chapters 4-7; Allan H. Anderson & Gerald J. Pillay, The Segregated Spirit: The Pentecostals, Elphick, Richard & Davenport, Rodney (eds.), Christianity in South Africa: A Political, Social & Cultural History, (Oxford: James Currey & Cape Town: David Philip, 1997) 228-9; Allan H. Anderson, Dangerous Memories for South African Pentecos-tals, Anderson, Allan H. & Hollenweger, Walter J. (eds.), Pentecostals After a Century: Global Perspectives on a Movement in Transition (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999) 88-92; id., Bazalwane: African Pentecostals in South Africa, (Pretoria: University of South Africa Press) Harvey Cox, Fire from Heaven: the Rise of Pentecostal Spirituality and the Reshaping of Religion in the Twentieth-First Century, (London: Cassell, 1996) 246; Gifford, African Christianity, Kwabena J. Asamoah-Gyadu, Traditional missionary Christianity and new religious movements in Ghana, MTh thesis, Accra: University of Ghana, 1996; Kalu, Third Response, 7.
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