The Jungle of Food Labels

Transkript

1 The Jungle of Food Labels A study of the Danish consumers' perceptions and attitudes towards food labels in an individual and sociocultural context Writers Camilla Schytte Andersen, Johanne Nini Eriksen, Supervisor Heidi Boye, Department of Marketing Copenhagen Business School Cand.Merc. MCM The 20 th of August 2012 No. of pages/stu: 119,6/

2 Executive summary Background: During the last 20 years, the number of consumer labels has exploded resulting in 50 labels in the Danish market place. These labels are intended to make it easier for the Danish consumers to choose the right products, whereby a paradox seems to have arisen between the purpose and the amount of labels. The objective: The increasing amount of labels impact must be understood in the light of the consumers relationship to these labels. Thus, the objective of this thesis is to achieve an understanding of the Danish consumers perceptions and attitudes towards food labels in an individual and sociocultural context. The term food label underlines the thesis focus on consumer labels on foods. Philosophical- and theoretical foundation: Social constructivism serves as the scientific foundation of the thesis, whereby hermeneutics and dialectics play a central role. Thus, theories belonging to the interpretive turn of research of consumer behaviour are used to understand the results of our studies. Methods: The thesis is built around a partnership model as we have conducted our studies in corporation with Omnicom Media Group. Through this corporation, we have gained access to the data from a quantitative e-survey and we have participated in the carrying out of 15 qualitative in-depth interviews. Thus, the thesis takes a multi-methodical approach. Findings: The interpretation of the results from the two studies generated four themes. Food labels as a jungle deals with the consumers confusion about the amount of labels. Food labels as the bleeding obvious refers to the perception of nutritional food labels as paternalism. Food labels as dogmatism deals with the perception of the red Ø-logo as fake, whereas Food labels as symbols of the conscious consumer refers to the perception of this label as the right thing to buy and as an expression of personal attitudes and convictions. Conclusions and managerial implications: The four themes indicate the multifarious perceptions and attitudes towards food labels. For some consumers, nutritional food labels are perceived as restrictions, whereas the organic food label is perceived as fraud by others. Others perceive the red Ø-logo as a part of their lifestyles and identities. Additionally, most of the consumers are confused about the amount of labels. Thus, our findings have resulted in five recommendations to the Danish authorities and producers of foods: Reduce the amount of food labels Different target audiences different communication Lay down guidelines for consistent communication Different food labels different communication Narrate the good story

3 Acknowledgement First of all, we would like to thank Heidi Boye for her time and engagement and especially for being such a big inspiration to us. Then we would like to thank Omnicon Media Group for letting us be part of their retail study.

4 Table of contents PART Chapter 1: Introduction Problem clarification Research Question Elaboration of research question Partnership model Delimitation Structure of thesis... 7 PART Chapter 2: Philosophy of science Social constructivism Methodology Research design Our prejudices...14 PART Chapter 3: Theoretical framework...17 Chapter 4: Society and Consumer Contours of the Danish society Food labels raison d être Governmental discipline Who is expert in the expert systems? The producers input to the health discourse Creation and transfer of meaning in the late modern society Summary of society and consumer...29 Chapter 5: Trust and complexity Increased complexity Perceived complexity Consumer choice under different forms of perceived complexity Gaining trust in the late modern society Summary of trust and complexity...35 Chapter 6: Identity construction among consumers The reflexive consumption Food labels as symbols You are what you consume Summary of identity construction among consumers...41 PART Chapter 7: Quantitative e-survey The purpose of the e-survey The questionnaire Data collection The quality of the e-survey Analysis of data and results...47 Chapter 8: Qualitative in-depth interviews The purpose of the in-depth interviews The interview guide The in-depth interviews The quality of the interviews Analysis of data and results...54 PART Chapter 9: Food labels as a jungle Consumer knowledge of food labels...57

5 9.2 The extreme amount of food labels Dilution of the value of food labels Summary of food labels as a jungle...65 Chapter 10: Food labels as The Bleeding Obvious Why is there only one way to do it right? Nutritional food labels as paternalism Consumers as sheep Summary of food labels as the bleeding obvious...74 Chapter 11: Food labels as dogmatism Ignorance of the red Ø-logo The fake red Ø-logo The organic freaks Summary of food labels as dogmatism...81 Chapter 12: Food labels as symbols of the conscious consumer The Smiley metaphor Organic products = The ideal choice The red Ø-logo as an expression of your political and ethical position The status symbol of red Ø-logo Summary of food labels as symbols of the conscious consumer...92 PART Chapter 13: Managerial implications Challenges and opportunities The challenge of the amount of food labels The challenge of the multifarious attitudes towards the food labels The challenge of the dissimilar nature of the different food labels The opportunity of the narrative of the eggs...99 Chapter 14: Critical reflections The Partnership Model The quantitative e-survey Qualitative in-depth interviews Theoretical reflections Chapter 15: Conclusion Chapter 16: Putting into perspective and future research Putting into perspective Suggestions for future research Bibliography Appendices Appendix 1: Presentation of OMG Appendix 2: Flowchart of Retail Study Appendix 3: Quantitative questionnaire Appendix 4: Quantitative results Appendix 5: Qualitative interview guide Appendix 6: Transcription of interview with Andreas Appendix 7: Transcription of interview with Anna Appendix 8: Transcription of interview with Børge Appendix 9: Transcription of interview with Carina Appendix 10: Transcription of interview with Carla Appendix 11: Transcription of interview with Ebbe Appendix 12: Transcription of interview with Flemming & Christine Appendix 13: Transcription of interview with Gurli Appendix 14: Transcription of interview with Jakob Appendix 15: Transcription of interview with Jens-Peter Appendix 16: Transcription of interview with Jette

6 Appendix 17: Transcription of interview with Lene Appendix 18: Transcription of interview with Liselotte Appendix 19: Transcription of interview with Morten Appendix 20: Transcription of interview with Sune List of figures: Figure 1: Structure of thesis Figure 2: Overview of Research Design Figure 3: Movement of Meaning Figure 4: Consumer choice under different forms of perceived complexity Figure 5: Four metaphors for consuming Figure 6: Knowledge of food labels Figure 7: Usage of food labels Figure 8: Understandings of the red Ø-logo Figure 9: Understandings of the Keyhole symbol Figure 10: Understandings of the Whole-Grain logo

7 Part 1: Introduction, Chapter 1 m PART 1 Introduction Chapter 1 Part one serves as the introductory part, in which we introduce and clarify the problem of the thesis. The research question and the elaboration of it is presented. Furthermore, we introduce our partnership model with OMG and our delimitation. Finally, the structure of the thesis is presented. 1

8 Part 1: Introduction, Chapter 1 Chapter 1: Introduction There exist consumer labels 1 for ecology, for animal welfare, for the environment, for fair trade and for health (Konkurrence- og Forbrugerstyrelsen 2011). This is just to name a few. Almost everything can get and is getting a consumer label today. During the last 20 years, the number of consumer labels has exploded resulting in no less than 50 labels in the Danish market place (Ibid.). These consumer labels are intended to make it easier for the Danish consumers to choose the right products by appearing as informative symbols of the products content and origin (Rantorp 2011). In this way, the consumer labels serve as guides towards a desired behaviour. For instance, the Danish population is increasingly becoming obese due to poor nutrition, dietary habits and sedentary lifestyles, resulting in nearly 34 % of those aged minimum 15 years old being considered overweight in 2010 (Euromonitor International 2011). In order to oppose this negative development, the Danish authorities have introduced consumer labels, such as the Keyhole symbol and the Whole-Grain logo, to point out healthy foods (Ministry of Food, Agriculture and Fisheries 2006). However, a paradox seems to have arisen between the purpose of the consumer labels and the amount of labels. Do the Danish consumers have enough knowledge about all 50 consumer labels in order to use them as informative guides in the search for the right products? Experts seem to agree about the increasing amount of labels have resulted in confusion among consumers (Ritzau 2011). However, the experts solutions to this problem do not have the same similar sound. Some experts believe that the consumer labels should be exterminated in order to excite consumers common sense. Others believe that the solution is to reduce the amount of consumer labels. Additionally, the Danish Consumer Council recommends that consumers thoroughly study the content of the consumer labels (Rantorp 2011).Whether the solution is to exterminate consumer labels, decrease the amount of labels, to get consumers to actively familiarize themselves with all the labels or perhaps a fourth alternative remain unanswered. However, answering this question is not the most important aspect of the problem. The crucial question to be answered lies within the understanding of the Danish consumers perception and attitude towards these consumer labels. This relationship needs to be fully understood in order to assess which impact the increasing amount of consumer labels have on consumers choice. 1.1 Problem clarification The paradox between the purpose of consumer labels and the amount of labels is related to consumer s choice of products and thus, it is located in the context of consumer behaviour. According to Solomon et al. 1 Consumer labels cover all the different types of labels and are referring to the Danish terms forbrugermærker, mærkningsordninger and mærkninger. There is no consistent use of the term in Danish 2

9 Part 1: Introduction, Chapter 1 (2010), the field of consumer behaviour covers a lot of ground: it is the study of the processes involved when individuals or groups select, purchase, use or dispose of products, services, ideas or experiences to satisfy needs and desires (Solomon 2010:6). In this light, it is important to narrow down the field of consumer behaviour directed by the primary problem related to the area of interest. In relation to consumer labels, the primary problem is related to the amount of labels resulting in increasing options for the consumers. These increasing options represent increasing number of attributes that the consumers must evaluate in order to make a choice. As the number of attributes increases, the perceived complexity in relation to product choice increases correspondingly (Hansen 2005). Perceived complexity is related to the consumer s knowledge structures constituted by the concepts and categories, which the consumer uses for interpretation and evaluation of the world (Hansen 2005, McCracken 1988a). These knowledge structures are influenced by the cultural values and social norms that constitute the culture that the consumer is a part of (Thomsen, Hansen 2006). This means that the consumer s established knowledge structures will have an impact on how the complexity, caused by the increasing amount of consumer labels, will be perceived. Thus, it is necessary to get an understanding of the culture that the consumer is a part of and how the premises of that culture influence the consumer, in order to get a grasp of this consumers relationship to consumer labels. Furthermore, the Danish consumers relationship to consumer labels must be understood in the light of how these labels encourage to the creation of a certain lifestyle. This is due to the fact that the consumers daily routines, including choice of consumer labelled products, are reflections of the consumers lifestyles. Thus, consumer labels come to serve as a material form to a particular narrative of the consumers identities (Giddens 1991b). Therefore, the Danish consumers relationship to consumer labels must be understood in the light of how these labels contribute to the creation of a certain lifestyle and in light of the premises of the culture that the consumers are a part of. Therefore, the thesis has an understanding aim (Andersen 1998). This understanding deals with consumer labels as a concept and not with the consumers relationship to one particular label. This is due to the fact that we have encountered several studies of consumer labels in isolation, whereby the problem that spring from the amount of labels is not taken into account. As the primary problem seems to revolve around the amount of labels, we find it relevant to make a study of the consumers relationship to these labels as a whole. 3

10 Part 1: Introduction, Chapter Research Question In the light of the problem clarification, the thesis research question is: The objective of the thesis is to achieve an understanding of the Danish consumers perceptions and attitudes towards food labels in an individual and sociocultural context The research question will be addressed by answering the following five sub-questions: 1. What entitles food labels to be present on the Danish market? 2. How does the amount of food labels influence the consumers relationship to food labels? 3. How does the culture, which the consumers are a part of, influence the consumers relationship to food labels? 4. How do food labels contribute to the consumers lifestyle? 5. Which challenges and opportunities stem from the consumers relationship to food labels? 1.3 Elaboration of research question In order to clarify the research question, it is necessary to decompose the different parts of this question and define the concepts. In the context of consumer behaviour, perception is related to the process in which marketing stimulus is absorbed by the consumer and used to interpret the surrounding world. Therefore, perception is closely related to the concept of interpretation, which allows food labels to be assigned meaning. Consumers make sense of their world through interpretation and this interpretation is often shared by others; thus forming cultures (Solomon 2010). Attitude is a term that can take many forms ranging from a person s opinion to a person s behaviour. In the thesis, the concept is related to the evaluation of an object as attitudes are determined by the consumer s motives (Ibid.). Furthermore, we need to elaborate on the concept of food labels. We have chosen this term, instead of consumer labels, in order to emphasize the thesis focus on labels on foods, cf. 1.5 Delimitation. As mentioned in footnote 1, there is no consistent term for these labels. Thus, it is necessary to emphasize that food labels refer to those labels that as a symbol is designed to inform consumers about the content and origin of a product. In this way, the concept is closely related to American Marketing Association s definition of a brand, which is defined as a name, term, sign, symbol, or design, or a combination of them, intended to identify the goods and services of one seller or group of sellers and to differentiate them from those of competition (Keller 2008:2). Furthermore, food labels are not limited to a particular brand, but can be placed on multiple brands. 4

11 Part 1: Introduction, Chapter 1 The term individual is related to the creation of consumers identities by the means of the products that they surround themselves with. In this way, the type of foods being bought and consumed contributes to consumers identities (Solomon 2010). Furthermore, this consumption is evaluated by other consumers, which leads to the necessity of defining the term sociocultural. Grant Mccracken (McCracken 1988a) defines culture as: First, culture is the lens through which the individual views phenomena; as such, it determines how the phenomena will be apprehended and assimilated. Second, culture is the blueprint of human activity, determining the co-ordinates of social action and productive activity, and specifying the behaviours and objects that issue from both (McCracken 1986:72). In this way, the culture is setting the norms that govern behaviour in a society. Additionally, the term socio is related to social influence and thus how behaviour is being influenced in social settings (Solomon 2010). Therefore, consumption is a social act and a cultural event implying that people not only consume products for their technical functions, but also because of their symbolic meaning (Østergaard, Jantzen 2000). 1.4 Partnership model The thesis is built around a partnership model as we have conducted our studies in corporation with the media agency, Omnicom Media Group 2 (OMG) 3. OMG initiated in January 2012 a larger study of the Danish retail trade with the objective of creating insights about the Danish consumers attitudes, convictions, lifestyle, behaviour, consumption patterns and media habits 4. Food labels were naturally a part of this study and we became responsible for this part. The partnership model worked in the way that we gained access to all of the data from the entire study, and we were active participants in the collection and the analysis of some of the data. In this way, we worked as collaborators in the retail study on equal terms with the other OMG employees on the team. One of the advantages with this corporation was that we collected the data as professionals and not as students and writers of a thesis, whereby we gained access to a broad section of the Danish population, which is more representative than if we have had to find the respondents ourselves. 1.5 Delimitation Every academic research will leave several themes and notions untouched, whereby delimitation is necessary in order to address the research question as focused as possible. We have made delimitation in relation to the amount of consumer labels in order to define a specific lens of investigation. As mentioned, we have limited the focus to consumer labels on foods and thus using the term food labels. Additionally, we have made delimitation in the direction of governmental food labels at the expense of private food labels. The difference between these two types of labels lies within the issuer of the 2 View appendix 1 (Presentation of OMG) for more information 3 We will refer to Omnicom Media Group as OMG in the rest of the thesis 4 View appendix 2 (Flowchart of Retail Study) for more information 5

12 Part 1: Introduction, Chapter 1 labels. Private food labels, such as Fair Trade, are initiated by private organisations whereas governmental food labels, such as the red Ø-logo, are initiated by the Danish authorities (Konkurrence- og Forbrugerstyrelsen 2011). This delimitation is made in order to focus the study on those food labels working as guides for the consumers and are not related to profit (Fødevarestyrelsen 2012a). Furthermore, we have chosen three governmental food labels; the red Ø-logo, the Whole-Grain logo and the Keyhole symbol. It is important to emphasize that these labels are being used as a lens of investigation in order to address the research question, rather than being the object of the thesis in itself. Therefore, we do not provide a thorough presentation and analysis of the individual labels as well as we do not address their current strengths and challenges. Thus, the thesis will not take the form of a traditional marketing planning assignment. However, we will reflect on how the Danish authorities and the producers of foods can use the insights that we have created through our studies about the Danish consumers relationship to food labels, in chapter 13. We have made delimitations in relation to our partnership model with OMG. Through this corporation, we have gained access to a lot of information and knowledge about the Danish consumers behaviour in a lot of different areas besides food labels. However, we have omitted all knowledge not dealing directly with food labels in order to ensure focus. Among others, this means that we have carried out studies that we will not include the results of, in the thesis. Finally, we find it relevant to emphasize that as our studies focus on the Danish consumers relationship to food labels and as we acknowledge that these labels might be perceived differently in countries other than Denmark, the results of this thesis will be delimited to apply only in a Danish context. 6

13 Part 1: Introduction, Chapter Structure of thesis In the following figure, the overall structure of the thesis will be illustrated and shortly presented. Figure 1: Structure of thesis (Own illustration) Part 1 (chapter 1) serves as the introductory part, in which we introduce and clarify the problem of the thesis. The research question and the elaboration of it is presented. Furthermore, we introduce our partnership model with OMG and our delimitation. Finally, the structure of the thesis is presented. Part 2 (chapter 2) deals with the thesis philosophy of science. The main focus is on methodology, whereby the thesis research design is argued for and shortly presented in outline. Finally, our prejudices about food labels are presented. Part 3 (chapter 3-6) serves as the theoretical foundation of the thesis. Firstly, the theoretical framework is determined within different perspectives on consumer research. Subsequently, the field of food labels is explained by the means of different theories belonging to this theoretical framework. Part 4 (chapter 7-8) deals with the chosen methods in details. The carrying out and the quality assurance of the e-survey and the in-depth interviews are stated. Finally, the analysis of the data is explained and the results are shortly presented. 7

14 Part 1: Introduction, Chapter 1 Part 5 (chapter 9-12) presents the empirical findings by analysing and discussing the results of our studies in a theoretical perspective. We identified four different themes, which we will go through individually. Part 6 (chapter 13-16) serves as the concluding part of the thesis, in which we will discuss our findings and turn them into concrete recommendations. Additionally, we will critically reflect upon the choices made in thesis before presenting the conclusions. Finally, we will put our thesis into perspective and present suggestions for future research. 8

15 Part 1: Introduction, Chapter 1 PART 2 Philosophy of Science Chapter 2 Part two deals with the thesis philosophy of science. The main focus is on methodology, whereby the thesis research design is argued for and shortly presented in outline. Finally, our prejudices about food labels are presented 9

16 Part 2: Philosophy of Science, Chapter 2 Chapter 2: Philosophy of science This chapter provides the overall frame, whence the entire foundation of the thesis is build up. This means that the scientific foundation is presented, which clears the way for a discussion of the thesis methodical choices and a presentation of the thesis research design. 2.1 Social constructivism Philosophy of science consists of ontological, epistemological and methodological considerations, which constitute the three main elements in a paradigm (Guba 1990). The thesis scientific foundation is determined on the basis of the aim of the research question, which as previously mentioned has an understanding aim (Andersen 1998). This type of research question is characterized by keywords such as understanding, holism and social construction through motives (Heldbjerg 1997). In this light, we find social constructivism appropriate as the scientific foundation of the thesis due to the fact that this paradigm seeks to create an understanding of how the world is constructed. Social constructivism is related to the interpretivist research paradigm due to similar philosophical world views (Nygaard 2005). On an ontological level, the chosen scientific paradigm is based on the assumption that no truth can be found about reality, since the reality is a construction made by human beings (Ibid.). Therefore, we cannot trace exact knowledge of this reality, but we can seek to create an understanding of how reality is constructed and in their endeavour after this, the reality is constructed continually. In this light, reality is understood as an interpretation and people are constantly making interpretations in order to understand the world (Ibid). Since many interpretations can be made about the same object, this paradigm takes the ontological position of relativism (Guba 1990). Ontology refers to the nature of reality, whereas epistemology is related to the kind of knowledge that can be achieved in a research about the studied phenomenon (Ibid.). As reality only exists in people s minds, subjective interaction is the only way to access them (Ibid.). This interaction between the inquirer and the inquired in a research results in a subjective epistemology, as the inquirer cannot carry out an investigation without interacting with, influence and be affected by the inquired (Nygaard 2005). This means that we as researchers are co-creative and thus we are aware of our own influence in the research, cf. 2.4 Our prejudices. 2.2 Methodology Methodology is related to how the inquirer should go about finding out knowledge about the studied phenomenon (Guba 1990). The fact that the findings are created in the interaction between the inquirer and the inquired requires a complex methodology (Nygaard 2005). This complex methodology finds expression in the methodological process having two aspects; hermeneutics and dialectics. This means that individual 10

17 Part 2: Philosophy of Science, Chapter 2 constructions are elicited and refined hermeneutically, and compared and contrasted dialectically, with the aim of generating one or few constructions on which there is a substantial consensus (Guba 1990). The hermeneutical part of the process is related to the concept of interpretation, which is characterized by the inability to remain objective (Fuglsang, Bitsch Olsen 2004). Hermeneutics will work as a guidance to conceptualize the interpretations derived from the analysis of the empirical data and we as researchers will operate as active participants, rather than trying to overcome the subjective dilemma. In addition to this, gained knowledge may change along the way and therefore a reflexive standpoint is taken. Thus, the final conclusions and results will be based on continually obtained knowledge (Ibid.). We will go into more details with the thoughts of hermeneutics and the hermeneutical circle when we deal with the analysis of our empirical data, in part 4. This methodology is related to actor-based thinking, in which the knowledge that can be obtained through interpretation of the actors subjective and qualitative statements are regarded as the key to cognition of the motives that direct human action (Heldbjerg 1997). The language is seen as the primary mediator with reference to obtaining insight in the actors motives and intentions. Thus, the most important technic is the dialogue (Ibid.). In this light, qualitative research methods will serve as the primary approach of data collection in this thesis (Bush, Ortinau & Hair 2009). Multi-methodical approach Although, qualitative research is the main contributor of empirical data in this thesis, we will draw on data from quantitative research as well. Through our partnership model with OMG, we have gained access to the data from a quantitative e-survey and we will use these in the thesis. We find it relevant to discuss how we will relate to the data from the e-survey as this type of research technique is not in its original form in line with the scientific foundation of the thesis. Quantitative methods are often related to post-/positivistic philosophy of science, whereby quantitative methods are searching for causalities and universal validity within a specific phenomenon. Thus, the thought of individuals are eliminated (Bjerg, Villadsen 2006, Riis 2005). This implies a realistic view of reality as opposed to the social constructivist s relativistic view of reality (Guba 1990). In sum, quantitative methods are looking for explanations of the researched, whereas qualitative research is seeking an understanding of the researched. Within the social sciences, it is being debated to what extent social relations must be explained or understood. Generally, this debate is taken place on two levels consisting of an epistemological level and a technical level (Bryman 2004). As mentioned in the discussion above, on an epistemological level the two research methods seem incompatible due to their conflicting view of reality. On the other hand, on a pure technical level the debate deals with technical differences, whereby the method s appropriateness is being assessed in relation to the field of investigation and the theoretical starting point (Riis 2001). 11

18 Part 2: Philosophy of Science, Chapter 2 In relation to this debate, we assess that the thesis s research question and field of investigation must direct the choice of research method. As both numbers and words can create an understanding of the world, we assess that both qualitative and quantitative methods will contribute to the solution of our research question (McCracken 1988b). Furthermore, since both qualitative and quantitative methods have strengths and weaknesses, a combination of different types of methods can contribute to a reduction in their respective weaknesses (Bjerg, Villadsen 2006). However, we will not relate to the data from the quantitative research in a pure scientific sense, where the goal is to ensure objectivity. Therefore, we will, inspired by one of the main contributors to the thesis s theoretical foundation, the British sociologist Anthony Giddens, remain reflexive in the use of the quantitative method. This implies that the method is used on hermeneutical premises meaning that we will interpret how the data has appeared, in the light of how the posterior questions can create various thoughts with the individuals (Boye 2010). 2.3 Research design We find it relevant to shortly describe the thesis research design as the objective of this chapter is to provide the foundation for the entire thesis. Generally, it applies that the relation between research and theory in this thesis research is of inductive character meaning that the thesis starting point is observations and findings in the empirical work, whereas theory will serve as the lens through which these findings are interpreted and understood. Our research design is a mixture of the data that we have gained access to through our partnership model and the data that we have collected ourselves. Through this corporation with OMG we have obtained wide knowledge of the Danish consumers behaviour and as we mentioned in 1.5 Delimitation, we have excluded the empirical data that does not directly touch upon food labels. However, we choose to illustrate all the different methods in our research design as we as reflexive and subjective researchers acknowledge that all the collected data has shaped and influenced our knowledge and understanding in some way. The combination of research methods and the sequence, in which the methods have taken place, appear from figure 2. The crossed, dotted lines indicate the excluded methods from the thesis. Literature review E-survey Diary study Participant observation In-depth interviews Figure 2: Overview of Research Design (Own illustration) 12

19 Part 2: Philosophy of Science, Chapter 2 The objective of the literature review was to create the empirical and theoretical frame of understanding by analysing earlier research results within areas related to food labels. Additionally, this review gave us an overview of the leading theorists within the area of consumer behaviour and food consumption. Thus, the literature review served as the creation of a theoretical foundation based on theoretical and empirical research results, which will serve as the lens through which the data from our studies are seen through (McCracken 1988b). In relation to secondary empirical research results, we have used a variety of different studies dealing with the Danish consumers behaviour and attitudes in general in order to obtain a broad understanding of food labels on the Danish market. These studies are carried out by professional research institutes, for whom we must assume that the quality of research is respected and thus the quality of the data is trustworthy. Additionally, we have read a variety of newspaper articles in order to get a grasp of the subject s topicality and the overall attitude towards food labels. These articles are used as indicators as we are aware that such data sources to a great extent are influenced by political interest and the personal attitude of the journalists. Thus, we take a critical view of the used newspaper articles. The findings from the literature review will appear in the thesis theoretical chapters; chapter 3-6. We gained access to the data of OMG s e-survey that was designed to create consumer segments in the light of the Danish consumers attitudes, preferences, lifestyle, purchase considerations and behaviour, media usage and demographic characteristics. OMG created five segments on the basis of this study. In relation to our thesis, this method served as a preliminary study, as the results from this provided the basis for the indepth interviews (Madsen, Grønbæk 2009). We will go into further details with the e-survey in chapter 7. In continuation of the statistical results from the e-survey, we conducted a diary study in corporation with OMG, in which 10 consumers from each of the five identified segments registered, commented on and took pictures of their purchases for two weeks. The objective of this study was to enrich the results from the quantitative research in terms of how often consumers go shopping, in which supermarkets they shop and what kind of foods they purchase. Thus, this study dealt with consumers general purchase behaviour and did not contribute with further knowledge of consumers relationship to food labels. The results from this study are not included in the thesis. Subsequently, we conducted a mini ethnographic study in corporation with OMG, in which we went shopping with three consumers from each of the five segments and we interviewed them in relation to their habits, attitudes, purchases and preferences. In this light, the ethnographic study consisted of two parts; participant observation and ethnographic interview. The former took place in the consumer s local supermarket, in which we participated in the consumers purchase of foods by direct observations, small talk and informal interviews in the supermarket (Warming 2009). The purpose of the participant observation was 13

20 Part 2: Philosophy of Science, Chapter 2 to observe the consumers behaviour in natural settings and to be able to ask simple questions en route, in order to enrich the results from the e-survey and the diary study. This part of the ethnographic study had its main focus on observing the consumers behaviour in the retail trade in general, whereby it did not provide us with any knowledge of consumers relationship to food labels. Thus, the results from this study are excluded from the thesis. On the other hand, the ethnographic interview with the consumers in their homes provided rich opportunities to get insights about their relationship to food labels. As this type of interview is based on many of the same principles and techniques as in-depth interviews (Spradley 1979), we choose this term for the interview due to the participant observation s exclusion, whereby we analyse and interpret the interviews in isolation. These qualitative in-depth interviews were conducted in continuation of the knowledge from the literature review and the statistical results. The object of these interviews was to obtain greater insight into the consumer s relationship to food labels (Kristensen 2009). The reason for this research method being the primary contributor to the thesis is due to the fact that in-depth interviews make it possible to the ask the question why, which is crucial in relation to obtaining deep and nuanced understanding (Riis 2005). We will go more into details with the in-depth interviews in chapter Our prejudices The chosen scientific foundation implies that the hermeneutic circle is at play organising the methodology in a pre-understanding, an understanding and a post-understanding (Heldbjerg 1997, Kristensen 2009). In this chapter, we will focus on the first part of the circle consisting of pre-understanding, also referred to as prejudices. It is important that we as researchers actively relate to our prejudices in relation to food labels and put them on line in the thesis (Kristensen 2009). Thus, the knowledge obtained through our studies will be analysed in relation to our personal interpretations and prejudices that cannot be left behind. In this light, the results would consequently be presented different if done by other researchers and hence, the findings can and will only represent our reality (Guba 1990). By elaborating on and being explicit about our prejudices, the quality of our studies will increase (Ibid.). Prejudice is what constitutes our baggage formed by the culture, tradition and history that we are part of (Fuglsang, Bitsch Olsen 2004). In this way, one of our prejudices that are relevant to outline is related to the fact that we are a part of the same culture as the consumers we are interviewing (McCracken 1988b). This means that we as consumers in the Danish market place have an attitude towards the different food labels. Generally, the increasing amount of food labels does not have an impact on us because we have chosen a few labels that influence our purchases and thus, we do not look at the rest. Both of us prefer to buy organic 14

21 Part 2: Philosophy of Science, Chapter 2 products and thus, the red Ø-logo is guiding our purchases. This prejudice implies that we are not able to neutrally study the field. Another relevant prejudice is our pre-understanding of who the consumers of food labels are. Both of us had a clear prejudice about the food labelled consumer and might actually be one of them ourselves. We had a supposition that some consumers buy food labels in order to construct themselves as human beings whereas others buy them to send a signal to other people. We also had a presupposition that a lot of consumers do not understand what the different labels mean and that they buy the labels without knowing their point of difference. Furthermore, we had a prejudice concerning consumers that do not buy food labels being of lower social class. The mentioned prejudices are going to be addressed constructively throughout the thesis. We will critically discuss and reflect on how these prejudices have impacted our findings in chapter

22 Part 2: Philosophy of Science, Chapter 2 PART 3 Theoretical Foundation Chapter 3-6 Part three serves as the theoretical foundation of the thesis. Firstly, the theoretical framework is determined within different perspectives on consumer research. Subsequently, the field of food labels is explained by the means of different theories belonging to this theoretical framework. 16

23 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 3 Chapter 3: Theoretical framework In this chapter, we seek to explain the overall theoretical framework of the thesis. As the thesis is located within the interpretive paradigm, it is crucial that the chosen theories have the same relativistic view of reality (Fuglsang, Bitsch Olsen 2004). Østergaard and Jantzen (2000) have studied the development in the researches of consumers in the last 40 years. In this period of time, there have been four different perspectives on how the consuming individual can be understood (Ibid.). These perspectives consist of Buyer Behaviour, Consumer Behaviour 5, Consumer Research and Consumption Studies. These perspectives have different understandings and approaches to the study of the behaviour of consumers ranging from behaviouristic physiology and cognitive psychology to a more experience oriented and emotionally aspect of consumer behaviour (Ibid.). The two last-mentioned perspectives, Consumer Research and Consumption Studies, are seen as equivalent to the interpretive turn in the study of the consuming individual (Sherry 1991). This interpretive turn is characterised by relativism meaning that the consuming individual is no longer seen as a rational consumer, but instead as a consumer seeking to create its self-image and relationship to other consumers through consumption (Østergaard, Jantzen 2000). These perspectives have a more holistic perspective than the remaining two and thereby we position the theoretical framework in the light of these two perspectives (Ibid.). The Consumer Research perspective deals with studies of consumers everyday lives and views consumption as a pivotal point for how the individual understands itself and through products and symbols creates a desired image in relation to the surroundings. In this way, the individual consumer seeks to create a coherent and meaningful life through consumption (Ibid.). On the other hand, Consumption Studies have culture as a starting point in relation to an understanding of consumer behaviour. This perspective has its roots in sociology and anthropology and focuses on a wider context for the consumption, in which personal motives are determined by sociocultural frames of reference. The consuming individual is a member of a tribe where the product symbolism creates a universe for the tribe. In this light, consumption creates a metaphysical universe for the tribe members and they are searching for the right symbols in order for them to be recognized by the other members of the same tribe (Ibid.). Within the frames of these two perspectives, different theories relevant to consumer behaviour and food labels are selected. Common to these theories is the understanding of the individual and the society/culture as 5 In order to keep the record straight, it is necessary to stress that whenever the thesis is using the term consumer behaviour, it is not a reference to the perspective with the equivalent name 17

24 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 3 two interacting and inseparable elements. It is necessary to relate to the settings and conditions that the behaviour takes place in, in order to understand certain behaviour. These settings and conditions are established in the culture. In the following three chapters (4-6), we will go into depths with the chosen theories where we critically argue for their relevance in the thesis by drawing on previous studies of food labels in Denmark and information about food labels in general. Thereby, the theoretical foundation is built around the selected theories, whose legitimacy is grounded in a comparison with the empirical evidence that is already present. In this way, the justification of the theoretical foundation is created along with an understanding of food labels and the context that they are part of. 18

25 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 4 Chapter 4: Society and Consumer Food labels, health and consumer behaviour are closely related to each other and it is difficult to discuss one without mentioning the others. Therefore, in order to understand consumers relationship to food labels, it is crucial to get an understanding of the conditions that influence the society that the consumers are part of. Our philosophy of science involves a specific understanding of society and we find Giddens relevant in order to expand and concretize this understanding. Giddens is relevant as we are able to identify many of the tendencies that Giddens refer to in the Danish society, which means that Giddens description of the late modern society will form our understanding of society (Giddens 1996). Furthermore, Giddens is found relevant as his theories are characterized by a social-psychological angle in which he describes what is at play in the relationship between the individual and society. 4.1 Contours of the Danish society There are different theoretical terms for today s society consisting of post modernism, post industrialism, post capitalism and late modernism, among others (Giddens 1990). We devote to Anthony Giddens description of the late modernity 6 and will therefore actively apply his notions in our analysis. Giddens argues that we find ourselves in late modernity and rejects that we have moved into a postmodern era. He is the author of the late modernity that represents the paradigm shift characterizing the time period permeating many western countries, leading to displacements and new conditions for the day-to-day decisions for consumers (Giddens 1990, Giddens 1991a). His main argument is that late modernity equally combines, separates and fragment society. The radical implications of late modernity have transformed society away from the traditions, but not away from modernity (Giddens 1991a). He maintains continued modernity, but at the same time argues for far-reaching changes, which he constitutes as the dynamics of modernity (Ibid.). He outlines three elements that influence these dynamics; 1. Separation of time and space 2. Institutional reflexivity, and 3. Disembedding of social institutions In the past, time and space was associated with a physical setting of social activity situated in a specific geographically location (Giddens 1990). This is no longer the case, especially with the emergence of the internet that makes it possible to travel through time and space. Local is replaced by global standardized time 6 Giddens is not consistent with the description of contemporary society. He alternaly uses the terms late-modern, high-modern and post-traditional society. We will in contrast to Giddens be consistent, and therefore represent society as late-modern 19

26 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 4 zones and internet, which means that social relations has been disembedded by local connections and are no longer bounded in specific time and space (Giddens 1991a). Separation of time and space has resulted in the fact that the consumer is constantly being flooded with different information and knowledge regarding healthy lifestyles and new food labels, among others. As a practical response to this, Giddens argues that the individual has built a different image of their past, present and future than they did in past, which makes them capable of being reflexive about ourselves (Kaspersen 2001). Thereby, the individual is able to make reflexive decisions in relation to their belief towards food labels depending on their usage of them. This reflexivity has had several implications, for instance how knowledge is approached and thereby what is true or false, which has resulted in an increasing scepticism as the individual no longer take anything for granted (Giddens 1996). What is said to be healthy or environmental saving today might be unhealthy or environmental damaging tomorrow, which is why a personal and individual reflexivity is crucial in the late modernism. The third element that influences the late modernity is the disembedding of social institutions. Giddens distinguish between two disembedding systems; symbolic tokens and expert systems and taken together referred to as abstract systems (Giddens 1991b). These abstract systems are dependent on trust 7, which is a key-element in Giddens late modernity (Giddens 1991a). Giddens refers to symbolic tokens as media of exchange which have a standard value, for instance money, and are not limited by time and space. Expert systems are not limited in time and space either, but refer to technical or professional expertise that organises part of the material and social environment (Giddens 1994). Those systems in which the professional s expertise is integrated have continuous influence on many of the individual s daily routines, such as food purchase. In relation to this thesis, the food labels can be seen as an expert system seeking to create certainty in a marketplace characterized by uncertainty. Experts or professionals, like the Danish Veterinary and Food Administration (DVFA 8 ), are trying to educate the Danish consumer in how to eat right as these labels function as guarantees of what the consumer can expect from their purchase (Ibid.). DVFA is the highest governmental institution defining rules, regulations and guidelines in relation to foods and vets. In the same manner, this institution defines guidelines in relation to how to consume in the most environmental friendly way and how to devote to a healthy lifestyle. 7 The notion of trust will be elaborated on in chapter 5 8 We will refer to The Danish Veterinary and Food Administration as DVFA in the rest of the thesis 20

27 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 4 A devotion to a lifestyle Due to the multiple choices and high risk, Giddens argues that the individual has to devote to a certain lifestyle, which he defines as a more or less integrated set of practices which an individual embraces, not only because such practices fulfil utilitarian needs, but because they give material form to a particular narrative of self-identity (Giddens 1991b:81). The term lifestyle is broader than just consumer style as Giddens understands lifestyle as all the daily routines, for example choice of food, specific brands or labels. Every decision that a consumer makes, whether or not to buy food labelled products, is a part of their daily routines and thereby lifestyle. As lifestyle is part of the reflexive project, it is also a part of the individual s self-presentation (Kaspersen 2001). Although lifestyle might seem as an individualized process, it is not the case. Individuals are influenced by different external factors such as advertisement in different media, nutritional experts, manufacturers, public institutions and the social environments that they are part of. Through experts like DVFA, the consumer is exposed to a range of different lifestyles which the consumer consciously or unconsciously bears in mind when subscribing to a certain lifestyle (Giddens 1991b). According to Giddens, one of the advantages of following a specific lifestyle is that it limits the amount of choices that an individual has to make. This could be to dedicate oneself to organic food or on the other pole to dissociate from all organic products. Either choice connects the individual to a certain lifestyle (Giddens 1991a). Therefore, lifestyle will be a decision of joining a specific social setting of which the individual can identify with and wants to be part of at the expense of other alternatives. 4.2 Food labels raison d être In today s society health, wellness, organic food and local purchasing have become a hot topic for Danes. This is partly a result of the authorities national campaigns against public smoking, binge drinking and in particular obesity, as mentioned in chapter 1 (Euromonitor International 2011). As a consequence, one of the missions for DVFA is to create the right scope of healthy dietary habits for the Danish consumers, but also to encourage consumers to become more environmentally considerate (Ministeriet for Fødevarer, Landbrug og Fiskeri 2011, Fødevarestyrelsen 2012b). This mission can be seen as an expression of the Danish authorities advocating a certain discourse in relation to health and environmental protection and thereby making it easier for the consumer to navigate in the complex marketplace. In this regard, food labels could be seen as mental markers making it easier for consumers to justify their choices (Thomsen, Hansen 2006). We will elaborate on this concept in chapter 5. We find it relevant to elaborate on the term health discourse and how discursive directions develop in society with the use of Michel Foucault, since we do not find that Giddens is applicable in unfolding this notion. 21

28 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 4 Derek Layder (1985), among others, argues that Giddens puts too much emphasis on the individual and its possibilities and limitations of action. Giddens does not specify in which areas the societal structures create possibilities and/or limitations (Layder 1985). Therefore, we find Foucault relevant as he deals with societal structures and how these influence the individual. According to Foucault, societal structures are made of norms and discursive directions, which can be used to govern the individuals (Foucault 2006). According to Foucault, a discourse is a set or group of statements all assigned to specific regulations of which constitutes what is accepted as meaningful and true in a given context (Ibid.). However, as the definitive truth does not exist but instead is constructed by several discourses and thereby relative truths, it is up to the individual to setup their own beliefs constructed by multiple relative discourses. Although there are several discourses in the Danish society regarding health, wellness and environmental consideration, the superior discourse will create the norms. The intention of DVFA is to establish the settings of which the consumer can make the most appropriate choice of lifestyle regarding food, and the discourse that DVFA is advocating for is based on the eight official diet-advices and environmental concerns (Fødevarestyrelsen 2010a). In this context, DVFA has initiated different food labels such as the red Ø-logo, the Keyhole symbol and the Whole-Grain logo. Therefore, food labels are seen as physical representations of the overall discourse and as ways of disciplining the consumer. The introduction of food labels can be seen as symbols of what is constituted as being the right thing to do in the Danish society. In this way, the authorities are clear about what health- and environmental direction they advocate for. In the following, a short presentation of the three food labels is done in order to clarify their existence on the Danish market. The Keyhole symbol The Keyhole symbol is a Nordic voluntary food label that producers can put on their products if the products live up to certain requirements. Initially, it was a Swedish initiative, but Norway and Denmark launched the label in June 2009 (Fødevarestyrelsen 2009). It is initiated and governed by the DVFA and is a combination of the diet-pyramid and diet-circle that was formerly used as an educational tool. The message of the Keyhole symbol is to have a varied diet. The green colour expresses the term go as in a green traffic light and the label is a positive food label (Fødevarestyrelsen 2011c). It identifies healthier food products within a product group. When choosing foods labelled with the Keyhole symbol on, it should be easier and less time consuming to identify healthier products. The Keyhole symbol makes demands on the composition of fibres, fat, salt and sugar within 25 food categories. Furthermore, the products labelled with the Keyhole symbol live up to a minimum content of wholegrain, vegetables, fruit and berries within some of the food categories (Fødevarestyrelsen 2012a). 22

29 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 4 The Whole-Grain logo The Whole-Grain logo is an initiative to get the Danish consumers to consume more wholegrain since only 6% of the Danish population consumes enough (Fuldkorn.dk 2012). The label is initiated by DVFA in collaboration with several producers from the food retail industry and health organizations. The label was launched in January 2009 with the objective of getting the Danes to consumer more fibres and whole-grains (Ibid.). The logo identifies products with a high content of wholegrain and the label should make it easier and less time consuming to find products with this content (Fødevarestyrelsen 2010b). The red Ø-logo The red Ø-logo was introduced in 1989 and is a governmentally regulated label identifying organic produced food and non-food. Organic production takes animal welfare and environmental protection into consideration. One of the principles of organic production is that the farmer is not, or only in a very limited amount, allowed to use fertilizer. Furthermore, organic animals have the right to have natural living meaning outdoor facilities and exercise (Fødevarestyrelsen 2010d). It is voluntary for the producers to add the label to their products as long as they live up to the standards of organic production (Fødevarestyrelsen 2011b). This food label is different from the others mentioned as it is actively being regulated by the authorities and it does not deal with the nutritional content of the products. The objective of DVFA is to foster opportunities for a good health and safe environment in terms of food labelled purchases, which is done through marketing campaigns, regulations, regulated and recommended health claims, legislation on product- and marketing material and health promoting projects. Common to all three initiatives is that they all have the same objective of disciplining the consumer into a more suitable behaviour that serves society in the best possible way. 4.3 Governmental discipline Promoting health and environmental issues through food labels are about changing consumer attitude or disciplining the consumer into do what is desired. The authorities make use of power when disciplining the consumer. When Foucault is referring to power it is not anything that can be possessed by the institutions of society. Power lies within all social relations, however this does not mean that power is equally distributed among relations (Foucault 2006). Power is not a structure or force, which is distributed by any specific group, but more like something that arises in the given societal situation (Ibid.). Power is exercised on free individuals that within certain limits have the opportunity to act as they want to. Furthermore, the individuals are able to make resistance which is a prerequisite for Foucault (Vallgårda 2003). It is not the actual display of power that Foucault is interested in it is what reaction the individual shows when exposed to this power (Ibid.). As he states: it is not power, but the subject, which is the general theme of my research (Foucault 1982:209). When the authorities are trying to influence the consumers actions and thereby guide their 23

30 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 4 behaviour and attitude, they are using power to obtain this. This could be seen as the experts, constituted as the DVFA s, attempt to educate or guide the consumer about how to consume more healthy or organic foods. Disciplining the consumer Power and discipline of individuals are two key notions in what Foucault is referring to as governmentality (Vallgårda 2003, Foucault 1991). Governmentality refers to the active role that the authorities are possessing when shaping the consumers and their behaviour, values and moral awareness (Burchel, Gordon & Miller 1991) This is done by repressing certain actions or by making certain actions more desirable, for instance by rewarding the consumer with a good conscience when purchasing organic products. Through governmentality, the authorities are defining what is morally right and wrong in terms of living a healthy life, which is done through connecting specific lifestyles ti specific choices in life (Vallgårda 2003, Foucault 1991). Governmentality is concerned with disciplining the population, but also to educate the consumers in order for them to control themselves. They should actively choose to control themselves (Vallgårda 2003). This education can be done through food labels or campaigns, by adopting a certain lifestyle and thereby eat nutritional healthy products or by consuming organic products, among others. The authorities enlighten the population about a healthy lifestyle and within this enlightening lies an objective of guiding the population into being more self-disciplining and thereby minimizing the role of the authorities. Therefore, it is only the responsible individual that is able to act freely. Aspects of governance In order to operationalize governmentality, Nikolas Rose has introduced three forms of governance which we are going to employ in the analysis. Rose is referring to these techniques as 9 : 4. Governance through discipline 5. Governance through solidarity 6. Governance through autonomy Common to all three types of governance is the fact that the individual is seen as a free and responsible individual taking part of the society, which means that governance can be understood differently according to the individual s personal convictions. The governance that Rose is referring to stems from the aspect of freedom or governance through freedom. Rose argues that individuals must come to recognize and act upon themselves as both free and responsible, both beings of liberty and members of society, if liberal government is to be possible (Rose 1999:68). This means that to govern individuals implies not to crush their capacity 9 Actually, Rose describes the various forms of governance in the light of freedom, but from our perspective, freedom can be seen as governance as well, which is why we use these notions 24

31 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 4 to act, but to acknowledge it and utilize it for one s own objectives (Rose 1999:4). In the following, we will shortly present the different forms of governance. Governance through discipline means that the authorities are trying to make the population governed by the societal norms that is constituted in society. The key notion of this governance technique is to make the individual aware of the societal norms and thereby considering themselves in terms of these norms by making them look at themselves through the eyes of others (Ibid.). Rose argues that the most important element to create is responsibility, which gives the experts an essential role in guiding or lecturing the population in what is right or wrong (Vallgårda 2003). This governance technique is comparable to what (Østergaard, Jantzen 2000) is referring to as Consumer Research where the consumer is looked upon as an individual looking at itself in the eyes of others. In Governance through solidarity the objective is to make the individual interpret that he or she is not only responsible for oneself, but also for the larger community. The individual is expected to contribute to society in order to receive the services that are offered. The governance lies within the fact of motivating the individual by mutual obligation. This type of governance presupposes that the population is judicious and responsible acting in the favour of society s best (Rose 1999). In this type of governance the role of the experts are also central due to their definition of societal norms of how to behave and act in society. This governance technique can also be related to one of Østergaard and Jantzen s four perspectives; consumption studies. In this regard, the individual is seen as a tribe member looking for vindication in other tribemembers through their behaviour (Østergaard, Jantzen 2000). Governance through autonomy is concerned with the authorities governing the population by treating every individual autonomous. The individual is seen as self-governing where relations to others are less important. As Rose states: modern individuals are not merely free to choose, but obliged to be free, to understand and enact their lives in terms of choice (Rose 1999:87). The individual is expected to take the full responsibility of own actions by making use of their resources in order to reach personal goals and an expression of their personality (Ibid.). Although these governance forms are applicable in many ways, it is vital to consider their limitations. Vallgårda (Vallgårda 2003) criticises Rose s governance forms to assume that all individuals are responsible and that self-control is a prerequisite to all of them. Also, considering the three forms of governance, the roles of the experts as norm/trendsetters do not seem to differ that much in between the three forms (Ibid.). Although these critics are significant, we find it possible to apply the governance forms of Rose because he identifies what objectives and qualifications that the authorities are appealing to and are trying to shape, which means how the authorities are trying to shape the subjects. 25

32 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 4 In the following, we will look into how experts in the Danish society are co-creators in the prevailing healthand environmental discourses. 4.4 Who is expert in the expert systems? As discussed earlier, food labels represent one expert system, but this system is not the only expert advice that the consumers face in their everyday life. The individual is constantly being exposed to health claims by experts revealing their knowledge and professional experience through the media, offering the individual a range of opportunities that might seem difficult to cope. The increasing use of experts in order to convince the consumer regarding the right choice is a consequence of the late modern society and the category is wide, ranging from highly educated nutritional experts over dieticians and psychologists to self-taught diet experts. We find the experts everywhere; many self-taught diet experts have blogs where they share their opinion on health and food, an example are David, Elsa and Luisa s healthy vegetarian recipes, where they blog about why it is important to stay healthy through a vegetarian lifestyle (Luisa, David & Elsa 2012). We also find nutritional experts such as Umahro Cadogan, who has set up ten-diet advices. He believes that if you follow these advices, you eat so-called real food and thereby are in better shape of living a healthy life (Cadogan 2012). Besides the overwhelmingly amount of health information that is possible to find on the internet, health experts in television and magazines also occur, for instance Christian Bitz, who is a nutritional expert that provides diet advice to the Danish population several times a week in the TV-show Go Morgen Danmark. He even reflects on food labels and guide the Danish consumer into figuring out the meaning of them (TV2 Go' Morgen Danmark 2009). These experts are to a certain extent defining the extremes of what is accepted in terms of health as it is the experts that portraits the ideal, which also has created diverge ideals. The remarkable of this situation and worth elaborating on is the heterogeneous amount of experts belonging to somewhat very diverse groups of health convictions, all guiding the consumer in relation to what they believe to be the best option of having a healthy lifestyle, for instance following the Keyhole symbol or the red Ø-logo. Common to all of them is that they advocate a certain lifestyle that the consumer is obliged to confess to in the effort of gaining a healthy life. 4.5 The producers input to the health discourse Along with the nutritional experts, the food industry and producers also play a central role in consumers everyday lives and are important figures in the production and reproduction of the discursive directions and characteristics of late modernism. Along with the increased focus on health, wellness and environmental protection arises a demand for health oriented products, such as light, fat-reduced, sugar free and organic. The producers are aware of this discourse and a lot of the producers have also introduced their own private labels, such as Dansk Supermarked s private label Levevis, which is s brand promoting products that 26

33 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 4 contains the Keyhole symbol and at least one other symbol (Dansk Supermarked 2012b). A television commercial for Levevis goes like Just look at all the food labels we are just the thing for you 10 (Dansk Supermarked 2012a). This indicates that some producers try to instruct the consumers in that food labelled products are the right thing to buy. Another example is the supermarkets increased focus on food Labels. In 2010, Netto changed its slogan to Everybody must be able to afford ecology 11 (Berlingske Media 2010). This illustrates the increased focus on organic products and the red Ø-logo, which is also clear in the advertising circulars that is abounding with products promoting different food labels such as the red Ø-logo and Keyhole symbol (Netto 2012).This illustrates that an increasing amount of producers are aiming at a more health-oriented image by posting health claims on their products. In the following, we will look into how consumers establish meaning through their consumption and the factors that they are influenced by. 4.6 Creation and transfer of meaning in the late modern society In order to understand how consumers establish meaning in their consumption of food labels, we find Grant McCracken s (1986) theoretical understanding of creation of cultural meaning useful. According to McCracken, meaning is constituted in a cultural setting and thereby not only within an individual sphere. Thus, culture determinates how phenomena are interpreted and integrated and social actions, individual and collective behaviour is dictated by culture (McCracken 1986). With this in mind, McCracken (1986) views culture as managing individuals and collective thoughts, creation of meanings and understandings. In an analytical perspective this implies that consumers are provided with identical ways of thinking and interpreting in relation to how they constitute meaning in their consumption of food labels and thereby the theory is not relevant in relation to explore the individual s experience and interpret their consumption of food labels. However, we find the theory relevant in order to get an understanding of how meaning is created and transferred within a certain group of consumers. The meanings and understandings that individuals attach to objects, actions, events and phenomena are a result of the interplay between society and individual and it is not possible to reduce this interplay to a mental or social process. Although meanings might seem subjective, they are a result of social articulations and constructed by society (Guba 1990). Cultural meanings and understandings are constructed in society, which will lead to a meaningful understanding of food labels. 10 Translated from Se bare på alle mærkerne, vi er lige noget for dig 11 Translated from Alle skal have råd til økologi 27

34 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 4 Meanings are constantly flowing to and from several locations in the social world aided by the collective and individual efforts of language, behaviour and products (McCracken 1988a, McCracken 1986). It is the culture that determines how the world is seen and how the individual creates meaning (McCracken 1988a). Thereby, the world is constituted by the individuals convictions, which is illustrated in McCracken s model below (McCracken 1986). Figure 3: Movement of Meaning (McCracken 1986:72), additions in red (Own illustration) Through the advertising- and fashion system meanings are transferred by linking the consumers frame of reference to information and advertising of products. In relation to the thesis, it is the authorities (DVFA), expert systems and producers that through various media transfer visual and verbal meanings in relation to foods and lifestyle, among others. The consumer is then decoding and repeating the meanings and reproducing them into their own goods, which are happening through consumer trends, the individuals convictions, feelings and personal assumptions (Ibid.). In relation to this, we find it relevant to extend McCracken s model as we argue than more than just fashion and advertising have influence on the creation of meaning. Also reference groups and disciplining constitutes the meanings that are created and transferred to products, such as health-experts and the prevailing health discourse. Individuals include different products that have different meanings possessed to them, through various rituals or mental markers, where cultural meanings and symbols are adopted and manipulated by the individual in order to fit into their specific lifestyle. The consumers are simultaneously influencing the health discourse which is illustrated by the arrow pointing back to cultural constituted world. 28

35 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 4 The market for food labels in today s society is full of personal attitudes and convictions, where fragmented information from authorities, producers and expert systems easily appears and disappears in the crowd. The consumer is constantly being forced to come to a personal decision about how a purchase of a given product will contribute to their lifestyle. The consumer will constantly seek to minimize risks by adopting the meanings of products to fit into their own lifestyle. 4.7 Summary of society and consumer In this chapter, we looked into the mechanisms at play in the Danish society in order to get an understanding of the consumers relationship to food labels. According to Anthony Giddens (1991b) we find ourselves in the late modern society that is equally combined, separated and fragmented. Modernity is maintained, but are influenced by several dynamics being outlined in the three elements; separation of time and space, institutional reflexivity and disembedding of social institutions. Especially the disembedding of social institutions is important to look into, as experts and expert systems have an impact on consumers behaviour. Food labels are seen as expert systems, which might influence the consumers daily choices. Michel Foucault (2006) is introduced in order to outline how food labels can be seen as physical representations of the superior health discourse, but also to discuss the reason for the Keyhole symbol, Whole-grain logo and the red Ø-logo to exist on the Danish market. In order to discuss how different discourses are met and interpreted by individuals, Nikolas Rose (1999) and his three techniques of governance was discussed consisting of governance through discipline, governance through solidarity and governance through autonomy. Finally, Grant McCracken (1988a) and his transfer of meaning model is discussed and extended by us, in order to outline how meaning in relation to food labels is transferred from the culturally constituted world to the consumer, through consumption of consumer goods. The following chapter will look into how trust and complexity influence consumer choice in the modern food marketplace. 29

36 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 5 Chapter 5: Trust and complexity As mentioned, today s society is characterized by a vast number of offers and opportunities which results in uncertainty for the consumer. In relation to this uncertainty, Giddens (1990) argues that trust and risk have become of central importance in the everyday life of the individual. Trust serves as a blocking that ensures a balanced everyday life (Giddens 1990). In this way, trust helps reduce complexity and uncertainty for the consumer (Grayson, Johnson & Chen 2008). In this chapter, we deal with the issues of trust and complexity that the Danish consumers experience in the modern food marketplace and in relation to food labels, in particular. 5.1 Increased complexity The world in which we live today is a fraught and dangerous one (Giddens 1990:10). According to Giddens (1990), modern social life is a complex affair and people feel a lack of control of their lives. Ordinary people s widespread knowledge of late modern risk environments leads to awareness of the limits of expertise which is a result of technical expertise continuously being re-appropriated as part of ordinary people s routine dealing with abstract systems (Giddens 1990). Therefore, the consumer is forced to reflect a lot, which gives rise to uncertainty and doubt. According to Hansen and Thomsen (Thomsen, Hansen 2006), especially the food marketplace is characterized by uncertainty due to challenges such as increased market complexity, consumers relatively scarce resources in terms of time, knowledge and lifestyle changes. These challenges leave consumers in a stressful state since the choices made in relation to food can have serious consequences, due to their impact on the human body (Ibid.). As mentioned in the previous chapter, the system of food labels can be viewed as an expert system seeking to create certainty in a food marketplace characterized by uncertainty. However, food labels do not seem to have created this certainty in the food marketplace since a lot of consumers are confused about the different labels (Ritzau 2011). On the other hand, it seems as if the amount of food labels has made the food marketplace even more complex, at least for some consumers. Hansen and Thomsen (Thomsen, Hansen 2006) introduce the concept of perceived complexity which is relevant in this regard. The concept is attached to the subjectivity of choice complexity, since no two consumers have exactly the same knowledge structure (Ibid.). 5.2 Perceived complexity Perceived complexity is related to learning (Thomsen, Hansen 2006). Hansen and Thomsen (2006) have, inspired by Denzau and North (1994), defined learning as the development of cognitive knowledge structure consisting of concepts and categories, which can be used for interpretation and evaluation of the world. We choose to redefine cognitive knowledge structures to cultural models in order to emphasize the view on the 30

37 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 5 Danish consumers in a sociocultural context. The concept of cognitive knowledge structures is in its original form related to cognitive psychology, which Østergaard and Jantzen (2000) have inscribed to the perspective of Consumer Behaviour. In this thesis, we do not view consumers as rational individuals making decisions as computers (Ibid.), whereby the term cognitive knowledge structures could be misleading. Cultural models serve as schemas that organise consumers comprehension (Ringberg, Odekerken-Schröder & Christensen 2007). The models are embedded in the flow of discourses and become internalized through experiential and conceptual processes (Dimaggio 1997). Since no two consumers have exactly the same cultural model, choice complexity is subjective and the perceived complexity of food labels varies among consumers. Generally, perceived complexity can be conceptualized as the perceived difficulty of transforming information into knowledge (Thomsen, Hansen 2006). This means that the more sophisticated and developed cultural model that a consumer is in possession of, the less complicated the consumer will experience choices in relation to food labels. 5.3 Consumer choice under different forms of perceived complexity Hansen and Thomsen (2006) have in the paper Supra-complex decision making introduced a figure illustrating the relationship between perceived complexity and the proportion of available product attributes evaluated. This relationship appears from the figure below. Figure 4: Consumer choice under different forms of perceived complexity (Thomsen, Hansen 2006:5) Hansen and Thomsen (2006) have illustrated the consumer choice under different forms of perceived complexity using the attribute price. In relation to food labels, we choose to explain the model by using rye bread as an illustrative example. At point A 0, a consumer perceives rye bread as being a homogeneous product indicating that the consumer sees no difference between the different types of rye bread. In this case, the consumer perceives the 31

38 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 5 complexity in relation to product choice as low and the consumer will evaluate a low proportion of the available product attributes. Therefore, the consumer is likely to make its choice based on price only meaning that the rye bread with the lowest price will be chosen (Ibid.). Another consumer may not find all types of rye bread to be homogeneous and will evaluate more attributes in relation to the choice of rye bread. The consumer might be interested in attributes such as the content of fibres, the content of whole grains and fat. In this case, the consumer will make its decision based on an evaluation of which rye bread that best live up to the consumer s criteria. This is illustrated by the movement from point A 0 to point B 0 in the figure, indicating that the consumer evaluates more attributes in relation to product choice and thus perceived complexity has increased. The switch from the letter A to B in the figure illustrates that the consumer is now burdened with restrictions on its mental capacity in relation to evaluating attributes (Ibid.). A third consumer might also be interested in the country in which the rye bread has been made besides the other mentioned criteria. In this case, the consumer may not be capable of taking all the desired attributes into account, resulting in the consumer shifting towards a simplified choice heuristic in relation to decision making. Heuristics are used to reduce complex decision tasks to simple operations working as inferential rules of thumb (Ibid.). In the figure, this is illustrated by the movement from point B 0 to point B 1 indicating that even though the perceived complexity has increased, the consumer is not able to take more attributes into account in relation to making a decision of which rye bread to choose. As the perceived complexity continues to increase a state of supra-complex decision making occurs illustrated by point C in the figure (Ibid.). In this case, the perceived complexity has reached a level whereby the consumer does not distinguish or make evaluations between different types of attributes in relation to the choice of rye bread. Instead Hansen and Thomsen (2006) have introduced the concept mental marker as a way of mentally justifying a choice. A mental marker is defined as any mental construct the consumer uses for the purpose of gaining mental justification of overall choices. (Thomsen, Hansen 2006:12). Hansen and Thomsen (2006) argue that under uncertainty consumers seek reasons to justify their choices. 32

39 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 5 Food labels as mental justification One of the notions that Hansen and Thomsen refer to are mental justification. We find it necessary to reflect upon this mental justification as the concept in its original form stems from Leon Festinger s (1957) theory of cognitive dissonance. This theory deals with how a person can be described as being in a dissonant state if two elements in the person s cognition are in imbalance; for instance a person s attitude towards a product and the person s behaviour in relation to the product. In order to avoid this state of cognitive dissonance, consumers want to mentally justify their choices (Festinger 1957). The theory of cognitive dissonance is in its original form related to cognitive psychology and thus belongs to Østergaard and Jantzen s (2000) Consumer Behaviour perspective. Therefore, the concept of mental justification is not in its original form in line with the scientific foundation of thesis, whereby we have found inspiration in Boye et al. s (2007) peer review Engender mental accounting: How cultural and social spheres affect the justification of hedonic food consumption. This review emphasizes how consumers cultural and social environment contributes to and influences consumers justification of indulgence as unhealthy food products (Ibid.). In a similar manner, we do not solely treat mental justification from a cognitive perspective, but instead we relate to the concept in the light of the consumers cultural and social environment in line with our scientific foundation. In this light, we find this theory relevant in relation to the thesis. Hansen and Thomsen (2006) argue that price could be used as a mental marker. In the case of rye bread, a consumer could be in a situation of so high a perceived complexity that the consumer makes its decision about rye bread solely based on price. In this way, the consumer is able to mentally justify its choice of rye bread by referring to the low price (Thomsen, Hansen 2006). Mental markers can take many forms and food labels are one of them. A consumer that has reached a state of supra-complex decision making in relation to rye bread could, for instance, use The Keyhole Symbol as a mental marker in order to justify its choice of rye bread. This is exactly the idea behind and the cause for food labels. Food labels are introduced to the food marketplace to work as mental markers. This appears from the DVFA s formulation about The Keyhole Symbol as mentioned earlier: Choosing foods with the Keyhole symbol make it easier and less time consuming to find healthier products in food stores (Fødevarestyrelsen 2010c). Primarily, the formulation of make it easier and less time consuming underlines the acknowledgement of high complexity in the Danish food marketplace. In addition to that, the formulation indicates that the consumer are not encouraged to evaluate all the different attributes in a product category when making decisions, but instead are encouraged to look after The Keyhole Symbol. In this way, the consumer will be able to justify its choice by referring to the aspect of healthier food that the symbol contains. 33

40 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 5 We find it relevant to reflect upon how the increasing amount of food labels might have changed the food labels intended function as mental markers into ordinary attributes. For instance, if a consumer wants to buy rye bread, the consumer can experience a package of rye bread containing both the Keyhole Symbol, the Wholegrain Symbol and the Red Ø-logo. Which food label will then serve as the mental marker? The properties of food labels In continuation of the discussion above, we find it relevant to define what type of attribute food labels is. Hansen and Thomsen (2006) distinguish between search, experience and credence attributes. The former refers to product properties that can be determined by the consumer before actually purchasing the product, whereas experience attributes refer to properties that can be perceived and evaluated by consumer usage (Thomsen, Hansen 2006). The properties of food labels can neither be evaluated before nor during usage as food labels deal with more long-term effects, such as health issues or environmental issues. Therefore, these two types of attributes are not adequate for food labels. On the other hand, credence attributes seem to constitute a precise definition of the properties of food labels as these attributes can only be evaluated through expert assistance (Ibid.). As previously mentioned, consumers have different cultural models and thereby might not be able to evaluate the long-term effects of their consumption. Therefore, their attitude towards food labels might lead to information asymmetry between the issuer of the food labels and the consumers. Information asymmetry leads to uncertainty and thus, credence is a matter of trust (Ibid.). 5.4 Gaining trust in the late modern society Giddens (1990) argues that trust may be defined as confidence in the reliability of a person or system, regarding a given set of outcomes or events, where that confidence expresses a faith in the probity or love of another, or in the correctness of abstract principles (technical knowledge) (Giddens 1990:34). Furthermore, Giddens argues that trust is connected with one of the late modernity s conditions consisting of absence of time and space (Giddens 1994). There would be no need for trust in a system whose functions were completely known and understood. In this way, the most essential condition of trust is absence of full information due to the fact that trust is only necessary in situations, in which ignorance exists (Ibid.). In this light, trust in food labels may be dependent of the consumers knowledge of health and environmental issues in general and of the knowledge of the system of food labels. Furthermore, complete trust is in a certain sense blind trust (Giddens 1990). According to Giddens (1994), all abstract systems depend on trust and thus trust is an essential part of the institutions of the late modernity. Ordinary peoples trust in expert systems depend neither upon a full initiation into these processes nor upon mastery of the knowledge that the systems contain. Trust is an unavoidable part of faith, which has a pragmatic element relying on the experience that systems, such as the food label system, normally work as intended (Giddens 1994). In this way, trust is not the same as faith, 34

41 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 5 but it is what derives from that faith (Giddens 1990). This means that in order for consumers to trust food labels, they need to have faith in the issuer and the system behind these labels. The more faith a consumer has in the system of food labels, the more likely it is that the consumer will trust food labels as a mental marker in decision making. Since trust is related to lack of knowledge, trust is also related to risk. In general, trust serves to reduce or minimise risks in relation to certain types of activities (Ibid.). In the case of food labels, trust in nutritional labels and acting accordingly could minimise the risk of consuming unhealthy food. In this situation, trust creates some kind of security for the consumers behaviour. In general, the experience of security relies upon a balance between trust and acceptable risk (Giddens 1994). The combination of the risks and the opportunities related to food labels are in many circumstances so complex that it is extremely difficult for the consumer to decide on how much trust one can have in abstract systems and to which degree one should reject them (Ibid.). As Giddens (1990) argues, How can one manage to eat healthily, for example, when all kinds of food are said to have toxic qualities of one sort or another and when what is held to be good for you by nutritional experts varies with the shifting state of scientific knowledge? (Giddens 1990:148). Ignorance always provides grounds for scepticism or at least caution (Giddens 1990). To be sceptical about, or have an actively negative attitude towards, the claims to expertise that the system incorporates is an expression of mistrust (Giddens 1994). A consumer s attitude of trust or mistrust in relation to food labels will often be influenced by the knowledge that the consumer is able to obtain through means of communication, such as the internet. Ordinary people are continuously re-appropriating technical expertise as a part of their routine dealings with abstract systems (Giddens 1990). In this way, consumers are continuously being exposed to and are obtaining experience with health and environmental issues. A consumer might gain so much knowledge of these issues that the consumer believes that the technical expertise required, to behave as the food labels are encouraging to, is on a relatively low level, whereby the consumer believes to be able to live without the guidance from these labels. In some situations, mistrust can lead to a kind of resigned cynicism or a complete release from the system (Giddens 1994). 5.5 Summary of trust and complexity This chapter dealt with the issues of trust and complexity that Danish consumers experience in the modern food marketplace, and in particular in relation to food labels. According to Anthony Giddens (1990), modern life is complex and people feel lack of control of their lives. Everything is developing rapidly and the consumer is being bombarded with ever changing nutritional or environmental statements from experts. This has resulted in the fact that knowledge is only temporary and it is up to the consumer to be reflexive and decide on what is right or wrong. This reflection gives rise to uncertainty and doubt, which gives rise to 35

42 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 5 perceived complexity. This is a notion that Torben Hansen and Thyra Thomsen (2006) have introduced in the supra-complex decision making model. This model illustrates the relationship between a consumer s perceived complexity and the proportion of available product attributes evaluated. Hansen and Thomsen (2006) argue that he more attributes that the product possesses, the less attributes the consumer will be able to evaluate. Hansen and Thomsen (2006) are also found relevant in order to discuss how and why food labels can be seen as mental markers and as credence attributes. The problem with food labels is that some consumers might not be able to see the long term effects of them, which may lead to information asymmetry between the issuer and consumer. This asymmetry is related to trust, since there would be no need for trust in a world with completely known and understood functions (Giddens 1994). When trust is related to lack of knowledge, trust is also related to risk. Therefore, food labels are seen as a help in order to minimize risks. However, this information asymmetry might also result in scepticism and ignorance, which is an expression of mistrust. In the following chapter, we will discuss how consumption of food labels can be seen as a part of a consumer s identity construction and how food labels serve as symbols representing a certain lifestyle. 36

43 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 6 Chapter 6: Identity construction among consumers The reflexivity of consumption is substantiated by the individuals continuous quest for products which can support a certain lifestyle (Giddens 1994). As previously mentioned, the underlying meaning of food labels can be transferred to the consumer through acquisition (McCracken 1988a). In this way, consumers define themselves through the objects that surround them and thus, the consumers self and the object become integrated (Belk 1988). In this light, we seek through this chapter to describe how the conditions of today s society affect the Danish consumers perception of self. Furthermore, we seek to explain how food labels serve as symbols representing a certain lifestyle and to what extent food labels can become a part of the consumers identity construction. 6.1 The reflexive consumption Reflexivity permeates the behaviour and the consumption of the individual and Giddens (1990) argues that the discovery of oneself becomes a project directly involved with the reflexivity of modernity (Giddens 1990:122). In this way, the construction of the self as a reflexive project becomes a central part of the reflexivity of modernity. The individual must find its identity among the opportunities provided by abstract systems, such as the food label system (Giddens 1990). The self is not characterized by passivity, but instead the new self-identity mechanisms of the late modernity opens the way for a continuous interaction between creation of identity and the institutions of modernity (Giddens 1991a). The construction of self-identity is based upon a connection between personal and social change, in which the identity is created and shaped by social processes (Ibid.). In this way, the consumers creation of identity can be seen as a social construction. We are not, what we are, but what we make of ourselves (Giddens 1991a:75). For the individual, this implies the creation of a coherent identity which is reflected through consumption, among other things. In this way, the individual creates an interim coherence in its self-image through choice of lifestyle, way of life and planning of life (Giddens 1991a). Therefore, choice of lifestyle becomes still more important in the construction of identity. The Danish futurologist, Birthe Linddal Jeppesen, supports the importance of the concept of lifestyle in the late modernity and expresses that food is no longer just related to hunger. Jeppesen argues that food has become a part of the Danes lifestyle, which takes part in consumers self-presentation and contributes to defining consumers as human beings (Sommer 2012). 37

44 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 6 Jeppesen states that Food has become a lifestyle phenomenon, and there are many codes in food. If you are cool today, then you eat so-called proper foods 12 (Sommer 2012:2). According to Jeppesen, proper foods are associated with healthy food and consumers that consume such foods will be able to add characteristics such as being in and being healthy to their self-concept, through their consumption. In this way, the foods that the consumers consume are a reflection of their self-concept and their identity. In a similar way, we argue that food labels are containers of meaning as these labels tell something about the food that has the label on. Jeppesen talks about codes in food and these codes are comparable with symbols. 6.2 Food labels as symbols Sidney Levy argues in his article Symbols for sale from 1959 that the things people buy seem to have personal and social meanings in addition to their functions (Levy 1959). Levy claims that People buy things not only for what they can do, but also for what they mean (Levy 1959:118). According to Levy, people show a variety of logics in relation to the things, they buy and why they buy them. It could be convenience, family pressure, other social pressures or complex economic reasoning, among other things (Levy 1959). Levy defines a symbol as a general term for all instances where experience is mediated rather than direct; where an object, action, word, picture, or complex behaviour is understood to mean not only itself but also some other ideas or feelings (Levy 1959:119). In relation to goods in particular, Levy recognizes all goods as having symbolic meanings consisting of personal attributes and goals, and of social patterns and strivings (Levy 1959). Therefore, the decision of buying foods also involves an assessment of the symbolic meaning of the food. The consumer must decide, either implicit or explicit, whether or not the symbolism related to the good fits the consumer (Ibid.). According to Levy, people also use symbols to distinguish (Ibid.). This distinction is both related to the consumer as an individual and as a part of a social group. The latter is referring to symbols of social participation indicating that goods say something about the social world of the people consuming the goods (Ibid.). This is based upon the fact that social class groupings are formed by the ways people live, the attitudes they have, and the acceptance and exclusiveness of their associations (Ibid.). This distinction between social groups also appears in relation to food labels as health means more to some sections of the population than others. Especially, families with children seem to have a greater interest in health and environmental protection (Sommer 2012). This distinction between social groups as a result of the symbolic meaning of the product also appears from Douglas B. Holt s typologies of consumption practices (Holt 1995). Holt (1995) has identified four types of typologies consisting of four metaphors for consuming as illustrated in the figure below: 12 Translated from Mad er blevet et livsstilsfænomen, og der er masser af koder i mad. Er du cool i dag, så spiser du såkaldte ordentlige fødevarer 38

45 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 6 Figure 5: Four metaphors for consuming (Holt 1995:3) The figure illustrates how two basic concepts help to organize how different aspects of consuming take place; structure- and purpose of consumption (Holt 1995). In relation to structure, consuming consists of actions in which there is a direct engagement by the consumer (object actions) and interactions with other people where consuming serves as focal resources (interpersonal actions). In relation to purpose of action, consumers actions can end in themselves (autotelic actions) and/or means to further ends (instrumental actions). If crossing the two dimensions, a 2x2 matrix appears, and it is possible to locate the four metaphors used to describe consumption: consuming as experience, consuming as integration, consuming as classification and consuming as play (Ibid.). In relation to the distinction between social groups through consumption, the metaphor of consuming as classification is relevant as it views consuming as a process in which products act to classify their consumers (Ibid.). In this way, consumers use consumption objects, viewed as containers of cultural and personal meanings, to classify themselves in relation to relevant others (Ibid.). Similar statements are presented by Michael R. Solomon (1983) arguing that consumers often rely upon the social meanings inherent in products as a guide to the performance of social roles, especially when role demands are novel (Solomon 1983). According to Solomon, the symbolism embedded in products is the primary reason for consumers to purchase and use them (Ibid.). Solomon draws upon concepts from symbolic interactionism and stresses the importance of product symbolism as a mediator of self-definition and role performance (Ibid.). He argues that individuals are evaluated and placed in a social nexus to a significant degree by the products that surround them. Furthermore, the reflexive evaluation construct implies that the product symbolism, which is instrumental in assigning meaning to others, is also used by 39

46 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 6 individuals to assign social identities to themselves. The outcome of this self-definition process guides behaviour via the script that is evoked (Ibid.). Solomon s argument for the self-definition process is related to Levy s argument of people using symbols to distinguish between products, on an individual level. Levy (1959) argues that a symbol is appropriate (and the product will be used and enjoyed) when it joins with, meshes with, adds to, or reinforces the way the consumer thinks about himself (Levy 1959:119). Furthermore, the consumer aims to enhance his sense of self and behaves in ways that are consistent with the consumers image (Levy 1959). This symbolic nature of products results in the consumer being able to choose products with less conflict than would otherwise be the case. In this way, the symbolism of the labels is related to a decrease in complexity as discussed in chapter 5. Levy (1959) argues that choices are made easier because one type of food is symbolically more harmonious with the consumer s goals, feelings and self-definitions than another (Levy 1959). In this light, symbols become a part of the identities of consumers (Ibid.). 6.3 You are what you consume Russell W. Belk argues in his article Possessions and the extended self, how possessions become a part of peoples identities (Belk 1988). Thus, his arguments are relevant in relation to describing how products such as food labelled products can become a part of the individual identity of the consumer. Belk argues that our possessions are a major contributor to and reflection of our identities (Belk 1988:139). Belk (1988) has found a lot of evidences that possessions are an important component of the sense of self and argues that some possessions are more central to self than others. The possessions central to self may be visualized in concentric layers around the core self and will differ over individuals, over time and over cultures that create shared symbolic meanings for different goods (Belk 1988). These central possessions are incorporated in the extended self and serve valuable functions, such as acting as an objective manifestation of the self (Ibid.). In this way, possessions help consumers manipulate their possibilities and present the self in a way that generates feedback from others (Ibid.). According to Belk, It seems an inescapable fact of modern life that we learn, define, and remind ourselves of who we are by our possessions (Belk 1988:160). Objects in consumers possession can literally extend self when enabling consumes to do things of which they would otherwise be incapable of. In addition to that, possessions can also symbolically extend the self. Therefore, having possessions function to create and to maintain a sense of self-definition. Thus, consumers having, doing and being are integrally related (Belk 1988). Further evidence, of possessions being important components of sense of self, is found within studies of loss of possessions. Belk argues that unintentionally loss of possessions is a loss or lessening of self, due to possessions being a part of self. These losses of possessions could be a result of theft or casualty, or it could 40

47 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 6 be a result of functions and property of individuals being taken over by institutions such as authorities (Ibid.). The loss or lessening of self is not related to voluntary disposition of possessions as consumers gladly neglect or dispose of possessions, which are recognised as inconsistent with their images of self (Ibid.). On the contrary, when the disposition is forced, as by economic circumstances, the separation likely brings sorrow (Ibid.). Belk s arguments about possessions as part of consumers extended self can be related to one of Holt s (1995) metaphors for consuming; consuming-as-integration. In this metaphor, Holt argues how consumers are able to integrate self and object and thereby allowing themselves access to the object s symbolic properties (Holt 1995). The processes in which consumption objects are integrated into the consumer s identity are termed self-extension processes (Ibid.). According to Belk (1988), the three primary ways, of incorporating possessions into the extended self, consist of control of an object, creation of an object and knowledge of an object (Belk 1988). In relation to food labelled products, all these ways are active and intentional ways of self-extension as the consumer actively decides what kind of foods to purchase and consume (Ibid.). One way to incorporate possessions into the extended self is through controlling of an object, because consumers are able to exercise power or control over it (Ibid.). The greater the control the consumer exercises, the more closely allied with self the object is (Ibid.). In relation to food labelled products, consumers are in possession of great control as no consumers in Denmark are forced to consume certain types of foods. A second way of self-extension is through creation of an object. Belk (1988) argues that buying an object is merely another form of creating an object and that even the latent buying power of money contributes to sense of self (Belk 1988). Money provides consumers with the power to selectively acquire or reject purchasable objects, such as foods. Thus, consumers have the opportunity to selectively shaping their extended selves by the means of money (Ibid.). The third way, in which objects become a part of self, is by knowing them. However, only when the object is known passionately does it become subject rather than object (Ibid.). This means that consumers need to have a thorough knowledge of the food labels in order to incorporate them into their extended selves. This thorough knowledge of food labels is only obtained if the consumer invests time and energy into getting familiar with the idea behind the different food labels. This calls for a certain level of involvement. In general, identity issues only occur in high involvement consumption (Ibid.). 6.4 Summary of identity construction among consumers This chapter discussed how the conditions of today s society affect the Danish consumers perception of self, but also how food labels can serve as symbols representing a certain lifestyle and to what extent food labels is able to become part of a person s self-identity. Anthony Giddens (1990) argues that the construction of self, as a reflexive project, plays a central role of the reflexivity of the late modernism. Therefore, it is up to the individual to construct its identity among the opportunities provided by abstract systems, such as food 41

48 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 6 labels. In this way, your choice of food is related to who you are which means that food labels can be seen as containers of meaning or symbols. Symbols are a notion that Sidney Levy (1959) elaborates on. He argues that everything an individual purchases have personal and social meanings attached to it in addition to their functions. Symbols are also used as a means to distinguish between individuals or social groups, which are elaborated on by Douglas B. Holt (1995). He describes four typologies of consumption practices and argues that consumers use consumption objects, such as food labels to classify themselves in relation to others. Similar statements are presented by Michael R. Solomon (1983) who argues that consumers often rely upon social meanings inherent in products as guides to the performance of social roles and that the symbolism embedded in products is the primary reason for purchase. Finally, Russell W. Belk (1988) is introduced in order to discuss how possessions are an important component of the sense of self. This means, that for some consumers, food labels might become part of their extended self. In the light of chapter 3-6, we assess that all relevant antecedent empirical information about food labels and the relevant theories are covered, and thus provide the perfect lens through which the results of our findings can be interpreted and understood. In part 4, we will go into details with how we have collected our data, the different methods strengths and weaknesses and the results that the data generated. 42

49 Part 3: Theoretical Foundation, Chapter 6 PART 4 Method and Analysis of Data Chapter 7-8 Part four deals with the chosen methods in details. The carrying out and the quality assurance of the e-survey and the in-depth interviews are stated. Finally, the analysis of the data is explained and the results are shortly presented. 43

50 Part 4: Method and Analysis of Data, Chapter 7 Chapter 7: Quantitative e-survey As mentioned, the e-survey was conducted by OMG and we gained access to the raw data. Therefore, this chapter will not contain considerations about the working out of the questionnaire as we were not a part of this process. However, the chapter will contain considerations about how we will and can use the raw data in the thesis. Furthermore, we will give a presentation of the questionnaire, the data collection and the study s reliability and validity. Finally, we will analyse and interpret the data and present the results. 7.1 The purpose of the e-survey The purpose of the e-survey in this thesis is to serve as a preliminary quantitative method in a quality study (Morgan 1998). This implies that the quantitative research took place before the qualitative research as a result of the two main purposes of the quantitative research. Partly, the e-survey was intended to create preliminary and broad insights into the Danish consumers attitude towards food labels, and partly the study was designed to prepare the ground for the qualitative research through the selection of consumers to be interviewed (Bryman 2004). The e-survey is of quantitative characteristic and is suitable for generating quantified knowledge. Generally, the main goal of quantitative e-surveys is to provide specific facts and estimates from a large, representative sample of respondents so that accurate inferences can be made about the target audience (Bush, Ortinau & Hair 2009, Madsen, Grønbæk 2009). In this case, the goal was to create a broad overview of the Danish consumers general behaviour and attitude towards food labels by asking a representative sample (Riis 2005). 7.2 The questionnaire An e-survey is a self-administered questionnaire placed on the internet for prospective respondents to read and complete (Bush, Ortinau & Hair 2009). This type of study requires that individuals answer the same predetermined set of questions and that responses selected from a set of possible answers be recorded in a structured, precise manner (Bush, Ortinau & Hair 2009:235). Therefore, the e-survey consisted of a standardised and fixedly structured questionnaire in which all respondents received the same questions, in the same order 13. Furthermore, the alternatives of answers were more or less determined beforehand meaning that the answers were either closed or half-open (Bush, Ortinau & Hair 2009, Riis 2005). The half-open answers gave the respondents the opportunity to add an answer, if the stated alternatives did not fit. This structure of the questionnaire was made to ensure control with the asked questions (Riis 2005). 13 View appendix 3 (Quantitative questionnaire) for more information 44

51 Part 4: Method and Analysis of Data, Chapter 7 The questions had an internal perspective as they dealt with the respondents attitude towards food labels (Ibid.). For instance, the respondents were asked How well do you know the following food labels? 14 while being introduced to a picture of the food label plus some graduated alternatives of answers. This graduation was related to the following scale: I do not know it I know it, but I do not know, what the food label means I know it and I know more or less, what the food label means I know it and I know what it means Don t know Furthermore, the alternative answers were randomised in order to remove the effect of questions order on responses (Bush, Ortinau & Hair 2009). Other questions in the questionnaire dealt with which food labels, the respondent typically shops after and whether or not the respondent misses information about food labels. 7.3 Data collection The data was collected by YouGov, which is an internet based market research institute. YouGov has a panel of members consisting of approximately Danes from the age of 15 years (YouGov 2011). The questionnaire was sent to 3000 members of the panel consisting of a sub-group of YouGov s pool that is representative of the total Danish population. This means that the sub-group was selected on the basis of broad variation on gender, age and geography. The selected panel members received an , in which they were invited to complete the survey by clicking on an Internet link. In order to complete the survey the panel members needed to log into their account with their password. The respondents received a small incentive consisting of YouGov-points, for completing the questionnaire respondents completed the questionnaire. One of the advantages of using a panel of members is that these people have agreed in advance to participate, due to their active and voluntary enrolment in the panel. Prior agreements usually produce high response rates, which also appeared from the 2700 respondents (Bush, Ortinau & Hair 2009). Another advantage with this type of research method is that there is no interview-respondent bias, based on the interviewer s body language, facial expression or tone of voice. On the other hand, the missing interviewer may result in the respondent making inaccurate answers due to misunderstanding of the questions resulting in response errors. Further advantages consist of respondent control, which creates a comfort zone for the respondent and the respondents anonymity that may make the respondents more comfortable in providing honest responses. 14 View appendix 3 (Quantitative questionnaire) for more information 45

52 Part 4: Method and Analysis of Data, Chapter 7 Additionally, the issue of missing data is eliminated in e-surveys as the respondents are prompted to answer each question before moving on to the next (Ibid.). 7.4 The quality of the e-survey In order to include the results of the e-survey in the thesis, it is crucial to reflect upon the quality of the research. In relation to an assessment of the quality of a quantitative research the two concepts, reliability and validity, are relevant. Reliability is the extent to which the research will replicate the same results if conducted elsewhere with the same research instruments, whereas validity concerns how the methods, approaches and techniques actually employ to study what was aimed for (Holloway, Daymon 2011). Additionally, Holloway and Daymon (2011) distinguishes between internal validity, which will define whether or not the findings of the research are accurately representing the referred phenomenon and external validity that concerns the generalizability of the research. In relation to an assessment of the e-survey s reliability, it is necessary to look upon the structure of and the frames of the questionnaire. Ole Riis (2005) argues that the reliability is improved by the selection of a large sample, whereby some of the random measurement errors are reduced. Hair et al. (2009) state that the sample should typically consists of 200 or more respondents of the defined target population, in order to make accurate inferences about the phenomena of investigation (Bush, Ortinau & Hair 2009). In this case, the 2700 respondents contribute to the reliability of the research. Another factor of the questionnaire contributing to a high reliability is the use of graduated alternatives of answers (Riis 2005). If the respondent is uncertain of how to answer a question and the only alternatives of answer are yes/no/don t know, it will lead to a low reliability. Therefore, a nuanced set of alternatives of answer provide the respondents with more options, resulting in a more accurate and thus more reliable answer (Ibid.). In this light, we assess that the e-survey is characterised by high reliability. Internal validity is related to the accuracy of the researched phenomena and is assessed by looking at the design of the questionnaire. In this regard, it is important to assess the probability of the questions being misunderstood by the respondents (Ibid.). For instance, the word food labels might not be understood in the same way by all respondents as this concept is a relatively new concept with ambiguous names, as mentioned in chapter 1. However, we assess that the internal validity is ensured in the survey as the respondents are introduced to pictures of each food label together with their respective names the first time they encounter them in the study. This reduces the probability of misunderstandings and increases the internal validity. The assessment of the external validity is done by reflecting upon the generalizability of the survey. Primarily, it is relevant to reflect upon what kind of people it is that sign up as panel members. Is it a certain type of people or is it all types of people? This question is difficult to answer as it would require a very 46

53 Part 4: Method and Analysis of Data, Chapter 7 specific definition of what a type actually is. A more tangible approach is to look at the people who actually have the opportunity to enrol as panel members. This can be done by looking at the internet penetration in the Danish homes. According to a report made by Statistic Denmark from 2011, 90 % of all families in Denmark have access to the internet from their homes (Wijas-Jensen 2012). This penetration is very high. However, if we break down this penetration into age groups it appears that 95 % of the people in the age of have access to the internet, whereas only 59 % of the year-olds has internet access (Ibid.). Judging from these numbers, the elder generation may be underrepresented in the panel. However, when a professional research institute like YouGov guarantees a representative sample of the Danish population and they ensure that the right respondents complete the survey by the respondents personal login, we must assume that the external validity is high. The 2700 respondents point in the same direction. 7.5 Analysis of data and results The analysis of the e-survey was bipartite. Firstly, quantitative coding was carried out by tying numerical values to the information of the raw material (Riis 2005). This resulted in percentage statements of the alternatives of answers, in each question 15. Subsequently, these percentages were interpreted in relation to hermeneutical premises, whereby we interpreted how the data has appeared in the light of how the posterior questions might have created various thoughts with the respondents, cf. chapter 2. First, the respondents were asked how well they know selected food labels. Among others, the respondents were introduced to pictures of the red Ø logo, the Keyhole symbol and the Whole-Grain logo. The results from this question appear in the following figure. The red Ø logo 1% 2% 5% The Keyhole symbol 2% 7% The Whole-Grain logo 3% 28% 39% 17% 26% 24% 64% 36% 31% 16% Figure 6: Knowledge of food labels (Own illustration) As it appears from the figure, 64 % of the respondents know the red Ø logo and know what it means. Whereas 39 % know what the Keyhole symbol means and only 26 % of the respondents know what the Whole-Grain logo means. Combining the answers in order to measure how many of the respondents that 15 View appendix 4 (Quantitative results) for more information 47

54 Part 4: Method and Analysis of Data, Chapter 7 have at least some knowledge of each of the three food labels, it appears that 97 % of the respondents know the red Ø logo, 92 % know the Keyhole symbol and 73 % know the Whole-Grain symbol. The latter has the greatest percentages of respondents that do not know the food label at all; 24 %. In a hermeneutical perspective, the question of how well the respondents know the food labels is based on the respondents subjective knowledge, which refers to their perception of their own knowledge (Pillai, Hofacker 2007). This means that there may be a great difference between how much knowledge two respondents actually have about a particular food label and how much knowledge, they believe that they have. For instance, one respondent may assess that he has complete knowledge of the Keyhole symbol because he knows that this symbol is related to healthy foods. Another respondent may have knowledge of the requirements behind the label, but choose the option I know it and I know more or less, what the food label means because she does not know the exact requirements. In this way, the question measures the respondents subjective knowledge of food labels and not their objective knowledge, which refer to the absolute knowledge possessed by the respondent (Ibid.). This objective knowledge could have been measured in the survey by including some factual questions about the food labels (Riis 2005). Furthermore, the respondents were asked if they miss more information about the individual food labels. In this regard, 26 % of the respondents answered yes, whereas 61 % answered no. This question may be interpreted differently by different respondents as the term more information could be understood as the respondent s desire for knowing more about the food labels or the feeling of lack of information about them, among others. In the light of this and the issues regarding subjective knowledge, we included a question in the qualitative interview related to obtaining a more nuanced understanding of the consumers knowledge of the food labels, cf. chapter 8. Another question in the survey dealt with Which food labels do you usually shop after? 16. In relation to this question, only 42 % of the respondents claimed that they do not shop after food labels in general, indicating that 58 % usually shop after the labels. However, the percentages of respondents shopping after the three food labels draw a somehow different picture. 16 View appendix 3 (Quantitative questionnaire) for more information 48

55 Part 4: Method and Analysis of Data, Chapter 7 100% 80% 30% 26% 16% 60% 40% 20% 70% 74% 84% Yes No 0% The red Ø logo The Keyhole symbol The Whole- Grain logo Figure 7: Usage of food labels (Own illustration) As it appears from the figure, only 30 %, 26 % and 16 % of the respondents usually shop after the red Ø logo, the Keyhole symbol and the Whole-Grain logo, respectively. However, in a hermeneutical perspective these rather low percentages may not be incomprehensible as the term usually is a rather vague concept. Some respondents may interpret the term as every time they shop, whereas others may understand the term as the amount of foods with the label on that they shop. In this light, we included a question in the qualitative interview dealing with a specific situation, in which the respondent shops after food labels 17. This was done in order to get a nuanced understanding of the situation, in which respondents shop after food labels. To sum up, most of the respondents have qualified knowledge of the red Ø logo, whereas least of the respondents knew the Whole-Grain logo at all. A small third of the respondents would like to get more information about the food labels. Furthermore, more than half of the respondents have food labels as a part of their consideration set when they shop. In the following chapter, we will go into details with the in-depth interviews. 17 View appendix 5 (Qualitative interview guide) for more information 49

56 Part 4: Method and Analysis of Data, Chapter 8 Chapter 8: Qualitative in-depth interviews The in-depth interviews were conducted in corporation with OMG. This chapter will deal with the construction of the interview guide, the conduction of the interviews and the introduction of the respondents. Additionally, we will assess the quality of the interviews and we will analyse the data and shortly present the results. 8.1 The purpose of the in-depth interviews The in-depth interviews are of qualitative characteristic and are suitable for generating rich and deep data about the respondents point of view. Furthermore, the focus is on achieving an understanding of the respondents behaviour, values and beliefs in terms of the context, in which the study is conducted (Bryman 2004). In this light, the purpose of the in-depth interviews was to obtain a deeper understanding of the consumers perception and attitude towards food labels and to achieve a better understanding of the statistical results of the e-survey (Kristensen 2009). Furthermore, the purpose was to obtain knowledge about the consumers relationship to food labels in the broad population, whereby these interviews were carried out among a broad group of respondents and were not limited to a particular section of the population. 8.2 The interview guide Our partnership model with OMG implied that the interview guide contained several different themes consisting of the planning process, advertising circulars, online purchase, membership cards, frozen pizzas and food labels. As responsible for the area of food labels, we prepared the part of the interview guide dealing with these labels. According to Kvale and Brinkmann (2009), it is important to carefully prepare the interview guide in order to cover the most crucial themes of interest. Thus, the preparation of the interview guide began with considerations about the most important areas in relation to our research question. Furthermore, the considerations were based on the results from the e-survey and the results from the respondents diaries, in which we have got the opportunity to observe these respondents behaviour for two weeks, cf. 2.3 Research design. The interview guide took the shape of a semi-structured guide, in which the questions of interest were determined, but the questions still allowed the interviewers to glean the ways in which the respondents view their social world. Thus, there is flexibility in the conduct of the interviews (Bryman 2004). However, when there is more than one interviewer in a project, it is necessary with an interview guide in order to create a common ground for the analysis (Riis 2005). In this case, we were three interviewers consisting of us and one employee from OMG. 50

57 Part 4: Method and Analysis of Data, Chapter 8 The interview guide 18 was built around four overall themes in relation to food labels consisting of: 1. The respondent s general knowledge about food labels 2. The respondent s understanding of food labels as a cultural phenomenon 3. The respondent s personal relationship to food labels 4. The respondent s perception of food labels in the future In relation to the theme 1, the respondent was shown pictures of the red Ø-logo, the Keyhole symbol and the Whole-Grain logo and was asked about the reason for these labels existence in the Danish market place. These questions were intended as introductory and explorative questions seeking to break the ice and to get a grasp of the respondents immediate reaction to food labels (Ibid.). Theme 2 employed projective techniques, in which the respondent was asked to tell about a typical person buying food labels in order to get an understanding of how the respondent defines the culture around these labels (Bryman 2004, McCracken 1988b). In relation to theme 3, we had employed laddering techniques in order to explore the links that exist between the attributes of food labels and the meanings, feelings and associations they impart (Bystedt, Lynn & Potts 2003). In this way, we tried to get an understanding of the underlying values that the respondent connects to food labels (Bryman 2004, Bystedt, Lynn & Potts 2003). Theme 4 dealt with the respondent s perception of the future for food labels. Additionally, the respondent was introduced to three prompts consisting of three hypotheses that we wanted to test and the respondent was asked to explain its reaction to these (McCracken 1988b). 8.3 The in-depth interviews 15 in-depth interviews were carried out in total and we conducted six of these. These interviews took the form of an interview with a private individual with the objective of achieving a holistic description of the respondent s world of understanding and experience in relation to food labels (Bryman 2004, Weiss 1994). The interviews were carried out in the respondent s home in order to create a safe and comfort zone (Riis 2005). The interviews lasted from 1-3 hours depending on the respondent s willingness to tell. Furthermore, the interviews were recorded with a Dictaphone. We were inspired by hermeneutics in the interview situation, meaning that we asked interpretive questions (Kvale, Brinkmann 2009). This spontaneous interpretation provided us with the opportunity to verify certain interpretations up-front by asking follow-up questions along the way (Bryman 2004). We made an effort in 18 View appendix 5 (Qualitative interview guide) for more information 51

58 Part 4: Method and Analysis of Data, Chapter 8 relation to not asking leading questions in order for the respondents to tell their own stories. However, due to the fact that we constantly verified several notions in the conversation, there might have been some sort of leading questions involved. According to Kvale and Brinkmann (2009), leading questions does not necessarily weakens the quality of the interview as long as they do not lead the interview into a specific route, but only are used to verify certain phrases (Kvale, Brinkmann 2009) The respondents In the following, we will introduce the 15 respondents participating in the in-depth interviews by referring to certain demographic characteristics 19. Andreas: Anna: Børge: Carina: Carla: Ebbe: A 41-year-old male living in Skævinge. He has a medium higher education and is currently self-employed. He earns between DKR a year (Andreas 2012). A 30-year-old female living in the centre of Copenhagen. She is studying a higher education and earns between DKR a year (Anna 2012). A 35-year-old male living in Brønshøj. He has a high school educational background and is currently a student/trainee. He earns between DKR a year (Børge 2012). A 40-year-old female living in Vanløse, a suburb to Copenhagen. She has a medium higher education, but is at the moment unemployed. She earns between DKR a year (Carina 2012). A 31-year-old female living in Århus. She has a high-school educational background and currently works within marketing. She earns between DKR a year (Carla 2012). A 49-year-old male living at Vesterbro in Copenhagen. He has a medium higher education and works as an office worker. He earns between DKR a year (Ebbe 2012). Flemming 20 : A 32-year-old male living at Østerbro in Copenhagen. He has a scientist degree (phd) and currently works as an office worker He earns between DKR a year (Christine 2012, Flemming 2012). Gurli: Jakob: A 53-year-old female living in Odense. She has a higher educational background. She earns between DKR a year (Gurli 2012). A 37-year-old male living at Østerbro in Copenhagen. He has a high-school educational background and is currently working as an office worker. He earns between DKR a year (Jakob 2012). 19 All the respondents names have been changed in order to keep anonymity 20 In this interview, Flemming s wife, Christine also participated 52

59 Part 4: Method and Analysis of Data, Chapter 8 Jens-Peter: Jette: Lene: Liselotte: Morten: Sune: A 59-year-old male living in Kolding. He has a higher education, but is currently unemployed. He earns between DKR a year (Jens-Peter 2012). A 32-year-old female living in Lynge. She has a higher educational background and works within marketing. She ears DKR a year (Jette 2012). A 66-year-old female living at Frederiksberg in Copenhagen. She has a medium higher education and currently works as an office worker. She earns between DKR a year (Lene 2012). A 21-year-old female living in Albertslund. She has a high school educational background and is currently a student/trainee. She earns less than DKR a year (Liselotte 2012). A 29-year-old male living at Amager in Copenhagen. He is a student, studying a higher education. He earns between DKR a year (Morten 2012). A 28-year-old male living in Odense. He has a short higher education and currently works as an office worker. He earns between DKR a year (Sune 2012). As it appears from these descriptions of the respondents, they represent a broad section of the Danish population. 8.4 The quality of the interviews In the same way as it was necessary to reflect upon the quality of the e-survey, it is crucial to reflect upon the quality of the in-depth interviews. The concepts of reliability and validity are not in their original form usable in relation to qualitative research, for which reason we will adopt alternative criteria consisting of authenticity and trustworthiness (Guba, Lincoln 1985). The concept of authenticity deals with the fairness of the study, whereas trustworthiness is related to four relevant notions consisting of credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability (Holloway, Daymon 2011). In relation to achieving an authentic study, it is crucial that the study fairly represents different viewpoints among members of the social setting (Bryman 2004). We have tried to fulfil this criterion by carrying out interviews among a broad section of the Danish population, whereby we have ensured that different viewpoints could find expression. This broad section ensured that we reached different members of the population in order to obtain multifarious perspectives on food labels. Thus, we assess that the study has a high degree of authenticity. Credibility is related to the fact that there can be several possible accounts of an aspect of social reality (Ibid.). The establishment of the credibility of findings entails both ensuring that the study is carried out according to the canons of good practice and submitting the findings to the respondents for confirmation 53

60 Part 4: Method and Analysis of Data, Chapter 8 (Ibid.). In order to ensure credibility, we transcribed all interviews in order to secure the respondents own words in the analysis. Furthermore, we transcribed the interviews where we had not been the interviewer in order to get as many eyes on the individual interview as possible so that the interpretation was not based solely on one of the interviewers point of view (Holloway, Daymon 2011). We did not have the opportunity to conduct respondent validation, which we will elaborate on in chapter 14. However, we did made use of the technique of triangulation due to our multi-methodical approach, whereby we used more than one method in the study of food labels. This increases the study s credibility. Thus, we assess that the study is credible. Transferability is related to the researchers responsibility of helping the reader transfer the specific knowledge gained from the research findings to other settings (Ibid.). We have analysed the data from the interviews by putting them into a cultural context, which enables the reader to assess whether the findings also apply in another context (Bryman 2004). Thus, we assess that this study is characterised by transferability. The concept of dependability is related to the importance of keeping complete records of all phases of the research process, which enhances the chances of reproduction of the study (Bryman 2004, Holloway, Daymon 2011). We have ensured the study s dependability by describing in detail all our choices made in relation to the interviews throughout the thesis. Finally, confirmability is the ability to actually report findings and conclusions based on the achieved data from respondents with minimal influence by the researchers own prior prejudices (Holloway, Daymon 2011). We have ensured confirmability by explicitly presenting our prejudices in relation to food labels, cf. 2.4 Our prejudices. 8.5 Analysis of data and results We transcribed 21 all the interviews in relation to the analysis of the interviews. In this way, we have not taken our starting point in the five segments, defined by OMG, as these were based on more general parameters of behaviour than just food labels. As the purpose of this thesis is to obtain an understanding of food labels in the broad population, we have chosen to include all interviews in this thesis. We transcribed the interviews by being as true to the respondents statements as possible. This means that we included reactions, such as laughter, in the transcriptions. Furthermore, we used different signs as indicators of behaviour consisting of // for interruptions, ( ) for pauses, (xx) for actions and for falter. We find it relevant to emphasize that the interviews was conducted in Danish, but when we use quotations in this thesis, we have translated them into English in order to secure the flow of reading. Since the analysis is made 21 View appendix 6-20 (Transcription of interview with all the respondents) for more information 54

61 Part 4: Method and Analysis of Data, Chapter 8 on the basis of the original Danish statements, we assess that these translations have had no impact on our interpretation of the data. After the transcription, we started coding and thematizing the interviews. This process was carried out based on hermeneutically and dialectically premises, cf. 2.2 Methodology. The first part of the process consisted of coding the interviews in the light of hermeneutics. In this way, we interpreted all the statements from each respondent by interpreting the individual statement in relation to a whole, while the whole was interpreted on the basis of the individual statements. Thus, this process was a repeating process, in which parts of the data was interpreted and reinterpreted in relation to the whole (Thompson, Pollio & Locander 2004). In this way, each interview was interpreted in the interplay between those meanings handed down by cultural traditions and the personalized meanings that an individual constructs from them (Ibid.). The second part of the process was based on dialectically premises and had the objective of generating themes. The themes was identified by dialectically comparing and contrasting the individual statements from the respondents, with the aim of generating few themes in which there are substantial consensus (Ibid). By this process, we identified four themes, in which there are substantial consensuses among the respondents. These consist of: Food labels as a jungle Food labels as the bleeding obvious Food labels as dogmatism Food labels as symbols of the conscious consumer The first theme deals with a general confusion about the amount of food labels in the Danish market place. The second theme deals with some of the respondents expressing a negative attitude towards nutritional food labels, such as the Keyhole symbol and the Whole-Grain logo. The third theme deals with some of the respondents negative attitude towards the red Ø-logo. Finally, the last theme deals with those respondents who expressed trust in food labels, particularly the red Ø-logo. To sum up, through the analysis of the in-depth interviews we identified four different themes consisting of food labels as a jungle, food labels as the bleeding obvious, food labels as dogmatism and food labels as symbols of the conscious consumer. In the following part of this thesis, we will interpret and understand these results in the light of our theoretical foundation. 55

62 Part 4: Method and Analysis of Data, Chapter 8 PART 5 Findings Chapter 9-12 Part five presents the empirical findings by analysing and discussing the results of our studies in a theoretical perspective. We identified four different themes, which we will go through individually. 56

63 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 9 Chapter 9: Food labels as a jungle Many of the respondents in the qualitative interviews claim that they find the market for food labels difficult to navigate in. Jens-Peter expresses a general confusion about food labels: It s a jungle for a lot of people, right, that they have introduced so terribly many different labels. The intentions with labelling the products are ok, but if they could just make one standard that they agree upon? And then say that it s this label and only this label, if it s a certain thing they are labelling the product for. But when is it the one label or when is it another? And then there is this Keyhole symbol. I can t even remember what the Keyhole symbol stands for it also has something to do with ecology, right? (Jens-Peter 2012: 2) This quotation contains a broad palette of the confusion about food labels that many of the respondents express and the confusion seems to be tripartite. Partly, the confusion is based on the meaning of the individual food label and is related to the respondents knowledge of food labels. In part, the respondents expressed confusion is related to the amount of the food labels since a lot of the respondents experience overlaps between the different food labels and find it difficult to distinguish between them. Finally, the third part of the confusion is based on a frustration about why there are so many different labels in the Danish food marketplace. In this chapter, we will cover the findings related to the above mentioned confusion which will be covered in three parts: Consumer knowledge of food labels The extreme amount of food labels Dilution of the value of food labels We will draw on Giddens thoughts of various statements of experts in the late modernity plus Hansen and Thomsen s model of supra-complex decision making, in order to create an understanding of the results of our empirical studies. 9.1 Consumer knowledge of food labels The results of the quantitative research illustrated that 92 % of the Danish consumers have some degree of knowledge of what the red Ø-logo means, whereas the equivalent figures for the Keyhole symbol and the Whole-Grain logo are 75 % and 63 %, respectively. However, the results from the qualitative research paint a rather different picture of the respondents knowledge of the individual food label. Most of the respondents are unable to, or give rather vague explanations for the meaning of the individual food labels. As Børge expresses: 57

64 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 9 Well, organic products. Depending on what it is, there are some rules regarding animal welfare and how much antibiotics and things like that, which are allowed to be in the different things. The Keyhole symbol, I think, is mostly concerned with fat as far as I remember and it implies that ( ) Well, I don t know whether a bag of wine gums would be Keyhole labelled, but after all there is no fat in these ( ) I don t know. ( ) And then there is the thing about whole grains being better than white bread ( ) (Børge 2012: 4) Børge s knowledge of the different food labels seems to be on a very general level. He is able to list some of the main thoughts behind the labels, but there is a level of uncertainty in his explanation and he is not able to name any exact criteria behind the labels. However, Børge might believe that as he knows something about the food labels, he knows all about them resulting in the high percentages related to knowledge. Likewise, this could be the explanation of why only 26 % of the Danish consumers think that they are in need of more information about food labels. Among the respondents, there are also some that do not have any knowledge of the food labels. ( ) I can t remember from time to time what it is. And once in a while, I have to go in and read about the meaning of them. But damn, I can t remember it (Ebbe 2012: 8) As it appears from the statement above, the criteria behind food labels seem too complicated in order for the respondents to completely understand them. In the following, we will go in details with the respondents knowledge of the individual label. Understandings of the red Ø-logo In order to get an insight of the respondents relationship, knowledge and understanding of the different food labels, we have worked out a map of words that they linked to the individual label. In order to paint a picture of the diversity, some of the words and phrases that are linked to the label are words such as trustworthy, not particularly healthy products, hippies, holy, trendily leftish people, eggs, thinking about the entire value chain and expensive. In relation to the red Ø-logo, this illustrates that the respondents have very diverse meanings and understandings of what the label represents and which criteria lies behind. 58

65 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 9 In the figure below, all the words that the respondents associate with the red Ø-logo appear. Figure 8: Understandings of the red Ø-logo (own illustration) The difficulty of the criteria behind the red Ø-logo finds expression in Carla s statement of the label: ( ) I know that the organic farmers have the right to // I think 70 % or 60 % of the slurry, which they spread on their fields, they are actually allowed to get from the neighbour, who isn t an organic farmer (Carla 2012: 106) Carla explains how she was shocked to experience that it is ok for organic farmers to use something nonorganic in their production methods. Before she found out about this, she was convinced that the production methods, and thereby the products, was either completely organic or not. 59

66 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 9 The lack of knowledge about food labels that a lot of the respondents express seem to be related to a lack of understanding of the criteria behind the labels. The respondents find these criteria cryptic and too difficult to understand, which result in some of the respondents give up trying to understand the labels. This lack of understanding can be a result of the very diverse understandings that is related to the red Ø-logo. Understandings of the Keyhole symbol We also made a map of the respondents relationship, knowledge and understanding of the Keyhole symbol which also reveals very diverse meanings and understandings of what the label represents and which criteria lies behind. In order to paint a picture of the diversity, some of the words and phrases that are linked to the label are words such as trust, when you have limited time and energy, paternalism, not a help, nutritional composition, low fat and misleading. All these words illustrate, as in the case with the red Ø-logo, that there is no unambiguous understanding of the meaning of the label. Figure 9: Understandings of the Keyhole symbol (Own illustration) Looking at the map, the understanding of the Keyhole symbol is related to the same kind of wonder as in the case with the red Ø-logo. 60

67 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 9 For instance, this wonder found expression in Carla s statement: Well, doesn t it mean that it s healthier than for example another product, a similar product? If that s the case, then I really don t understand why there is a Keyhole symbol at leeks, but it probably contains ( ) Well, I don t exactly know what the alternative should be (Carla 2012: 46) In relation to the Keyhole symbol, several of the respondents express a lack of understanding of the criteria of this label being healthier than other products in the category. This criterion leaves some of the respondents in a confusion state of mind. Is the product healthy or not? Or is it just healthier, and in relation to this, healthier than what? The criteria seem too difficult for the respondents to understand, which lead to confusion about the label. It seems as if the functions of food labels working as mental markers, making it easier for the consumers to make their decision have quite the opposite effect on many of the respondents (Thomsen, Hansen 2006). Understandings of the Whole-Grain logo Finally, we made a map in order to get an overview of the respondents relationship and understanding of the Whole-Grain logo. In relation to this label, we also identified a very broad range of understandings. However, we also identified that the respondents find this label easier to understand than the previous ones, since the words connected to it are more homogeneous. Some of the words that the respondents use to characterize the label are: wholegrain, good for your body, quality mark, rye bread and fibres. Figure 10: Understandings of the Whole-Grain logo (Own illustration) 61

68 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 9 Looking at the map of understandings, the respondents relationship to the Whole-Grain logo seems to be rather different than the other labels. Most of the respondents accept the label s existence on the Danish market as they find the criteria behind the label easier to understand. As Morten explains: I think that the Whole-Grain logo is actually ok, but it s also very simple so to say, because it s just about, whether or not there is whole grains in (Morten 2012: 36) However, a lot of the respondents knowledge of the Whole-Grain logo is rather limited as well as it seems to be limited to explanations such as made of something rough (Ebbe 2012: 10), fibres (Liselotte 2012: 2) and bread (Flemming 2012: 18). The respondents seem to accept this incomplete knowledge of the food label and thus do not express the same confusion about this label than is the case with the two other labels. This confusion that many of the respondents express in relation to the meaning of the individual labels does not seem to be related to any specific group of consumers, cf. 8.3 The in-depth interview. Furthermore, it is in line with the results of the quantitative study stating that only 30 %, 26 % and 16 % of the Danish consumers often shop after the red Ø-logo, the Keyhole symbol and the Whole-Grain logo, respectively. In the following, we will look into how the respondents cope with the extreme amount of food labels. 9.2 The extreme amount of food labels Besides the confusion about the meaning of the individual food label, almost all of the respondents express confusion related to the amount of food labels in the Danish marketplace. It can also be confusing when there are too many labels, right (Carina 2012: 8) No because I can never remember what they mean, among other things. After all, there is an ocean (Gurli 2012: 13) Almost all of the respondents believe that there are too many different food labels resulting in the respondents not being able to distinguish between them. I am not able to tell the difference between the Nordic Ecolabel and Ecocert and the red Ø-logo, right of the reel (Carina 2012: 10) The respondents confusion about the large amount of food labels can be explained by Hansen and Thomsen s (2006) model of supra-complex decision making. According to this model, the more attributes that the consumer must evaluate in relation to product choice, the more perceived complexity the consumer 62

69 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 9 experiences. As the perceived complexity continues to increase, for instance by the means of more and more food labels, the fewer attributes the consumer will be inclined to evaluate. There are just SO many of those labels. I remember that there were three different labels on fish, ( ) and they meant almost the same all three of them, right. So it s completely hopeless (Gurli 2012: 55) It seems as if the fact that one particular product can contain many different food labels is the main impediment to many of the respondents using the food labels as mental markers, as intended. When the product contains more food labels, which one will then serve as the mental marker? As no two consumers have exactly the same cultural model, the perceived complexity in relation to the many food labels and thus, the behaviour towards them differ among the respondents. For many of the respondents, none of the food labels serve as the mental marker and thus, they turn to other decision criteria (Thomsen, Hansen 2006). For a few respondents, one of the food labels overshadows the others and thus serves as the mental marker. We will deal with this view on food labels in chapter 12. For other respondents, their reaction is related to confusion about not being able to do the right thing. It is difficult to follow the ever changing health discourse set up by the experts. In this regard, Giddens (1990) notions of the expert systems and how people in the late modernity is bombarded with statements of experts, is relevant. In this way, food labels serve as a guide to how the consumers should live if they are good consumers. This extreme amount of food labels, each containing their own set of rules for how the consumer should live creates a feeling of insufficiency with some of the respondents. This insufficiency is expressed by Børge who says: ( ) we are back to the discussion of ecology again, because how much is enough? ( ) I don t act 100% on it myself, but when is it enough? ( ) I am obliged to buy everything right, everything needs to be bio// my full existence, I am immediately supposed to buy solar cells, you know I can t I don t know. Why is only this much enough? You know, I feel like this a little something counts too! You know, it is not something that I prosper by, that I am particularly holy or anything, not at all, but again It s just because, there are so few things Something should also count. Because, when is it enough? (Børge 2012: 54) This feeling of insufficiency results in that some of the respondents are making compromises between desired attributes, thereby treating food labels as heuristics instead of mental markers (Thomsen, Hansen 2006). These respondents want to live up to these demands that are incumbent on the good Danish consumer, but the extreme amount of food labels deprive them from doing it completely. For other 63

70 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 9 respondents, the large amount of labels on each product results in a complete dissociation from the food labels. Jakob expresses this dissociation: No, not if there are many food labels on, no. Or no, I don t because I don t know what they mean. I haven t and I don t bother getting to know them, because if I buy this package of rice, then there are these types of labels on and if I buy another package of rice, then there are others types of food labels on (Jakob 2012: 40) As the statement above illustrates, some respondents find the societal demands too difficult to live up to, which will lead us to the next analysis, where we will analyse how this confusion and feeling of insufficiency might have led to a dilution of the value of food labels. 9.3 Dilution of the value of food labels The fact that almost all of the respondents agree that there are too many food labels in the Danish marketplace and that this results in the respondents not being able to distinguish between them, may result in a dilution of the value of the labels. This dilution is expressed my Jens-Peter who says: Because there is getting too many food labels to keep track on and then we are back to the thing about, you can also get too many labels. If you have a label for salt, you have a label for sugar, you have a label for that this have been grown in Nepal or you have a label for that this is organic from Vietnam or whatever. If you have labels for all things in the world, then you are suddenly in a wood of signs, in which you don t see the signs anyway (Jens-Peter 2012: 112) As it appears from the quotation above, it seems clear that if the amount of attributes related to product choice continues to increase, by introducing more food labels, the value and the use of the existing food labels will decrease (Thomsen, Hansen 2006). The consumers are not able to evaluate and consider too many product attributes at the same time. However, it also appears that the most of the respondents are interested in the concept of food labels and express a desire towards gathering some of the food labels into one label. Andreas explains: And I wish that they said that we have óne label period!. Instead of all the things with the Nordic Ecolabel and things like that forget it! Óne label this label is reasonable to buy. It is good for the environment. It is good for your health. Whatever. That I would like (Andreas 2012: 24) The fact that almost all of the respondents express a desire of getting one label instead of many is an indicator of the respondents being able to see the main idea behind food labels. A lot of the respondents want to be helped in their daily purchases. This might be a result of the speed of change in today s society resulting in consumers being bombarded with new initiatives all the time, as Giddens (1990) is referring to. 64

71 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 9 Consumers daily purchases are to a large degree build around routines and habits as it is an activity that the consumers engage in on a daily basis (Solomon 2010). Consumers need these routines in order to keep a stable everyday life and especially in a society, in which everything changes so rapidly (Giddens 1990). This implies that many more of the respondents would be willing to shop after food labels, if the amount was reduced illustrated in the following quotation by Ebbe: Well if I can manage to get through the confusion and become a little bit wiser on what the individual food label is and things like that, then I would like to shop after them (Ebbe 2012: 107) This indicates that almost all of the respondents are aware that food labels are intended to help them in their purchases. They understand the overall idea behind the food labels, like Sune mentions: They (food labels, ed.) are meant to make it easier and more manageable for the consumers (Sune 2012: 18) According to Hansen and Thomsen (2006), this attitude among the respondents is an indicator of them wanting to be able to use food labels as mental markers. They want to be able to justify their purchases by these labels, but with all the different labels on the market, there exist no just one label that contains all the requirements for the good consumer that the Danish authorities are trying to generate. Therefore, the respondents are faced with a vast number of compromises when making decisions meaning that the consumers are not able to completely adopt the role of this ideal consumer as the different food labels point in different directions. Therefore, a lot of the respondents are interested in one food label capturing all aspects of the health discourse in Denmark (Foucault 2006). Many of the respondents feel as if one such label existed, they would be able to live up to the requirements from society and thus they would be able to use food labels as mental markers, without having to make compromises (Thomsen, Hansen 2006). 9.4 Summary of food labels as a jungle This chapter concentrated on the fact that many of our respondents find the market for food labels difficult to navigate in. We identified that there seem to be consensus about three areas regarding this confusion among the respondents; what our respondents knowledge of the food labels was, how the amount of labels affected their usage of them and how they experienced the amount of labels. We found that there seem to be a fundamental confusion about the meaning of food labels, which was constituted in very diverse understandings of what each label represents. This confusion finds expression in the different maps showing the diversity of understandings, but also in terms of the fact that only 16%, 26% and 30% of the Danish consumers use the red Ø-logo, the Keyhole symbol and the Whole-Grain logo, respectively, as a guide when shopping. 65

72 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 9 This rather limited usage of food labels finds expression in that fact that many consumers are confused about the amount of labels. Throughout the analysis, it seems clear that the respondents believe that there are too many food labels, which have led to an increase in perceived complexity. Therefore, the respondents find it difficult to use the labels as mental markers. Furthermore, we identified a tendency towards the fact that some consumers find it difficult to constantly live up to the prevailing health discourse, which lead to dissociation instead of increased usage of food labels. All this confusion has somehow led to a dilution of the value of food labels, and we found that almost all of our respondents express a desire of getting a strong reduction of the amount of labels or even better, just one label that would gather them all. This indicates that the consumers are willing to use food labels as mental markers, as long as they do not become too complex. Furthermore, it illustrates that our respondents are aware of the objective behind the labels. With the general knowledge and understanding of food labels at place, it is relevant to look into the influence that the different food labels have on consumer behaviour in relation to the empirical material. In the following chapter, we will analyse how food labels and in particular nutritional food labels are being perceived as the bleeding obvious by some consumers. 66

73 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 10 Chapter 10: Food labels as The Bleeding Obvious Some of the respondents in the qualitative interviews express a negative attitude towards food labels, such as the Keyhole symbol and the Whole-Grain logo. As Børge says: I feel like this, except ecology, I fell like this in relation to food labels that, well, it s the bleeding obvious, isn t it?. You know, I know what products will make me fat and I know what products contain wholegrain, right (Børge 2012: 70) As it appears from this quotation, Børge feels that nutritional food labels are based on truisms, and thus he dissociates himself from them. Other respondents share the same negative attitude towards these nutritional food labels. Thus, the Keyhole symbol and Whole-Grain logo will serve as the pivotal point of this chapter. Generally, the negative attitude towards these labels consists of a dissociation of these labels being viewed as the right way to be healthy in society. This view results in some of the respondents feeling that these labels are related to restrictions of their behaviour. Due to these views on nutritional food labels, these respondents view users of these labels as consumers who do not take responsibility for their own life. In this light, this chapter will deal with three tendencies related to some of the respondents negative attitude towards nutritional labels: Why is there only one way to do it right? Nutritional food labels as paternalism Consumers as sheep In order to understand these tendencies, we will draw on Giddens thoughts of the expert systems and reflexivity plus Foucault s notions of discourses and governmentality. Furthermore, Rose techniques of governance and Belk s notions of the self will be included. Finally, Holt and Levy will be included in relation to the symbolic meaning of consumption Why is there only one way to do it right? Some of the respondents dissociate themselves from the Keyhole symbol and the Whole-Grain logo, because they cannot relate to the fact that these labels are representing the only way to do the right thing. ( ) well, the Keyhole symbol doesn t matter because I think that the fact that someone is saying that this is healthy. And who is to say that? Because almost everything is healthy if you only eat small amounts and then if you only eat carrots or something (Jette 2012: 4) 67

74 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 10 As it appears from the quotation, Jette does not understand why someone should decide what is best for her to eat, in order to be healthy as she believes that she knows how to compose a healthy diet herself. Anna expresses the same attitude towards nutritional food labels: I buy many raw material foods, exactly because I think that the Whole-Grain logo and the Keyhole symbol make sense when you talk about ready-meals 22. I know where a bag of carrots fit in. And I already plan my meals from raw materials and not from ready-meals. I don t think I can make use of them (food labels, ed.). I know very well how my diet should be composed (Anna 2012: 6) Anna believes that she knows how to compose a healthy diet and according to her knowledge of a healthy diet, the nutritional food labels paint a different picture. In order to understand why these respondents dissociate themselves from these labels, it is necessary to understand their relationship to the foods that the labels are being put on. In this regard, we find Belk s notion of the construction of the self, relevant (Belk 1988). According to Belk, some possessions are more central to self than others (Ibid.). For these respondents healthy food can be seen as central to the self as they have spent a lot of time familiarizing themselves with how to compose a healthy diet. Thus, these respondents have built their identity around a healthy lifestyle. The problem is just that I have studied the package that I buy. I know that in this chicken sausage and in this chicken filling that there is not so much (additives, ed.) compared to the other things (Carla 2012: 36) This intense studying, of the content of the foods that they buy, has resulted in a large degree of knowledge of healthy diets. This great involvement in health and healthy food composition have resulted in these respondents including the value of being health-oriented as a part of their identity. In this way, healthy foods have become a part of their extended selves by knowing them (Belk 1988). This passionate knowledge of healthy food has resulted in this type of foods being a subject instead of an object and thus have become a part of their selves (Ibid.). Belk argues, that whenever the functions and property of individuals are taken over by institutions, such as government and schools, there is a regrettable loss of self (Belk 1988:143). In this light, these respondents feel that their identities have been questioned as the approach to health that they have used to build up their identity, are now viewed as wrong in relation to the health discourse, partly set out by the authorities. These respondents feel that their functions of composing a healthy diet are now taken over by the authorities. In this regard, Foucault s (2006) thoughts of discourses are relevant. 22 Translated from Færdigretter 68

75 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 10 Foucault acknowledges that there exist several discourses as each individual creates its own truth by the individuals own construction of reality. However, at the same time he also acknowledges that the superior discourse will create the norm in society (Foucault 2006). In chapter 4, we have identified that the superior discourse in Denmark consist of the health discourse, which is partly created by the DVFA by the means of expert systems consisting of food labels (Giddens 1994). This is related to Foucault s (Foucault 2006) notion of governmentality, in which the authorities are concerned with disciplining the consumers by educating them how to eat healthy. Thus, defining what is morally right and wrong in terms of a healthy life (Foucault 1991). Therefore, as this superior discourse physically is represented by the food labels, these labels come to represent the norm, which creates the frame for what is being accepted as meaningful and true in relation to healthy foods in the Danish society (Foucault 2006). The reason for these respondents negative attitude towards nutritional labels seems to be based on the feeling that these labels are questioning the respondents identities as healthy consumers, by the means of the labels existence. These labels are physically representing the health discourse in Denmark and thus, the respondents feel that according to the DVFA, it is only the consumers buying after these nutritional food labels that are doing the right thing in relation to being healthy. The main issue for these respondents seem to be that if they have built their identity around an approach to health, which by the introduction of nutritional food labels are being viewed as wrong - are their identities also wrong? If their identities are wrong according to society then who are they? 10.2 Nutritional food labels as paternalism As mentioned, some of the respondents perceive the introduction of nutritional food labels as DVFA s taking over of a function that they feel is individual and belonging to them. They feel that these labels are connected to restrictions of behaviour and as Jette expresses: I don t pay attention to them at all. I ve noticed they re there, but I think it s a kind of paternalism that someone is deciding: yeahh this spread is not healthy, but the light-version of it is, and then..// But the light-version is really healthy because it has been pumped with water and all fat and taste has been removed. I just think. I would rather eat the real one instead of eating something that has been filled up with something ( ) // I just don t think it s true (Jette 2012: 6) Jette perceives these labels as a kind of paternalism, which can be defined as a gross neglect of an individual s right to make independent decisions on a know-all attitude of what there is in this individual s best interest (Den Store Danske 2012a). Jette feels that the authorities are intervening in what she perceives as a private matter, by the means of nutritional food labels. Thus, she dissociates herself from these labels and the power that the government are 69

76 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 10 trying to execute over the Danish consumers by these labels. This dissociation is related to Foucault s (1991) notion of governmentality, which is based on power and discipline (Foucault 1991). Foucault acknowledges that the existence of power has consequences. Thus, where there is power, there is also resistance (Foucault 1982). These respondents offer resistance against these nutritional food labels by dissociating themselves from the labels. I just think that it s a shame that the consumer has been deprived his privilege to decide on things. After all, in Denmark we have the privilege to consider what we re eating because we have the opportunity to choose. They still have this privilege, but if they go shopping // go shopping with an attitude saying that every product labelled with the Whole-Grain logo, the Keyhole symbol and the red Ø-logo is healthy, then I think it s a shame. I really think so. I feel sorry for those who is to eat the food, for those who are to prepare it and then I also feel sorry for // what should I say.. I know it s tacky to say, but the ability to choose for yourself. But it is somehow how I feel. It is what I get a bit pissed off about (Carla 2012: 78) As it appears from the quotation, Carla feels that the power that the Danish authorities are executing, through the nutritional labels, is a restriction on her ability to choose her foods freely. The reason for this could be seen as a desire for autonomy, which is the opposite of paternalism (Den Store Danske 2012a). In relation to this desire for autonomy, we find Rose s (1999) three techniques of governance relevant. As mentioned, these techniques consist of governance through discipline, governance through solidarity and governance through autonomy. Common to these techniques is that the individuals are seen as free (Rose 1999). In relation to some of the respondents resistance to nutritional food labels, we assess that the power being executed over them by food labels, can be perceived differently by the individual consumers due to their individual construction of reality. In this light, we assess that Rose s three techniques of governance can be viewed as three different perceptions of the governance executed through the labels. This means that some respondents perceive the food labels as governance through solidarity 23, whereas others perceive food labels as governance through discipline. We assess that the respondents offering resistance to the nutritional food labels perceive the labels as governance through discipline, whereby they are made aware of the labels as representing the norm for healthy living in Denmark (Ibid.). 23 We will go into details with this perception of governance in chapter 12 70

77 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 10 These respondents do not feel as free individuals by the means of this type of governance, but instead they feel restricted and deprived their right to decide for themselves. Yes, I would like to have the freedom to choose for myself (Carla 2012: 80) These respondents do not want to be or feel disciplined. They want to be able to make their own decisions. Thus, these respondents are driving by the feeling of autonomy, which is defined as the right to make their own decisions (Den Store Danske 2012a). In this light, these respondents might perceive the nutritional food labels differently and more positively if they perceived that the governance through these labels was based on governance through autonomy instead, where the individual is seen as self-governing and expected to take full responsibility of own action (Rose 1999). In the following, we will look into how the respondents feel that they as consumers are being reduced to a state of stupidity because of the above mentioned restrictions. Reduction to a state of stupidity Some of the respondents negative attitude towards the nutritional food labels is an expression of that these respondents perceive the governance through discipline as a form of reduction to a state of stupidity of the Danish consumers. As Christine expresses in her interview: I remember when there was a media-fuss about the emerging amount of the population becoming fat, that we were eating bigger amounts of chips and that we needed a bit of help in order to figure out that we should drink skimmed milk instead of full-cream milk. I remember I felt like this // it was a little bit like they were giving us a lesson in having the right diet-manners. That we (the consumers, ed.) did not understand so much (Christine 2012: 35) Jens-Peter agrees on this perception of the food labels. It is the reason why we are making these food labels. It is because that the starting point is that the consumers are STUPID. We are not able to figure it out ourselves (Jens-Peter 2012: 39) This feeling of reduction to a state of stupidity is one of the reasons that some of the respondents are offering resistance to the nutritional food labels (Foucault 1991). The respondents do not want to support a kind of governance, where they feel that they are made stupid because they believe that they are able to compose a healthy diet themselves and have spent a lot of time obtaining this knowledge of health. As a result to this, they feel that nutritional labels are banalizing their knowledge. 71

78 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 10 I don t think that that it s like that. I am able to see that on this page (pointing at advertising circular, ed.) here with these strawberries, kiwis, salad, leaks and apples that the Keyhole symbol illustrates that this is healthy. BUT, it doesn t take a genius to say that these things are healthy (Carla 2012: 150) For these respondents, their perceived knowledge of health composition leads to the perception and feeling of being reduced to a state of stupidity by the food labels. Thus, they offer resistance. In the following, we will deal with how these respondents view users of nutritional labels as consumers who do not take responsibility for their own life Consumers as sheep The fact, that some of the respondents sharply dissociate themselves with nutritional food labels, also implies that these respondents have a sharp attitude towards the users of these labels. I am pretty sure that more labels will emerge. One day you have to be aware of this and then a lowsalt and low-sugar brand arrives // I believe that the population is a big bunch of sheep after all they need all these labels. Especially when thinking about all the contradictory nutritional advices emerging all the time. So if you are going to follow them slavishly without considering them ( ) then you do need these labels as some sort of guidance (Anna 2012: 51) Anna metaphorically describes the Danish population as sheep as she believes that the consumers buying after the nutritional food labels consist of individuals, who are not able to think for themselves and make independent decisions. Furthermore, Anna is talking about how these consumers need the labels as they otherwise would be lost in the contradictory nutritional advices emerging all the time. This can be related to Giddens (1990) notions of the reflexivity of late modernity. Giddens argues that knowledge is only temporary as the speed of change in today s society causes that everything is developing rapidly all the time. Thus, the consumer must take a stand on what the consumer believes to be right and wrong, due to this reflexivity (Giddens 1994). It seems as if respondents like Anna have understood the rules of the game for how to get on in today s society; by being reflexive. Carla supports the importance of being a reflexive consumer: You can picture it like this: the chocolate bar is not necessarily healthy just because it has the red Ø- logo or the Whole-Grain logo on. There might be plenty of peanuts or something like that in it. You need to be able to reflect and use your common sense too, of course (Carla 2012: 194) 72

79 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 10 Carla believes that it is important for the consumer to think before buying, instead of just believe in everything that you are told. Furthermore, she believes that the nutritional food labels do not invite consumers into being reflexive, which is a premise for behaviour in today s society (Giddens 1990). It can mislead if the consumer hasn t familiarized herself with what they actual mean. And don t think twice before putting something in the basket. Then with lightning speed it will make the consumer think oh, well, this product contains the Keyhole symbol, and then it is healthy. Whether it is 2 kilos of fat with the Keyhole symbol on, they think but this is healthy. This is ok. We can eat that. I think that this is taking the responsibility away from the consumers themself that they don t have to think (Carla 2012: 60) Carla relates the concept of being reflexive to the ability of making independent thoughts and decisions plus taking responsibility for own actions. These respondents dissociation from other consumers, who buy after the nutritional food labels, can be understood in the light of one of Holt s (1995) metaphors for consuming, consuming as classification, and Levy s (1959) thoughts of the symbolic meaning of food labels. According to Holt (1995) and consuming as classification, consumption is viewed as a process in which products act to classify their consumers. I am pretty sure that people shopping with the Keyhole symbol in mind ( ) it s because they ve heard that it should be healthy and have not put further investigation into it (Carla 2012: 24) In this quotation, Carla distinguishes between herself and those consumers shopping after the Keyhole symbol. In this way, she views Keyhole-labelled foods as containers of values such as dependency on others and lack of responsibility for your own life. Thus, she uses these foods as a classification of herself in relation the opposite others (Holt 1995). Anna and Morten support this view on the opposite others in relation to themselves: I think it shows a kind of dependency on others and // that you abdicate your responsibility for your own life // It sounds like big words, but then again it s like, people just don t take any decisions by themselves (Morten 2012: 62) It is people who don t have the complete overview of what it takes to go in and take responsibility. They feel that it is someone, who I easily could imagine could be influenced to follow another religion if they come out with some new advices on health (Anna 2012: 18) This classification, of these respondents in relation to the users of nutritional food labels, can be understood in the light of Levy s thoughts of the symbolic meaning of products (Levy 1959). According to Levy (1959), 73

80 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 10 products are containers of symbolic meaning and thus, the decision of buying products also involves an assessment of the symbolic meaning of the product (Levy 1959). As the quotations illustrate, these respondents perceive foods with nutritional food labels as the symbolic meaning of abdication of your responsibility for your own life and lack of overview. They do not want to buy after these food labels as the symbolic meaning of these will reflect upon them as consumers when buying them (Ibid.). Therefore, these respondents dissociate themselves with consumers buying after nutritional food labels as these consumers, by their symbolic purchase of these labels, become a reflection of how these respondents do not see themselves as consumers Summary of food labels as the bleeding obvious In this chapter, we dealt with those respondents who express a negative attitude towards nutritional food labels, such as the Keyhole symbol and the Whole-Grain logo. These respondents negative attitude seems to be based on their own perceived knowledge of how to compose a healthy diet. These respondents believe that they are very engaged into health and have built their identities around a healthy lifestyle. The introduction of nutritional food labels as physical representations of the superior health discourse and thus, the norm in the Danish society leads to that these respondents feel that their identities are being questioned. These respondents are confused about why the authorities are intervening in their personal matters and by the means of the food labels are sending a signal of the way to do it right. In this light, these respondents perceive the Danish authorities education of the Danish consumers through the nutritional food labels as a kind of paternalism. These respondents feel that they are deprived their right to make their own decisions and they express a desire towards autonomy. They want to have the right to make their own decisions, especially as these respondents feel that they are capable of doing it due to their perceived knowledge of healthy food composition. Due to this knowledge, these respondents feel that they are reduced to a state of stupidity by the food labels as they perceive these as being built on very banal premises. Thus, these respondents offer resistance towards the labels as they do not want to be perceived as stupid consumers. For that same reason, these respondents dissociate themselves with those consumers, who buy food labelled foods as they in their point of view are stupid consumers. These respondents perceive foods with nutritional food labels on as being symbolic containers of the values abdication of your responsibility for your own life and lack of overview. These values do not match their perception of self and therefore, these respondents offer resistance towards the labels. 74

81 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 10 In this analysis the nutritional food labels, being the Keyhole symbol and the Whole-Grain logo were in focus. In the following chapter, we will look into how food labels, and in particular the red Ø-logo, create mistrust and how some consumers experience this mistrust. 75

82 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 11 Chapter 11: Food labels as dogmatism In the previous chapter, we dealt with how some of the respondents express a negative attitude towards nutritional food labels. Other of the respondents in the qualitative interviews also expresses a negative attitude towards organic food labels, being the red Ø-logo. As Morten says: It is especially the red Ø-logo ( ) it is the thing about the very dogmatic, which lies within the red Ø-logo, that I don t like (Morten 2012: 36) Morten describes the red Ø-logo as dogmatic, which can be defined as an insistence of certain claims without regard for the actual conditions (Den Store Danske 2012b). This indicates that Morten believes that the red Ø-logo is pretending to be something that it is not. This can be viewed as a kind of mistrust in the food label. Other respondents share the same sceptical attitude towards the red Ø-logo and they will serve as the pivotal point of this chapter. Generally, the negative attitude towards the red Ø-logo consists of the respondents ignorance of the label. This ignorance leads to that these respondents are sceptical about the meaning of the label and connects the label to cheating. Due to these perceptions of the red Ø-logo, these respondents view users of the organic labels as consumers who made headlong and stupid purchase decisions. In this light, this chapter will deal with three tendencies related to some of the respondents negative attitude towards the red Ø-logo: Ignorance of the red Ø-logo The fake red Ø-logo The organic freaks In order to understand our empirical results, we will draw on Hansen and Thomsen s thoughts upon mental markers, justification and perception of attributes. Furthermore, we will draw on Giddens thoughts about trust and ignorance. Lastly, we will draw on Levy and Holt in order to discuss how the respondents see other consumers use of the red Ø-logo Ignorance of the red Ø-logo Some of the respondents in the qualitative interviews express lack of knowledge of the red Ø-logo. And this is, for instance, not necessarily healthy to eat, because there are still a lot of products, which are fatty and things like that, who still are organic. So it is not because that it is good, by all means (Morten 2012: 22) 76

83 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 11 Morten uses the aspect of health as a reason why he dissociates himself from the red Ø-logo. His statement indicates that he believes this label pretends to be healthy and due to his knowledge of the red Ø-logo being placed on fatty products, he perceives the label to be cheating. This indicates his lack of knowledge of the red Ø-logo as this label does not deal with healthy food composition, cf. chapter 4. However, we did argue that the red Ø-logo is a reflection of the health discourse in Denmark, but since Morten only refers to the fat content of the products, we assess that he is not referring to this discourse. Morten s ignorance of the organic label also finds expression in another statement about the label: For instance flour, I could easily buy organic flour, because there is a better baking quality in. So it is not such a fixed religion for me (not to buy ecology, ed.). But I just think that a lot of the things being sold organic are completely stupid and also just because it is more expensive. And there need to be a very good reason why I want to buy something more expensive (Morten 2012: 10) As it appears from this quotation, Morten simply refers to the physical attributes of a product as a reason to buy organic food; the baking quality. The same attitude finds expression in Jakob s statements about the label. I also think, and it is rather sad right, but carrots that have been sprayed just looks nicer than carrots that haven t been sprayed ( ) the organic carrots just look a little bit more boring than the others, and I rather not pay more money for something that is boring (Jakob 2012: 20) This indicates that these respondents do not see or understand the more long-term effect of the red Ø-logo. This is related to Hansen and Thomsen s (2006) thoughts of different types of attributes. In relation to these attributes, it appears that these respondents view products with the red Ø-logo as experience attributes instead of the intended credence attributes. Thereby, they judge the properties of foods based on their usage of them; for instance the baking quality of the flour or the food s appearance (Thomsen, Hansen 2006). As organic products deal with more long-term effects, it is not possible to judge the products simply on usage (Ibid.). Thus, the respondents do not see an increased value of organic products. By virtue of the lack of perceived difference between organic and non-organic products, the price becomes the crucial criterion for the choice of product. Price is Alpha and Omega The ignorance of the red Ø-logo leads to dissociation from the label, by these respondents. The rejection of organic products is primarily based on a focus on price. The following quotations illustrate that the respondents do not understand the meaning of the red Ø-logo and thus, they use price as justification for their 77

84 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 11 choice of product. According to Hansen and Thomsen (2006), these respondents use the low price as a mental marker. I would like to buy organic products, because I think that it is a really good thing, but I just feel like that I don t prioritize it, when the price is so high on most of the products ( ) I mean many of the things are twice as expensive and I don t understand why it should be like that (Liselotte 2012: 6) I often notice the products that people put on the assembly line and it is very much organic, it really is, right. 7 litres of organic milk, for instance, then I think Oh heavens that sounds expensive, right (Lene 2012: 90) These respondents do not understand the meaning of the red Ø-logo and therefore, they perceive no additional value with organic products. In this light, the respondents do not see any reason for the organic products to be more expensive than other products. They perceive no match between the higher price and the value of the red Ø-logo. Thus, they use the low price as a justification for their choice of product (Thomsen, Hansen 2006). A reversed mental marker The conclusion that these respondents use the low price as a mental marker simultaneously indicates that they do not use the red Ø-logo as one. Actually, we experienced a kind of reversed use of the red Ø-logo. We got the following responses when asking the respondents whether they shop after the red Ø-logo: No. No I actually don t. Well, this one (the red Ø-logo, ed.) I never look after, or yes actually I do, because I don t want it (Lene 2012: 10) Yes, I would actually try to avoid taking this one (the red Ø-logo, ed.) (Jakob 2012: 10) This label (the red Ø-logo, ed.), I give a wide berth. As wide as I possibly can (Morten 2012: 6) As it appears from these quotations, these respondents use the red Ø-logo as way of avoiding organic products. This means that they are using the red Ø-logo in their daily purchases as a guide of avoidance. This can be viewed as a kind of reversed mental marker indicating that these respondents gain mental justification for their choice of product by referring to the fact that their products do not contain the red Ø-logo (Thomsen, Hansen 2006). In the following, we will go into details with some of the respondents perception of the red Ø-logo as fake and cheating. 78

85 Part 5: Findings, Chapter The fake red Ø-logo The respondents ignorance of the red Ø-logo has resulted in a sceptical attitude towards the label. Well, it s (food labels, ed.) about getting sold most of the things that they would like to get rid of. And then they would like to say that now it should be organic and then they would like to get rid of as fast as possible and then they need to draw attention to it I don t have the belief that it s for the sake of the citizens, or for the population, I really don t (Lene 2012: 28) Well, I think that they are made to earn money, far down the road (Andreas 2012: 24) As it appears from these quotations, these respondents believe that the red Ø-logo is made as a sales initiative. This indicates that these respondents do not see the label as a help in their daily purchases as intended. On the other hand, they see the label as a way of increasing sales. This means that the respondents are sceptical about the objective of the label, whereby the reason for their negative attitude might lie within their relationship to the issuer of the label as this issuer is responsible for the objective. Therefore, it is relevant to reflect upon these respondents relationship to the authorities, represented by DVFA, who is the issuer of the food label. In this regard, we find Giddens (1994) arguments about how all abstract systems depend on trust and how trust is an avoidable part of faith, relevant. According to Giddens (1994), trust is not the same as faith, but it is what derives from that faith. This means that in order for consumers to trust food labels, they need to have faith in the issuer and the system behind these labels (Giddens 1994). In this light, it seems as if these respondents do not have faith in the issuer of the red Ø-logo; the authorities. According to Giddens (1990), the less faith a consumer has in the system of food labels, the less likely it is that the consumer will trust food labels as mental markers in decision making. This relationship between faith and trust seems to exist in the following statements: Yes if you can trust it and of course it would be best to get eggs from hens that are running around in the field, right. But then they talk about one kind of eggs and another kind of eggs, and I m not sure that there even exist eggs from real hens walking around in a hen run. I don t believe that. Because they would be too expensive (Lene 2012: 94) In this quotation, Lene clearly states how she does not have faith in the authorities issuing the red Ø-logo as she does not believe in their announcements about organic eggs coming from hens that are able to run around in the field. However, Lene is not able to explain why she feels that way. 79

86 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 11 Not really, not really. And I wonder (how she feels that way about the red Ø-logo, ed.) now we are talking about it. Well, besides that I don t trust it. I don t trust it and I m able to see that it might be wrong, but I don t trust it (Lene 2012: 56) This quotation clearly illustrates Lene s ignorance of the red Ø-logo. She is not able to say why she does not trust this label. The reason for this may be found in Giddens (1990) remarks about how ignorance always provides ground for scepticism. Giddens argues that to be sceptical about or have an actively negative attitude towards the claim to expertise that the system incorporates is an expression of mistrust (Giddens 1994). Lene clearly expresses scepticism about the claims about the red Ø-logo, and thus she has mistrust in the label. Other of the respondents also expresses mistrust in the red Ø-logo as a result of ignorance. well, I don t know. I don t know. I haven t really got familiarized with it (the red Ø-logo, ed.), but I just know that people are getting cheated (Jakob 2012: 14) And then they get diseases and then anyways if you look at an outdoor pig. It is certainly getting a lot of medicine and that is the problem (Andreas 2012: 72) Common to the above statements is that none of the respondents are able to factually argue for their attitude towards the red Ø-logo. All of their arguments are based on vague explanations and feelings, indicating their ignorance of the red Ø-logo. Due to these views on the red Ø-logo, these respondents perceive users of the red Ø-logo as consumers who made headlong and stupid purchase decisions. We will go into details with this perception in the following part The organic freaks The fact, that some of the respondents dissociate themselves from the red Ø-logo due to their mistrust, also implies that these respondents have a negative attitude towards the users of the label. and then there are these organic freaks here and there. There are becoming more of them, right, who definitely, what can I say whether it is because of the label or if it is because it says organic ( ) The label is there somewhere, so I just think that they see the red Ø-logo and this is what s attracting them (Andreas 2012: 50) Andreas are metaphorically describing the consumers who buy organic products as organic freaks. A freak can be defined as an abnormal person regarded as a curiosity or monstrosity (The Free Dictionary 2012). This indicates that Andreas perceives these consumers as behaving irrationally when making purchase 80

87 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 11 decisions. He clearly distinguishes between him and these consumers. In this way, the red Ø-logo serves as a classification of consumers in the same way as the nutritional labels do, cf. chapter 10. Holt s (1995) typology, consuming-as-classification, is also relevant in this regard. In this light, Andreas uses the red Ø-logo as a classification of himself in relation to these opposite others (Holt 1995). Other of the respondents also expresses a clear dissociation from this social group (Ibid.). They are just so blinded by it (the red Ø-logo, ed.) (Lene 2012: 78) I don t like this completely headlong purchase of it (the red Ø-logo, ed.). I think that it is stupid (Morten 2012: 30) This classification of these respondents in relation to the consumers of the red Ø-logo can be understood in the light of Levy s (1959) thoughts of the symbolic meaning of products. In this light, these respondents view organic foods as containers of the symbolic meaning of irrational decision making, blindness and headlong purchases. Thus, they do not want to buy after this food label as the symbolic meaning of it will reflect upon them as consumers when buying them (Levy 1959). Therefore, these respondents dissociate themselves with consumers buying after the organic label as these consumers, by their symbolic purchases of this label, become a reflection of how these respondents do not see themselves as consumers Summary of food labels as dogmatism We will sum up this chapter by taking our starting point in one of Lene s statements about the red Ø-logo. The thought of that it might be true, is pretty good, right. Now my thought is more like that it might NOT be true, because well yeah I think that you adapt it after what you want it to be. If it is more expensive to buy organic, then I say, well I have heard about some coincidence in which it was cheating ergo all of it is cheating. But if it was the other way around and it was the same price, then you would have hoped that it would be true (Lene 2012: 100) We use this quotation as our starting point as it perfectly describes the conclusions of this analysis. Some of the respondents have great ignorance of the red Ø-logo, which result in them not being able to see the more long-term benefits of the label. As they are not able to see any additional benefits with organic products, they compare organic products to other products on equal terms. As these respondents are not able to see any difference between organic products and other products, the price becomes the most crucial factor in their decision making. These respondents use low price as a mental marker and simultaneously they are using the red Ø-logo as some kind of reversed mental marker, whereby they can avoid buying organic products. In order to justify a low price as the main criterion of choice, these 81

88 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 11 respondents choose to perceive the red Ø-logo as fake and cheating. As Lene states, these respondents adapt it after what they want it to be. These respondents choose to be sceptical towards the label due to this ignorance. This scepticism leads to the respondents believing that the label is made to increase sales and not as a help as intended. In this way, these respondents lack of trust in the red Ø-logo becomes crucial for their choice and rejection of products. Due to these views on the red Ø-logo, these respondents perceive foods with the red Ø-logo on as being symbolic containers of the values irrational decision making, blindness and headlong purchases. Therefore, they dissociate themselves with these labels and the consumers, who use them as they are aware that their consumption is a reflexion of who they are as individuals. These respondents view themselves as responsible and rational consumers, who are able to critically assess the products that they buy. For these respondents, this means that they feel that they, as the only consumers, are able see through the market for organic products and see the falseness of the label. Therefore, they do not want to be associated with those consumers, who buy organic products as they in their point of view are irrational and blind consumers. In the following chapter, we will look into the opposite attitude towards food labels, and in particular the red Ø-logo, since we also identified that some of the respondents did use food labels as a help. 82

89 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 12 Chapter 12: Food labels as symbols of the conscious consumer The two previous chapters have dealt with some of the respondents negative attitude towards food labels. However, some of the respondents also express a positive attitude towards food labels and they will serve as the pivotal point of this chapter. The starting point consists of Sune s answer to the question of Do you think that shopping after food labels tells about who you are as a person? 24 Yes, I definitely believe that ( ) I think that it shows that you have familiarized yourself with what you consume and buy. That you are a conscious consumer (Sune 2012: 50) As it appears from Sune s statement, some of the respondents associate food labels with the conscious consumer. This perception is related to these respondents view of food labels in general as quality stamps and concerns all three food labels. In relation to the red Ø-logo, we also identified that some of the respondents embrace this label as the right thing to do. Therefore, the red Ø-logo has become a part of these respondents lifestyle, whereby the label serves as way of maintaining a certain lifestyle and simultaneously helping these respondents in showing this lifestyle to other people. In this light, this chapter will deal with four tendencies related to some of the respondents positive attitude towards food labels: The Smiley metaphor Organic products = The ideal choice The red Ø-logo as an expression of your political and ethical position The status symbol of the red Ø-logo We find it important to emphasise that the first tendency deals with all of the food labels; the Keyhole symbol, the Whole-Grain logo and the red Ø-logo. The three remaining parts of this chapter exclusively deal with the respondents relationship to the red Ø-logo. In order to understand these tendencies, we will draw on Giddens thoughts of trust, reflexivity and lifestyle in the late modernity and Foucault s notion of discourse. Additionally, Rose techniques of governance will be brought in. Furthermore, Belk s thoughts of identity, Holt s typologies of consumption and Solomon s remarks on roles will be included. Finally, McCracken s model of transfer of meaning will be drawn in. 24 View appendix 5 (Qualitative interview guide) for more information 83

90 Part 5: Findings, Chapter The Smiley metaphor Some of the respondents express that they perceive food labels as quality stamps, which, among other things, find expression in Sune s statement: You don t put a sulky smiley on your products, that s for sure (Sune 2012: 14) Sune uses the metaphor of the Smiley System to describe his perception of food labels. The Smiley System in Denmark shows the consumers how well shops and restaurants are following the rules. A happy Smiley is an expression of a shop or a restaurant living up to these rules (Fødevarestyrelsen 2011a). In this light, Sune perceives food labels as happy Smileys as the producers otherwise would not put this label on their products. Therefore, food labels are perceived as quality marks. And then there is the thing about, well if you are able to mark your products with something then I guess that it is a quality mark of some kind. That s what I think (Sune 2012: 18) I know that there a lot of people trusting the red Ø-logo. It is a quality mark (Carina 2012: 28) According to Sune, the fact that a product contains a label is a quality mark on its own. Carina relates the perception of food labels as quality marks to trust, whereby trust can be seen as one of the main premises for these respondents positive attitude towards food labels. We find Giddens (1990) notions of trust relevant in this regard. Giddens (1990) argues how trust serves as a blocking that ensures a balanced everyday life, in which the chosen lifestyle is maintained, as the authorities and other organisations are trusted in relation to handle treats and risks (Giddens 1990). As food labels are issued by the DVFA, these respondents perceive trust in these labels as a way of minimising risks in relation to product choice. Trust s function of a blocking especially finds expression in Sune s statements: Well, I haven t really thought about that it shouldn t be true (the meaning of food labels, ed.). I really don t. I definitely expect it to be true (Sune 2012: 54) Well, I actually don t know what this Keyhole symbol stands for. But I guess I just feel with those food labels that they must mean something good otherwise they wouldn t have got it (Sune 2012: 14) Sune has a completely uncritical trust in that the food labels are expressions of true facts. This indicates that he has faith in the issuer of the food labels, the DVFA, and this faith is transferred to the food labels (Giddens 1994). In this way, he minimises the uncertainty and risks related to his daily purchases (Ibid.). 84

91 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 12 This attitude enables him to use food labels as mental markers, whereby he can justify his purchases by referring to the posterior facts of these labels (Thomsen, Hansen 2006). Other of the respondents also use food labels as mental markers, but do not express the same completely uncritical trust as Sune. Well, it is because it is the only accurately durable solution (the food labels, ed.) that we will find. And then you as a consumer have to support it, at least partially (Børge 2012: 44) As it appears from this quotation, Børge are aware that the food labels have some limitations, but he still chooses to support the labels and have trust in the labels on a superior level as he perceives the food labels as representing the best alternative, in relation to minimising uncertainty and risk (Giddens 1990). In the following, we will go into details with how some of the respondents trust in the red Ø-logo led to this label being perceived as a container of symbolic meaning Organic products = The ideal choice As it appears from the last quotation expressed by Børge, these respondents perceive it as their responsibility as consumers to support the red Ø-logo, at least partially, as these respondents acknowledge that this label is intended as an improvement of society. This conclusion is made based on the fact that these respondents have trust in the food label and the fact that the red Ø-logo exactly is intended to improve the society as a whole. This support of the red Ø-logo can be understood in the light of Rose s techniques of governance (Rose 1999). Previously, we concluded that some of the respondents offered resistance to nutritional food labels because they perceive these labels as governance through discipline, cf. chapter 10. In this case, we assess that the fact that these respondents are supporting the red Ø-logo is a result of these respondents perceiving this label as governance through solidarity (Ibid.). This is based on the respondents perception of the support of this food label as their responsibility as consumers, whereby they perceive this governance through the label as the creation of a feeling of mutual obligation. They perceive this feeling of solidarity positively and thus, they want to support it by their consumption. Whereas the respondents offering resistance against nutritional food labels expressed a frustration about the health discourse being viewed as the only way to do it right, these respondents acknowledge and embrace this one way of doing it right. This indicates that these respondents accept the norm that has been created in society by the means of the superior discourse (Foucault 2006). 85

92 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 12 I get positively surprised if we have bought something with the red Ø-logo on ( ) Then I think, well then I have chosen the right products after all (Christine 2012: 4,6) The fact the Christine is referring to organic products as the right products is an expression of her understanding and acceptance of the red Ø-logo as the norm. This can be related to Foucault s (2006) notions of norm, which creates the frame for what is being accepted as meaningful and true in a society. These respondents accept the red Ø-logo as a representation of the norm due to its function of a physical reflection of the superior health discourse (Foucault 2006). This perception especially finds expression in some of the respondents comments on how they feel frustrated if they are not able to live in complete accordance with this norm. ( ) yes but but, I it is also why I say that there are some problems with my actions in relation to this idealism, right. And it is why I think that it is not that good that we have begun to buy non-organic milk. I m not very pleased about it (Børge 2012: 22) Børge explains how he and his wife have begun to buy non-organic products in order to get more money to other things for a while (Børge 2012: 44). However, he is not satisfied with this decision and this can be viewed as a conflict between his attitude and his actions. ( ) I feel a little ambivalent in relation to this decision. I m not satisfied with my choice. I m not (Børge 2012: 8) Børge perceives and accepts the red Ø-logo as a representation of the norm and thus the right thing to do, why he is frustrated about not being able to live in complete accordance to his conviction. This frustration can be understood in the light of Belk s remarks about loss of possessions (Belk 1988). Belk (1988) argues how unintentionally loss of possessions can be perceived as a loss of self, due to possessions being a part of the self (Belk 1988). Børge feels obliged to buy less organic products as he cannot afford it. According to Belk, when the disposition is forced due to economic circumstances, such as Børge s lack of financial resources, the separation is likely to bring sorrow (Ibid.). This sorrow finds expression in Børge s frustration. Other of the respondents expresses the same frustration about not being able to act up to the norm and explained how they are trying to minimise this conflict between their actions and their attitude. You need to be able to have a pure conscience, or a clear conscience, so it s why we are saying that the basic products, that we get a lot of, they have the red Ø-logo on (Flemming 2012: 29) 86

93 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 12 As it appears from Flemming s statement, he and his wife are minimising the conflict by buying basic foods, which are organic. This attitude also finds expression in Børge s interview: I really think that one should buy organic, but then again there are also other things that are important, so it is a tight-rope walking all the time. Then there are some things, for instance eggs, which are always organic (Børge 2012: 10) In this way, the respondents feel that they are, at least partially, living in accordance to the demands that lie within the created health discourse (Foucault 2006). This selective choice of products as a way of partially acting up to the norm especially finds expression in the choice of eggs. The notorious eggs Most of the respondents prioritize buying organic eggs and this can be seen as an expression of the norm clearly having left its marks in this product (McCracken 1988a). Even among some of the respondents who do not generally support the red Ø-logo, organic eggs are perceived as the only right thing to buy. No I would like to buy more organic, because I think that it is a really good thing, but I just feel like I don t prioritize it when the price is so high on most of the products. Eggs, however, I also prioritize because I think that it is very extreme with the battery hens (Liselotte 2012: 6) Well, I buy it (ecology, ed.) once in a while for instance eggs, I exclusively buy organic eggs. And this is also connected with animal welfare, that it is the only way that I m more or less certain that it isn t those battery hens. Then yes, I try as far as possible to buy something organic (Ebbe 2012: 60) As it appears from these quotations, a lot of the respondents directly relate eggs to animal welfare. However, it could be questioned why the purchase of chickens is not perceived as connected to animal welfare in the same way as eggs? The reason for this can be found in McCracken s (1988a) model of meaning transfer. According to McCracken s (1988a) model of meaning transfer, the health discourse and thus the norm are created in the culturally constituted world. Through different systems meaning from the culturally constituted world are transferred to consumer goods, which in this case consists of organic products. In relation to eggs, especially the media system has contributed to the norm about how animals should be treated, which has been transferred to this particular type of food (McCracken 1988a). For instance, the organization The Animals Protection has made many statements in the media, in which the organization has asked the Danish consumers to boycott eggs from battery hens (Lesanner 2006). 87

94 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 12 The media s influence also finds expression in Carina s statements about eggs: I have seen it on television (the battery hens, ed.) and then you think that no damn, I don t want to support that. I don t want to support that crap! (Carina 2012: 134) In this way, especially through the media there has been created focus on the bad conditions for the battery hens and thus the norm consisting of animal welfare, placed in the culturally constituted world, has been transferred to eggs (McCracken 1988a). Therefore, eggs have been directly connected to animal welfare, whereby the consumer s purchase of eggs has become a symbol of this consumer s attitude towards animal welfare. In this way, organic products have become containers of cultural and social meanings and symbols. In the following part of this chapter, we will go into details with how the symbolic meaning of organic products has become a part of some of the respondents identities through the ritual of possession The red Ø-logo as an expression of your political and ethical position Some of the respondents express how they perceive their purchase of organic products as a reflection of their personal attitude and conviction as human beings. ( ) I think it s the thing about distinguishing between when it s a purchase and when it s an attitude, right. Ecology doesn t necessarily have to or yes it s an attitude. Or course it is ( ). It s a political position. It s an ethical position about the product that you buy (Jens-Peter 2012: 10) This can be related to Giddens statements of the construction of the self as a reflexive project in today s society and how the individual must find its identity among the opportunities provided by abstract systems, such as the food label system (Giddens 1991b, Giddens 1990). As these respondents accept the red Ø-logo as a representation of the health discourse, they also acknowledge the symbolic meaning inherent in this label. Therefore, these respondents are able to create a coherent identity through their consumption of organic products (Giddens 1991a). By the means of this food label, the respondents are able to create an interim coherence in their self-image through choice of lifestyle, way of life and planning of life (Ibid.). This can be viewed as an explanation of why Jens-Peter perceives his purchases of organic products as an expression of his political and ethical position. By perceiving the red Ø- logo as containers of these positions, as symbols, Jens-Peter is able to use this material and physical label as a narrative about his self-identity (Ibid.). In this way, organic products are not only perceived as purchases seeking to satisfy hunger, but also as reflections of these respondents lifestyle and personal attitude. 88

95 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 12 This conclusion also finds expression in Levy s argument that consumers not only buy foods for what they can do, but also for what they mean (Levy 1959). Yes, I believe that it s the conscious consumer who buys ecology, because they think about themselves, and they think about the earth and they think about the things that we leave to those people, who are coming after us (Carla 2012: 18) As it appears from this quotation, Carla clearly links her choice of organic products to the meaning of being a conscious consumer. According to Levy (1959), this can be viewed as Carla s explicit assessment of the symbolic meaning of the red Ø-logo and thus her arguments for why this type of product fits her as a consumer and as a human being (Levy 1959). This fit especially finds expression in Carla s attitude towards animal welfare. Yes, to feel good about what you eat (to buy organic products, ed.). To feel good about what you put in your mouth. Well, I could NEVER dream about putting something in my mouth, if I had seen that little well I don t eat pork, but if I had seen a little pig, who just have been treated awfully, then I could never dream about putting it into my mouth (Carla 2012: 132) This quotation can be related to Belk s (1988) arguments about how some possessions are more central to self than others, due to their symbolic meaning. The possessions of organic products can be viewed as very central to Carla, as this type of food represent a reflection of her attitude toward animal welfare and environmental concerns. Furthermore, this can be related to Belk s (1988) self-extension processes and one of Holt s (1995) typologies, consuming-as-integration, in which the consumer are able to integrate self and object. Carla has integrated organic products into her identity by having thorough knowledge of the foods, she consumes and by actively controlling what she puts into her mouth (Belk 1988). Additionally, Carla s thorough knowledge of organic products is an expression of her high involvement in these. Carla has spent a lot of time and energy into getting familiarized with the food label and has made assessments of how well their symbolic meaning fit her as a human being (Ibid.). The purchase of organic products is a sign of Carla acknowledging the fit between the values of the food label and hers. In general, these respondents choice of organic products is a result of these respondents perceiving a fit between their values as human beings and the symbolic meaning of the food label. Thus, organic products are chosen in order to maintain a certain lifestyle. In this way, the red Ø-logo can work as a guide to the performance of the role that the chosen lifestyle requires. 89

96 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 12 The importance of food labels for the families with small children Some of the respondents express how the presence of children in the family influence the choice of foods, in the direction of food labelled products. Well, after we got Christian we started to look more after this (the red Ø-logo, ed.) (Flemming 2012: 7) Now he (his son, ed.) enters into the picture and then there will definitely be more ecology, because then there will come this aspect of health that I haven t had earlier (Børge 2012: 66) As it appears from these quotations, the arrival of children leads to the red Ø-logo having a greater influence on product choice. The reason for this can be found in Solomon s (1983) statements of how consumers often relies upon the social meaning inherent in products as a guide to the performance of social roles, especially when role demands are novel (Solomon 1983). By the arrival of a baby in a family leads to new social roles consisting of mother and father. The new parents want to do the best possible for their child and according to Solomon (1983), this can be seen as the explanation for why these respondents are starting to look more after the red Ø-logo than before they had children. These respondents want to do the right thing for their children, thus acting in accordance with the norm in society. This can also be seen as an underlining of how well the health discourse, the norm, has been transmitted in the red Ø-logo (McCracken 1988a). In this light, these respondents use the red Ø-logo as a mental marker in order to act in accordance with the norm in society (Thomsen, Hansen 2006). Some of the respondents even distinguish between the type of foods that they buy for themselves and the type of foods that they buy for their child. For him we buy ecology. And for us we actually don t buy everything ecology (Børge 2012: 60) This distinction clearly illustrates the importance of the red Ø-logo for the families with children. Furthermore, it indicates how well the norm is represented in this food label. Parents might be willing to compromise with what they are consuming, for instances due to financial limitations, but they are not willing to be perceived as bad parents by not buying the right products for their children. This perception of the importance of the red Ø-logo for families with small children also finds expression in some of the other respondents statements about, who the consumer of organic products is. I think that a lot of people are very aware of their children having organic food (Gurli 2012: 24) 90

97 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 12 I think that many families with small children and then also many physical active people are very devoted to them (the red Ø-logo, ed.) (Jette 2012: 16) These quotations can be understood in the light of Levy s arguments about symbols, such as food labels, as distinctions of social groups as these respondents clearly link organic products to the social group of families with small children (Levy 1959). In the following, we will go into details with the importance of the symbolic meaning of the red Ø-logo in a social context The status symbol of red Ø-logo Some of the respondents express how the purchase of organic products is connected to sending a good signal to other people. I think that it s fine (to buy organic products, ed.), because then you send a good signal (Carina 2012: 72) It could also be that you want to look good in front of other people because it gives you status to buy ecology, and then there is someone who might buy it because it gives you status (Liselotte 2012: 34) These arguments of buying food labelled products in order to send a good signal and to obtain status can be understood in the light of Levy s arguments about the symbolic value of products (Levy 1959). Liselotte s remarks about the red Ø-logo being a status symbol can be seen in the light of perception of money (Solomon 2010). Previously, we concluded that a lot of the respondents perceived organic products as expensive products. Therefore, the perception of the red Ø-logo as a status symbol could be explained by the belonging high price. In this way, the symbolic meaning of the red Ø-logo consists, among others, of purchasing power. These respondents signal that they have purchasing power when buying the red Ø-logo (Ibid.). The signal value that lies within the red Ø-logo can be related to Holt s remarks about consuming-asclassification, in which consumers use consumption objects, such as the red Ø-logo, to classify themselves in relation to relevant others (Levy 1959, Holt 1995). This importance of the red Ø-logo as a way of classifying some of the respondents in relation to relevant others, especially finds expression in the quotations below: Well, I don t buy more organic products when we are having guest. I don t. Because they are typically not there when I unpack my product, anyways (Andreas 2012: 42) 91

98 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 12 I just feel like that on ordinary days I don t necessarily need to buy ecology, but if I m having guests or in the weekends, then I would buy it (Sune 2012: 28) Both Andreas and Sune link the purchase of organic products to the situation of having guests. However, their attitudes are somehow different. Andreas sees no reason to buy organic products when having guests, because they are not there when he unpacks his purchases. This indicates that he acknowledges the symbolic values of the red Ø-logo, but since his guests are not there to witness that he had bought the right things, he does not see any benefit related to it. On the other hand, Sune purchases organic products when he is having guests as he wants his guests to perceive him as a certain kind of consumer, by the symbolic meaning inherent in this food label (Levy 1959) Summary of food labels as symbols of the conscious consumer Throughout this chapter, we concluded that some of the respondents expressed trust in the Keyhole symbol, the Whole-Grain logo and the red Ø-logo. They perceive these labels as quality marks. In this way, these respondents are able to minimise the risk and uncertainty related to their daily purchase as they are able to justify their purchases, by the means of these food labels working as mental markers. Some of the respondents trust in the red Ø-logo led to a support of organic products. This support is a result of the respondents perception of the red Ø-logo as the right thing to do, which is an indicator of the meaning of the health discourse being perfectly transferred to the red Ø-logo through various systems. In this way, organic products have become containers of cultural and social meanings and symbols. We found that especially organic eggs were perceived as expressions of the norm in the Danish society. Furthermore, these meanings and symbols were transferred to the respondents through the ritual of possession. This possession of organic products can be seen as a result of devotion to organic products as these products are containers of symbolic meaning that fits these consumers. By virtue of these respondents purchases of organic products, the symbolic meaning of the red Ø-logo is transferred to these respondents. In this way, these respondents purchase of foods with the red Ø-logo becomes an expression of their personal attitude and political conviction. Thus, the red Ø-logo serves as maintenance of a certain lifestyle for the respondents. The need for a guide to maintain this lifestyle especially found expression in relation to the new social roles as parents. The red Ø-logo also functioned as a help to show these respondents lifestyle to other people. This lifestyle evolved around the red Ø-logo as a status symbol. This perception of status was especially a result of the higher price of organic products compared to other products. In this way, the purchase of organic products shows other people that these respondents have purchasing power. According to these 92

99 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 12 respondents, this purchasing power equals status. As a result of this, some of the respondents expressed the importance of showing the organic purchases to other people as a motivation to buy them. For some respondents, this led to the purchase of organic products being determined by the specific situation. Thus, some of the respondents expressed that they were more inclined to buy organic products if they were having guests. 93

100 Part 5: Findings, Chapter 12 PART 6 Discussions and Conclusions Chapter Part six serves as the concluding part of the thesis, in which we will discuss our findings and turn them into concrete recommendations. Additionally, we will critically reflect upon the choices made in thesis before presenting the conclusions. Finally, we will put our thesis into perspective and present suggestions for future research. 94

101 Part 6: Discussions and Conclusions, Chapter 13 Chapter 13: Managerial implications In this chapter, we will reflect on how the knowledge that we have created through our studies can be used. We will discuss the challenges and opportunities that our findings have given rise to and thus, we will transform the findings into insights about the tendencies that we identified in our studies. This discussion and reflection of the created insights will conclude in concrete recommendations to the Danish authorities and the producers of foods Challenges and opportunities In general, we found that there is a great difference between how the different food labels are perceived among the respondents. Therefore, the respondents expressed multifarious attitudes towards the labels. Generally, the respondents distinguished between the nutritional labels, the Keyhole symbol and the Whole- Grain logo, and the organic label, the red Ø-logo. In relation to the nutritional labels, we found that no respondents had actively made the Keyhole symbol or the Whole-Grain logo a part of their lifestyle. This means that no respondents expressed that they actively shop after these labels. On the other hand, the only respondents expressing a strong opinion in relation to these labels had a negative attitude towards them. This negative attitude found expression in some of the respondents feeling of dispossession of their right to make decisions about their own life. These respondents perceive nutritional labels as a kind of paternalism, whereby they feel deprived their right to behave freely and make independent decisions about foods. These respondents believe that they have great knowledge of healthy food composition and they feel reduced to a state of stupidity, because of these labels. This negative attitude constitutes a challenge for the nutritional labels. The respondent s attitude towards the red Ø-logo was more nuanced. Thus, we found that some of the respondents expressed a negative attitude towards the label, while other of the respondents expressed a positive attitude towards it. The negative attitude took the shape of scepticism, in which the red Ø-logo was perceived as fake and cheating. These respondents believed that the label was made to increase sales and they did not see the label as a help. They cannot see the advantages of the label and therefore, they perceive organic products to be too expensive. These respondents expressed lack of knowledge of the label and this ignorance resulted in a lack of trust. This negative attitude constitutes a challenge for the red Ø-logo. On the other hand, an opportunity for the label lies within the tendency that other of the respondents expressed great trust in the red Ø-logo and have incorporated this label into their lifestyle. In this way, the red Ø-logo has become a reflection of their personal attitude and political and ethical conviction. These respondents view organic products as the only right thing to buy. 95

102 Part 6: Discussions and Conclusions, Chapter 13 In relation to this perception of organic products as the only right thing to buy, we identified a unique case consisting of a particular type of organic food whereby almost all of the respondents agreed upon ecology being the only right thing to buy, even the respondents normally trying to avoid the red Ø-logo. This unique case consisted of eggs as organic eggs, by the use of media, have become symbols of animal welfare. This constitutes an opportunity for the red Ø-logo. Other general findings among the respondents were related to all of the food labels being perceived as quality marks and the confusion about the labels. The former finding refers to the tendency that a lot of the respondents generally perceive food labels as a quality mark of the product, which indicates that almost all of the respondents are able to see the overall objective of the labels as being a help to the consumers. This constitutes an opportunity for the food labels. On the other hand, all of the respondents expressed confusion about the amount of food labels in the Danish market place, which makes it difficult for the respondents to distinguish between the labels. The amount of labels may end up diluting the value of the food labels, why the extreme amount of labels constitutes a challenge. Furthermore, another challenge consists in the criteria behind the individual label being difficult to understand for many of the respondents. The criteria are perceived as too complicated and cryptic. However, an opportunity lies within the finding that almost all of the respondents expressed a desire towards being able to use food labels as a help, which found expression in the wish for fewer labels on the market. In the light of the discussion of the findings above, we have identified four main challenges and opportunities for food labels consisting of: The challenge of the amount of food labels The challenge of the multifarious attitudes towards the food labels The challenge of the dissimilar nature of the different food labels The opportunity of the perception of eggs These challenges and opportunities have resulted in five recommendations to the Danish authorities and the producers, respectively. We will go into details with these in the following The challenge of the amount of food labels The tendency that a lot of the respondents expressed difficulty in distinguishing between the different labels in the Danish market place is an expression of the amount of the labels diluting the value of the label. The labels are not a help for the respondents when there are so many of them. Especially, because one product can contain a lot of different labels, which the respondents perceive as almost identical. However, the 96

103 Part 6: Discussions and Conclusions, Chapter 13 respondents expressed that they are able to see the main idea behind the labels as being a help and they expressed a desire towards fewer labels. This indicates that a lot of the respondents are willing to use the food labels as guides, if they are able to figure out what they mean. In this light, we propose the following recommendation to the Danish authorities: Recommendation 1: Reduce the amount of food labels In this recommendation, we propose that the Danish authorities should lay down guidelines for how many labels there are allowed to be in the Danish market place. Furthermore, the Danish authorities should tighten up regulations for when it is possible to introduce a label. These regulations should be tightening in such a way that the food labels are based on more general standards meaning that there are only one label for healthy products, one label for animal welfare and one label for ecology, for instance. This means that a lot of the existing labels could be unified into one label. In this way, the consumers avoid meeting products containing both the Whole-Grain logo and the Keyhole symbol, for instance. The recommendation behind the Whole-Grain logo is also one of the recommendations behind the Keyhole symbol, whereby the consumers often meet products that contain both of the labels. In our studies, we found that more than one label on a product increases the confusion of the labels. Thus, this confusion could be diminished by reducing the amount of food labels The challenge of the multifarious attitudes towards the food labels We identified a challenge consisting of the multifarious attitude towards the food labels among the consumers. This challenge found expression in that some of the respondents expressed mistrust in the red Ø- logo and perceive it as cheating, whereas others have made the label a part of their lifestyle and perceive it as a reflection of their personal attitudes. In addition to this, other of the respondents felt that the nutritional labels are depriving them from making decisions about their own life. This indicates that the food labels are perceived very differently among the respondents. Therefore, we propose the following recommendation to the Danish authorities: Recommendation 2: Different target audiences different communication This recommendation stems from the fact that the authorities seem to have a broad approach to the Danish consumers, who are perceived as one big target audience. It is not clear in their communication, who the target audience of the individual food labels is and it seems as if they are trying to reach everybody. This is underlined by the fact that all of the respondents feel that the food labels are targeted at them resulting in the multifarious attitudes towards them. The primary learning of marketing communication is that if you try to communicate to everyone, you might end up communicating to no one (Percy, Elliott 2009). Therefore, we recommend that a precise definition of 97

104 Part 6: Discussions and Conclusions, Chapter 13 the target audience of the individual food label is made. Thus, it is possible to communicate clearly to the target audience and to develop a communication strategy. It is important to decide whether the objective of the communication is to create, increase or maintain a brand attitude or modify or change brand attitude (Ibid.). Obviously, the communication strategy cannot contain all of these objectives, why it is important to precisely define the target audience. Is the objective to change the sceptical attitude towards the red Ø-logo by targeting these respondents? Or is it to maintain the positive attitude towards the same label by targeting other respondents? Is the objective to change the negative attitude among the opponents of the nutritional labels? These objectives are important so that consumers who are not in the target audience do not perceive the communication to be targeted at them. For instance, the nutritional labels are probably not targeted at consumers, who already know how to compose a healthy diet, why it is important that these consumers do not feel targeted. As we identified in the qualitative interviews, some of the respondents believed to have great knowledge of health composition and felt that they were deprived their right to make independent decisions because of these labels. These respondents have strong opinions about these labels, and in general people with strong opinions can take positions as opinion leaders (Solomon 2010). Thus, we recommend that clear target audience definitions are done in order to be able to setup the right objectives and to create the right communication strategies. The challenge of the multifarious attitudes towards the food labels also set the scene for another recommendation. The fact that a lot of the respondents have such different understandings of the different food labels might stem from the fact that so many different units are communicating about the food labels; the authorities, the producers and the supermarkets, among others, cf. chapter 4. All these units have different approaches to the communication, which might lead to inconsistency in the ways that there are being communicated about the labels. Therefore, we recommend that the Danish authorities: Recommendation 3: Lay down guidelines for consistent communication This recommendation concerns the food labels, which the Danish authorities are promoters of. These authorities do not have the exclusive rights to communicate about the food labels as the producers of the foods and the supermarkets also use these in their marketing communication. In this way, without some guidelines, there is no consistency in the communication. This lack of consistency is very important when trying to build a strong brand and could be the reason for the very different perceptions of the food labels (Keller 2008, Percy, Elliott 2009). Consistency is crucial in marketing communication in order for the target audience to get an uniform perception of the brand in all of 98

105 Part 6: Discussions and Conclusions, Chapter 13 its brand touch points (Ibid.). Therefore, we recommended that the Danish authorities lay down guidelines for how the communication about the food labels should be in order to maintain consistency The challenge of the dissimilar nature of the different food labels A lot of the respondents clearly distinguished between the nutritional labels and the organic label, which resulted in very different perceptions of and attitudes towards the different types of food labels. In this way, it is very different challenges that the different labels face. Therefore, we propose the following recommendation to the producers of food labelled products: Recommendation 4: Different food labels different communication This recommendation is addressed to the producers of food labelled products as they tend to communicate about all of the food labels together. For instance, the Levevis TV commercial, cf. chapter 4, is built around the slogan: Just look at all the food labels we are just the thing for you. In this way, Levevis does not distinguish between the different types of labels on their products, but instead are referring to all of them as one unit. This way of communicating about the labels might be one of the reasons why a lot of the respondents had a difficult time distinguishing between the different labels as they are not educated about the meaning of the individual label in this way. By communicating about the individual food label will also make it easier for those respondents, who expressed that they find it difficult to understand the meaning and criteria behind the individual label. In this way, we recommend that the individual labels point-of-difference (Keller 2008) is clarified in the producers communication about their food labelled products. Thus, we recommend that the individual food label should have its own set of communication The opportunity of the narrative of the eggs The fact that almost all of our respondents perceive organic eggs as the only right thing to buy, even those respondents who do not buy other organic products, indicates that something in the communication strategy have been very successful. The narrative of the eggs has made an impact on many of the respondents and has resulted in organic eggs being perceived as the right thing to buy. These eggs have been constituted as a norm because the narrative about the eggs was told in a frightening manner. Therefore, we propose the following recommendation to the Danish authorities in relation to the red Ø-logo: Recommendation 5: Narrate the good story The case of the organic eggs indicates that the consumers must be frightened in order to see the benefit of organic products. Furthermore, this indicates that communication about the red Ø-logo must be based on an appeal to the consumer s bad conscience. Additionally, it seems as communication such as public relations, 99

106 Part 6: Discussions and Conclusions, Chapter 13 PR, is the right approach to communication in this regard as the respondents in our study referred to how statements from experts in the media have had an impact on them. The Danish authorities should use a public relation strategy to inform about the meaning behind other organic products in the same way as the eggs. One of the advantages with public relations is that PR messages are not delivered as advertising or promotion, whereby the message is likely to be seen as more credible (Percy, Elliott 2009). In this way, the respondents expressing scepticism about the red Ø-logo might be able to see the advantages of organic products and no longer perceive it as sales initiative. In this light, we recommend that the authorities focus on telling the frightening story of organic products. 100

107 Part 6: Discussions and Conclusions, Chapter 14 Chapter 14: Critical reflections Before we draw the final conclusions of the thesis, we will reflect upon the limitations related to the choices that we had made throughout the thesis. In this light, at first we will reflect upon our partnership model with OMG and we will assess how this cooperation has influenced our methodical choices. Subsequently, we will reflect upon the limitations of the chosen methods and assess how these limitations have influenced our findings. In this regard, we will draw in the thoughts of our prejudices in relation to thesis topic, which we outlined in 2.4 Our prejudices. Finally, we will reflect upon how our theoretical foundation has influenced our understanding of the results of our study The Partnership Model Our cooperation with OMG has involved that the choice of methods has been made for us and luckily for us, the chosen types of methods turned out to be a perfect match with the aim of our research questions. However, we acknowledge that without this partnership model, we might have chosen other qualitative research methods. Furthermore, the overall frames for the qualitative interviews were determined by OMG, whereby we were limited in our possibilities in relation to the respondents. For instance, we did not have the possibility to contact our respondents after the interviews in order to ask for clarifying questions. This meant that we were not able to conduct respondent validation, cf. chapter 8. Furthermore, the interview guide of the in-depth interviews was structured around six themes, of which one of them dealt with the respondents relationship to food labels. This amount of different themes limited the possibilities of dealing with the theme of food labels in depth. Therefore, if the interviews had dealt with food labels only, we might have been able to go even deeper into the respondents relationship to them. In this light, we acknowledge that the partnership model has involved certain limitations and that we might have made other choice without this cooperation The quantitative e-survey One of the limitations of the e-survey is related to the nature of this type of method, in which it is not possible to ask the respondents elaborating questions to their answers (Bush, Ortinau & Hair 2009). In this way, it is not possible to get an understanding of why the respondents answer in a certain way. Furthermore, the e-survey was built up as a standardised and fixedly structured questionnaire, with answers that were primarily closed (Bush, Ortinau & Hair 2009, Riis 2005). This results in the respondents being limited in their possibilities of answers. Another limitation is related to the lack of possibilities for asking elaborating questions and is related to the concept of internal validity. As mentioned earlier, this concept defines whether or not the findings of the research are accurately representing the referred phenomenon meaning the probability of the questions being 101

108 Part 6: Discussions and Conclusions, Chapter 14 misunderstood by the respondents (Riis 2005). The nature of the e-survey also deprives the respondents an opportunity to ask for clarifying questions about the questions in the survey. This means that the questions might not be understood accurately. From a hermeneutical perspective, this limitation is even more interesting as who is to say how the questions are understood accurately? Is there only one way to understand the questions? From this perspective, we assess that the answers were based on the respondents subjective knowledge, which refers to their perception of their own knowledge (Pillai, Hofacker 2007). This means that there may be a great difference between how much knowledge two respondents actually have about a particular food label and how much knowledge, they think that they have, which means that the results might be misleading. This relation between subjective and objective knowledge could have been measured in the survey by including some factual questions about the food labels, whereby the respondents subjective knowledge could have been compared to facts (Riis 2005). In this light, the results from the quantitative research appear to be objective as they are constituted in absolute numbers. However, these numbers are not objective as the answers are based on multiple interpretations from the respondents. Therefore, the quantitative e-survey possesses limitations in relation to not being able to ask elaborating questions and in relation to the results appearance as objective facts Qualitative in-depth interviews One of the consequences of performing in-depth interviews is the possibility of misunderstanding the respondents words and explanations in the interpretation process. In order to overcome this limitation, Bryman (2004) suggests an on-going analysis. In executing this kind of analysis, the respondents have the opportunity to verify the interpretations that was done in the analysis and thereby secure credibility, cf. chapter 8. However, we did not have the possibility to outperform this kind of feedback due to our partnership model. Another limitation related to qualitative interviews is constituted by the scientific foundation that this research method is a part of. As mentioned in the chapter 2, we as researchers will always bring a baggage when performing the interviews. In this case, the fact that we are a part of the same society and culture as our respondents can be seen as a limitation as it is not possible for us to completely distance ourselves from implicit meanings and understandings. In practice, this means that although we urged to get as many clarifications of our respondents stories as possible, there might have been some understandings and meanings that we took for granted and thereby made implicit meanings and understandings. However, according to McCracken (1988b), this implicit knowledge is always a hazard when conducting qualitative research in the culture that you are part of (McCracken 1988b). This limitation could have been reduced by including an alternative research method, for instance focus groups. This kind of method is relying on group interaction and spontaneous discussion on a particular concept. In this way, the participants statements are 102

109 Part 6: Discussions and Conclusions, Chapter 14 interpreted and challenged by other participants as well, whereby the understanding does not simply rely on the interviewer and thus reducing the risk of implicit understanding (Bush, Ortinau & Hair 2009). Another possible limitation of this type of research is related to another of our prejudices consisting of who the typical consumer of food labels is. For instance, we had a clear supposition that many consumers buy food labels and construct their identities through these labels without out having any knowledge of these labels. We did not identify any tendencies pointing in this direction. On the other hand, we identified that those consumers with low knowledge of the food labels typically try to avoid them. Furthermore, we had a prejudice concerning the non-users of food labels being of lower social class. We did not find that the respondents attitude and knowledge of food labels were related to their demographic characteristics, so we did not find any basis for this prejudice as well. In this light, our prejudices were put on the line in the research and were actually turned upside-down Theoretical reflections The social constructivist perspective implies that the research only gives a present picture of what the respondent saw as his or hers world at that moment, and was interpreted by us as the interviewers at that same moment (Fuglsang, Bitsch Olsen 2004). In this light, it is not certain that the same picture will occur if the interviews were conducted at another time or by a different interviewer (Ibid.). This means that our findings are based on present pictures of what our respondents saw as their world at the time of the interviews. Another limitation is related to the theoretical foundation of the thesis, which is framed by Østergaard and Jantzen s (2000) two interpretive perspectives of consumer behaviour; consumer research and consumption studies. We acknowledge that the choice of these two perspectives as our theoretical foundation have shaped the way that we have understood the results of our study. This means that if we have found other perspectives more relevant in relation to our research question, we might have got a different understanding of the consumers. This is due to the different perceptions of consumers and thus different methodological foundations found in other perspectives. For instance, the choice of the consumer behaviour perspective would had implied a view of the consumer as rational, whereby we would have understood the respondents attitude towards food labels as based on rational decisions (Østergaard, Jantzen 2000). In this way, the choice of other perspectives would also have implied different methods. The limitations related to the two chosen perspectives as our theoretical foundation lies within the fact that it based in existential psychology, sociology and anthropology. These perspectives imply that it is up to the consuming individual to construct their own world and interpret it (Ibid.). Therefore, one consumer s point of view might not be equivalent to another consumer s point of view, which makes it difficult to generalize from the data. In this way, it is only possible to outdraw specific tendencies in society through the study. 103

110 Part 6: Discussions and Conclusions, Chapter 14 Generally, we acknowledge that there are limitations related to all our theoretical choices. The chosen theories have constituted the glasses through which we have interpreted and understood the results of our studies. For instance, the choice of Giddens notions of the dynamics of the late modernity has shaped our understanding of the Danish society. Additionally, Giddens thoughts of reflexivity have influenced our understanding of the respondents statements about their attitude towards food labels. In this way, we are aware that the chosen theories have resulted in certain conclusions about the consumers relationship to food labels. Therefore, we acknowledge that the choice of other theories might have resulted in other interpretations and understandings of the results from our studies and thus, had resulted in different conclusions. 104

111 Part 6: Discussions and Conclusions, Chapter 15 Chapter 15: Conclusion The objective of the thesis was to achieve an understanding of the Danish consumers perceptions and attitudes towards food labels in an individual and sociocultural context. Firstly, this was done by reflecting on the justification of the labels in the Danish market place. Subsequently, we studied how the increasing amount of labels influences the Danish consumers relationship to the labels. Additionally, we studied how cultural factors influence the consumers relationship to food labels and how these labels contribute to the creation and maintenance of consumers lifestyle. Finally, we discussed and reflected upon how the findings of our studies can be seen as challenges and opportunities for the food labels and in the light of these, we came up with recommendations for the Danish authorities and the producers of foods. The justification of the food labels must be understood in the light of the characteristics of the Danish market place. This market place is far more dynamic than earlier, in which an increasing flow of information implies that the consumers are confronted with a variety of offers and opportunities that the consumers must take a stand on (Giddens 1990, Giddens 1991a). These offers and opportunities especially find expression in diverge health claims with a natural link to recommendations and good advices about correct consumption of foods and execution of lifestyle. In this way, foods become attached with symbolic meanings by virtue of the penetrating communication from the discourse-creative actors in the society, such as the Danish authorities, producers of foods, supermarkets, health experts, media and expert systems (McCracken 1988b). These actors contribute to the consumers construction of different convictions of foods and health. Governmental food labels can be seen as an expert system in which the Danish authorities are trying to educate the consumers on how to eat the right products (Giddens 1990, Giddens 1994, Giddens 1991b). In this way, the purpose of food labels is twofold. In one way, food labels serve as informative symbols of the products content and origin seeking to make it easier for the consumers to choose in the great selection of foods. In this view, food labels can be perceived as mental markers making it easier for consumers to mentally justify their choice of product (Thomsen, Hansen 2006). The second part of the purpose consists of food labels function as guides towards a desired behaviour. The authorities, represented by the Danish Veterinary and Food Administration (DVFA), want the Danish consumers to eat healthier and more ecoconscious. In order to create this desired behaviour, DVFA has introduced the organic food label, the red Ø-logo, and the nutritional food labels, the Keyhole symbol and the Whole-Grain logo. In this way, these labels come to represent what the authorities accept as meaningful and true in relation to the consumption of foods and thus, food labels can be perceived as physical representations of the overall discourse in Denmark (Foucault 2006). Thus, we conclude that food labels function as symbols of what is constituted as being the right thing to buy in the Danish society; the norm. 105

112 Part 6: Discussions and Conclusions, Chapter 15 The DVFA s use of food labels as educative tools can be perceived as governmental discipline, whereby the authorities are exercising power over the consumers (Foucault 2006, Foucault 1982, Rose 1999). In the thesis empirical analyses, we found that the consumers have very different ways of reacting to this power. This resulted in our identification of four different and opposing themes consisting of food labels as a jungle, food labels as the bleeding obvious, food labels as dogmatism and food labels as symbols of the conscious consumer. The first theme is related to the increasing amount of labels impact on the consumers relationship to the labels. The remaining three themes deal with the consumers perceptions and attitudes towards food labels. In general, we found that both cultural and individual factors influence these perceptions and attitudes as the individual and the society/culture is understood as two interacting and inseparable elements, whereby both of these factors found expression in the three themes (McCracken 1988b). By virtue of the thesis scientific foundation, the four themes are expressions of tendencies in the Danish society. The theme food labels as a jungle stems from the fact that a lot of the respondents agreed upon the amount of food labels leading to a state of confusion. The increasing amount of labels has resulted in a lack of ability to distinguish between the different labels as they represents an increasing amount of attributes that the consumers need to evaluate in order to make a decision and this leads to increased complexity (Hansen 2005). This tendency is supported by the results of the quantitative e-survey stating that only 16 %, 26 % and 30 % of the Danish consumers usually shop after the red Ø-logo, the Keyhole symbol and the Whole-Grain logo, respectively. In this light, we conclude that the purpose of making it easier for the consumers to choose the right products by the mean of food labels is offset by the amount of labels. However, it is important to emphasize that we identified differences in the respondents reactions to this confusion, depending on their relationship to the individual food label. For those respondents who had not made food labels a part of their life, the amount of food labels is one of the main obstacles. For these respondents, the increasing amount of food labels implies that they are not willing to familiarize themselves with the labels. In this regard, we find it interesting to reflect upon that fact that neither of our respondents has made the Whole-Grain logo or the Keyhole symbol a part of their lifestyle. This might be a result of these two labels being introduced to the market in 2009, at the time of the label boom being at its height. The red Ø-logo was launched in 1989 before the boom and this might be the reason that for those respondents, who actively had made the red Ø-logo a part of their lifestyles, the impact of the amount of labels is smaller. Those respondents are loyal to this label and the amount of labels does not change that. The theme food labels as the bleeding obvious deals with some of the respondents expressing a negative attitude towards nutritional food labels. They perceive these labels as paternalism, whereby they feel deprived their right to make their own decisions and thus, they offer resistance to the power being executed by the means of the labels (Foucault 1982). Characteristic for these consumers are that they believe that they 106

113 Part 6: Discussions and Conclusions, Chapter 15 have knowledge of how to compose a healthy diet and that they have built their identities around this (Belk 1988). The food labels function as representations of the superior health discourse implies that these consumers feel that their identities are being questioned (Foucault 2006). They feel that they are reduced to state of stupidity by the food labels function as educative and disciplining tools (Foucault 2006). Furthermore, these respondents perceive nutritional food labels as symbolic containers of the values abdication of your responsibility for your own life and lack of overview (Levy 1959). Food labels as dogmatism deals with some of the respondents negative attitude to the red Ø-logo based on a perception of this label pretending to be something that it is not. These respondents have great ignorance of the label and this ignorance has resulted in scepticism (Giddens 1990). These consumers are not able to see the more long-term effects of the red Ø-logo and thus, they compare organic products to other products on equal terms. Therefore, the price becomes the most crucial factor in their decision making and in order to justify this emphasis on price, these consumers choose to perceive the red Ø-logo as fake and cheating (Thomsen, Hansen 2006). In this light, these respondents perceive the red Ø-logo as symbolic containers of the values irrational decision making, blindness and headlong purchases (Levy 1959). The fourth theme food labels as symbols of the conscious consumer refer to those respondents who have made the red Ø-logo a part of their lifestyle. For these respondents, the trust in this label serves as a blocking that ensures a balanced everyday life, in which the chosen lifestyle is maintained as the authorities are trusted in relation to handle treats and risks. Thus, these respondents perceive trust in the red Ø-logo as a way of minimising risks in relation to product choice (Giddens 1990). In general, we found that only those consumers with a positive attitude towards food labels have made them a part of their lifestyle and identity. This applies for these respondents and thus, the red Ø-logo has become an expression of their personal attitude and political conviction (Belk 1988). This implies that, for these consumers, the meaning of the superior health discourse has been perfectly transferred to the label (McCracken 1988b). In particular, we found that organic eggs are perceived as expressions of the norm in the Danish society. In the light of the above, we conclude that the justification of the food labels in the Danish market place is based on their functions as informative guides seeking to make the consumers choice easier and to serve as physical representations of the superior health discourse that the authorities are advocating for. Furthermore, we conclude that the increasing amount of labels influence the consumers relationship to the labels by being the main obstacles to the consumers taking the labels into their lives. Finally, we conclude that the food labels functions as cultural norms influence the consumers relationship to the labels in different ways. Some consumers dissociate themselves from this norm and offer resistance to the food labels functions as the only way to do it right, whereas other consumers embrace the norm and thus, the labels come to serve as contributors to the creation and maintenance of these consumers lifestyle. In the light of these conclusions, 107

114 Part 6: Discussions and Conclusions, Chapter 15 the findings of our quantitative and qualitative studies can be seen as opportunities and challenges for the food labels in the Danish market place. These have resulted in five recommendations. Primarily, the tendency that consumers find it difficult to distinguish between the different labels constitutes a challenge as the amount of labels seems to dilute the value of them. Therefore, we recommend that the Danish authorities reduce the amount of food labels and lay down guidelines for how many labels that there are allowed to be in the Danish market place. Additionally, a challenge exists in the multifarious attitudes towards the food labels. This challenge finds expression in that some of the respondents expressed mistrust in the red Ø-logo, whereas others have made the label a part of their lifestyle. In addition to this, other consumers perceive nutritional food labels as paternalism. In this light, there is a tendency consisting of very dissimilar perceptions of food labels among consumers. Therefore, we recommend that different target audiences require different communication due to the fact that the authorities seem to perceive the Danish consumers as one big audience. As we have concluded that multifarious attitudes exist, it is crucial that the target audience is clearly defined in order to develop an effective communication strategy towards this audience (Percy, Elliott 2009). Furthermore, we recommend that the Danish authorities lay down guidelines for consistent communication as the multifarious attitudes among consumers might be a result of so many different units communicating about the food labels; the authorities, the producers and the supermarkets, among others. Thus, in order to turn the food labels into strong brands, there needs to be consistency in the marketing communication (Ibid.). Additionally, we identified a challenge constituted by the dissimilar nature of the different food labels as a result of the respondents clearly distinction between the nutritional labels and the organic label. These different perceptions imply different challenges, whereby we recommend that the producers of foods acknowledge that different food labels require different communication. The producers tend to communicate about the different food labels as one unit, whereby the needs of the individual label are not addressed. Finally, we identified an opportunity consisting of the narrative of the eggs, which stems from the fact that a lot of consumers perceive organic eggs as the only right thing to buy and have come to constitute a norm. This indicates that some elements in the communication strategy about this organic product have been very successful. Thus, we recommend that the Danish authorities narrate the good story about organic products as the consumers must be frightened in order to see the benefit of organic products. 108

115 Part 6: Discussions and Conclusions, Chapter 16 Chapter 16: Putting into perspective and future research In this chapter, we will put the findings of the thesis into perspective and we will make recommendations for future research, which our findings have opened the way for Putting into perspective In relation to putting the findings of the thesis into perspective, we find it relevant to assess our findings in the light of a new initiative, consisting of a consumer bill, suggested by the Danish authorities on the 31th of July 2012 (Damløv, Skov 2012). This new initiative underlines the topicality and relevance of our studies. Thus, we find it relevant to assess our findings in relation to this consumer bill. The definite consumer bill will be presented by the authorities in the course of the following weeks, counting from the 31th of July Therefore, at the time of writing, we only have knowledge of the overall idea behind this bill. Generally, the authorities want to weed out in the consumer labels 25 in order to make it easier for the consumers to choose. The authorities acknowledge that the optimal situation would be one label, which guarantees health, environmental protection and animal welfare, among others (Ibid.). The Consumer s Advisory Council supports the consumer bill as they states that the consumers are not able to remember too many labels and then the labels will have no effect. It is essential that the consumers know what the consumer labels means when they encounter them (Ibid.). Furthermore, this council underlines that the main problem with these labels lies within the private- and the NGO organisations introducing their own consumer labels (Ibid.). Generally, the overall idea behind the new consumer bill is in line with some of the tendencies that we identified in our studies. These tendencies consist of the amount of food labels resulting in confusion among the respondents. However, we disagree that the main problem with the consumer labels lies within labels issued by private- and NGO organisations. Our studies solely dealt with labels issued by the authorities and the respondents expressed great confusion about these governmental food labels. Furthermore, we identified a tendency consisting of a negative attitude towards the food labels among some of the respondents. In this light, we assess that it is not enough only to reduce the amount of consumer labels in the Danish market place. In relation to this, we identified that one of the main challenges for food labels is that they have no clear target audience and thereby no clear way of communicating directly to consumers. The communication is crucial for the consumer s understanding of the labels. Therefore, we assess that the authorities initiative of reducing the amount of food labels is not enough, but it is a step in the right direction. 25 Consumer labels are referring to all labels in the Danish market place, including food labels 109

116 Part 6: Discussions and Conclusions, Chapter Suggestions for future research We have repeatedly mentioned the importance of targeted communication towards a precisely defined target audience, in order to create strong brands of the red Ø-logo, the Keyhole symbol and the Whole-Grain logo. However, our studies have not set the scene for recommendations of specific segments and target audiences for these labels as it was not the purpose to do so. Our studies were designed to obtain knowledge of the broad populations relationship to these labels, in order to create a deep and nuanced understanding of them. This was also the reason why the study was carried out among the broad population and not among a narrow defined target audience. However, our studies, illustrating tendencies to multifarious attitudes towards the labels, have set the scene for future research seeking to precisely defining the different segments and thus recommending target audiences for the food labels. In this way, it is possible to make more targeted communication strategies (Percy, Elliott 2009). In this light, we recommend that future studies in relation to consumer behaviour and food labels should be structured around making attitudinal segmentation of the Danish consumers. According to Percy and Elliott (2009), attitudinal segmentation is preferable as it is necessary to understand the fundamental attitude of segments towards food labels, in order to communicate effectively (Percy, Elliott 2009). Our studies have indicated tendencies of different attitudes among the Danish consumers and these would be interesting to get a deeper understanding of. In this light, future studies could be designed as a preliminary quantitative e-survey, structured around the different attitudes found in our study, seeking to get a grasp of the size of the different consumer segments (Bush, Ortinau & Hair 2009). This knowledge of the size of the segments is crucial in relation to the assessment of the segments potential and profitability (Percy, Elliott 2009). For instance, if the segment of sceptical consumers towards the red Ø-logo turns out to constitute only 1 % of the Danish population, then it might be a waste of communication trying to change these consumers attitude. On the basis of the results of the quantitative e-survey, different segments could be identified and the target audience could be chosen. Additionally, this study could be followed by qualitative research seeking to create a deeper understanding of the chosen target audience in terms of their need, wants and desires, in order to effectively design the marketing communication strategy. 110

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123 Appendices Appendix 1: Presentation of OMG OMD (Omnicom) was founded in 1996 and is part of the worldwide OMG (Omnicom Media Group), which is represented with 140 bureaus covered in 80 countries. Omnicom Media Group includes the full service media networks OMD and PHD as well as a number of specialty media communications companies. OMD ( is the leading media communications agency, with more than 8,000 employees across 100 countries serving the world s high-profile brands. OMD provides a range of services globally including communications strategy, media planning and buying, digital execution, content creation, entertainment marketing, sponsorship and brand analytics. OMD is recognized for its global footprint, strategic integration and creative innovation. 117

124 Appendix 2: Flowchart of Retail Study Time Schedule for the Retail Study 2012 January February March April May June July August Week Quantitative e-survey Diary study Ethnographic interview Creation of questionnaire Collection of quantitative data Processing and analysis of the quantitative data Consumers' completion of the diaries Processing and analysis of the diaries Creation of the interview guide Carrying out of the participant observations and interviews Processing and analysis of the qualitative data Processing of data Other PR Preparation of PR-material and presentation Launch Figure 11: Flowchart of Retail Study (OMG) 118

125 Appendix 3: Quantitative questionnaire The following questions consist of those questions in the quantitative e-survey dealing with food labels. The remaining 82 questions of the e-survey are omitted from this appendix, cf. 1.5 Delimitation. Tekst De næste spørgsmål handler om dit forhold til ernæringsmærker, kendte mærker og butikkernes egne mærker. Batteri enkeltsvar - Randomiser udsagn - Illustrer de enkelte mærker med billeder Sp.24 Hvor godt kender du følgende mærkningsordninger? 1. Økologi 2. Nøglehulsmærket 3. Fair trade 4. Fuldkornsmærket 5. Varefakta 6. Nordisk miljømærkning (Svanemærket) 7. E-mærket Skala 1. Kender det ikke 2. Kender det, men ved ikke, hvad mærket betyder 3. Kender det og ved nogenlunde, hvad mærket betyder 4. Kender det og ved, hvad mærket betyder 5. Ved ikke Halvåbent flersvar plusfilter hvis svar i Sp.24_1-9=3-4 - Randomiser 1-8 SP=10-11 Sp.25 Hvilke mærkningsordninger plejer du at handle efter? 1. Økologi 2. Nøglehulsmærket 3. Fair trade 4. Fuldkornsmærket 5. Varefakta 6. Nordisk miljømærkning (Svanemærket) 7. E-mærket 8. Andre, notér venligst her: 9. Jeg handler ikke efter mærkningsordninger 10. Ved ikke Enkeltsvar Sp.26 Savner du mere information om de enkelte mærkningsordninger? 1. Ja 2. Nej 3. Ved ikke 119

126 Appendix 4: Quantitative results Total Hvor godt kender du følgende mærkningsordninger? - TOTAL Kender det ikke Kender det, men ved ikke, hvad mærket betyder Kender det og ved nogenlunde, hvad mærket betyder Kender det og ved, hvad mærket betyder Ved ikke Total Økologi 2% 5% 28% 64% 1% 100% Nøglehulsmærket 7% 17% 36% 39% 2% 100% Fair trade 8% 8% 34% 49% 2% 100% Fuldkornsmærket 24% 16% 31% 26% 3% 100% Varefakta 11% 26% 35% 26% 2% 100% Nordisk miljømærkning (Svanemærket) 5% 13% 40% 41% 1% 100% E-mærket 17% 20% 31% 31% 3% 100% Figure 12: Consumer knowledge of food labels (OMG) Hvilke mærkningsordninger plejer du at handle efter? - TOTAL Total No Yes Total Økologi 70% 30% 100% Nøglehulsmærket 74% 26% 100% Fair trade 81% 19% 100% Fuldkornsmærket 84% 16% 100% Varefakta 89% 11% 100% Nordisk miljømærkning (Svanemærket) 79% 21% 100% E-mærket 90% 10% 100% Andre, notér venligst her: 98% 2% 100% Jeg handler ikke efter mærkningsordninger 58% 42% 100% Ved ikke 98% 2% 100% Figure 13: Consumer behaviour in relation to food labels (OMG) 120

127 Savner du mere information om de enkelte mærkningsordninger? - TOTAL Total Ja Nej Sp.26 Savner du mere information om de enkelte mærkningsordninger? Figure 14: Consumers need for information about food labels (OMG) Ved ikke Total 26% 61% 13% 100% 121

128 Appendix 5: Qualitative interview guide The following questions consist of those questions in the qualitative in-depth interview. The remaining 5 themes of the interviews are omitted from this appendix, cf. 1.5 Delimitation. Introduktion Emne: Et studie om danskerne mad og indkøbsvaner Det juridiske: Optagelse, anonymitet Mine forventninger: Ærlighed, der er ikke noget rigtig og forkert. Vi er interesseret i dine historier HUSK AT TAGE ET BILLEDE OG TÆND OPTAGEREN Mærkningsordninger Deltagerne præsenteres for billeder af mærker Theme 1: Har du set disse mærker? Hvad tror du ideen bag hvert mærke er?/hvad er ideen bag hvert mærke? Køber du selv ind efter disse mærker? Hvad forbinder du generelt med mærkningsordninger? Hvilke karakteristika har de? Theme 2: Er der nogen særlige personer, som køber økologimærket? Nøglehulsmærket? Fuldkornsmærket? Theme 3: Hvilke fordele eller ulemper ser du ved hver af de tre mærker, som ligger foran dig? Hvilken betydning har disse fordele/ulemper for dig når du køber ind? Kan du beskrive en situation hvor du køber ind efter mærkningsordninger? o Er der noget særligt ved denne situation? Hvornår fravælger du dem? o Probe på produkter, situationer, indkøbssteder osv. Kan du beskrive en situation hvor du kunne forestille dig at købe ind efter mærkningsordninger? Hvorfor tror du at der findes mærkningsordninger i Danmark? Theme 4: Hvad skal der til for at du køber flere/færre produkter med mærkningsordninger? Synes du der er nogle mærkningsordninger, som mangler på markedet? o Probe på behov, fremtid mv. Statements præsenteres enkeltvis og diskuteres (prompts) Statement 1: Der er alt for mange mærkningsordninger på det danske marked Statement 2: At købe ind efter mærkningsordninger fortæller noget om, hvem folk er som person Statement 3: Jeg vil handle mere ind efter mærkningsordninger i fremtiden 122

129 Appendix 6: Transcription of interview with Andreas Demographic Data: A 41-year-old male living in Skævinge. He has a medium higher education and is currently self-employed. He earns between DKR a year Interviewer: OMG (OM) Interviewee: Andreas (AN) Transcribed by: Johanne Eriksen (JE) Length of interview: Interview regarding food labels: Pause: ( ) Interruptions: // Action: (xx) Falter: 1. OM: Nu sagde du at I købte Dansk, så I køber noget med det danske flag på helst? 2. AN: I hvert fald når det er grønt, når det er grønt, så er det typisk// hvis man kan få det det danske ikk. 3. OM: Ja, hvad med disse// 4. AN: Nåh, ja de der mærker der 5. OM: Ja, kender du dem? 6. AN: Ja, det gør jeg 7. OM: Kender du dem her? Hvad står de for hver især? 8. AN: Jamen det der, det står ligesom på, ikk med vælg fuldkorn først, det står på rugbrød og ja, vi har jo alle mulige havregryn og det står derpå ikk. Og jeg tror at det der det er statens økologiske mærke, eller sådan noget lignende. Og det der nøglehullet, eller det grønne nøglehul eller hvad det hedder, det er med hvad hedder det at, at så overholder de visse ernæringsmæssige krav. 9. OM: Ja? Handler I efter nogle af dem? 10. AN: Nej, det gør vi ikke ( ) altså, jo.. hvad skal man sige, vi køber økologisk nogen ting ikk, hvad skal man sige. Men mange så står det jo også på. 11. OM: Ja.. Hvad for nogle ting vælger I at købe økologisk så? Du nævnte mælk og havregryn// 12. AN: Mælk og havregryn ( ) typisk hvis det er, hvad hedder det. Hvis vi skal bruge noget frugt hvis vi skal bruge skallen fra en citron eller en appelsin, jamen så er det økologisk og usprøjtet. Øhh // 13. OM: Hvad med æbler til børnene og generelt bare sådan 14. AN: Jamen de elsker de der pink lady og jeg tror altså ikke at de er særlig økologiske (griner) 15. OM: Er pink lady ikke det? Nej 16. AN: Nej desværre, der må jeg skuffe dig. Øhm men de er sunde. Der er 50% mere frugtsukker i end der er i alle andre æbler// 17. OM: Er der det?// 18. AN: Ja. Det er derfor at børn elsker dem. Øhm økologisk men øhm vi køber også typisk økologiske, hvad hedder det, de der sådan noget kikærter linser og alt sådan noget. Meget af det vi kommer i brød, det er økologisk. Øhm.. men ikke melen. 19. OM: Ja? Og hvad skyldes det? 20. AN: Det ved jeg ikke 21. OM: Nej.. Det er lidt hvad I har, eller hvad? 22. AN: Lidt hvad de har ja, typisk OM: Hvad forbinder du generelt med de her mærkningsordninger, sådan.. hvorfor tror du at de er lavet? 24. AN: ( ) De er sikkert.. Altså jeg tror de er lavet, langt hen ad vejen for at tjene penge. Og.. men også for, hvad hedder det, jeg synes også der er mange, for de her de er jo ikke de eneste mærker, for der findes jo også et hav af andre mærker. Hvis man kigger på sådan en pakke, jamen så hold da op der er godt nok mange ting på, ikk. ( ) Og jeg ville da ønske at man så sagde, jamen så har man ét mærke slut. I stedet for alt det der med at så er der svanemærker og alt muligt andet glem det! 123

130 Èt mærke det her, det er fornuftigt at købe, det er godt for miljøet, det er godt for dit helbred, whatever det kunne jeg godt tænke mig. 25. OM: Ja.. Synes du at det forvirrende med så mange mærker? 26. AN: Ja, det kan godt være forvirrende. Nu har jeg jo sat mig lidt ind i det jeg har haft et hav af spørgsmål jeg laver alle de der spørgeskemaer jeg får jo, hele tiden. Så derfor har jeg det ligesom sådan okay, nu har jeg snart set dem mange gange, ikk. Men ja, jeg synes at det er forvirrende. Og jeg ved ikke hvor mange der vælger ud fra det. Altså jeg gør i hvert fald ikke. 27. OM: Er det fordi du synes det er forvirrende, eller fordi du ikke har tillid til det, eller du vælger ud fra noget andet eller? 28. AN: Jeg vælger ud fra noget andet.. eller hvad skal man sige, det er ikke// jeg tror da på, hvad skal man sige hvis de har det på, jamen så er der kontrol med det. Og selvfølgelig vil der altid være nogle brodne kar, det er der jo alle steder, lige meget hvad det er for en ordning man har, så der er ikke nogen, altså det er ikke noget jeg kigger efter på nogen måde og siger det skal det være. 29. OM: Nej Og simpelthen fordi du bare, du bare ikke er kommet med på bølgen med det, eller synes ikke at det er så relevant for dig, eller? 30. AN: Jeg synes ikke det er så relevant.. altså det synes jeg ikke. Altså, hvis folk gerne vil købe ud fra det, så synes jeg det er fint. Så skal folk have lov til at købe ud fra de mærker, og hvad skal man sige// det er er ikke noget jeg køber efter. 31. OM: Nej Hvad skal der til for at du ville begynde at vælge dem? 32. AN: ( ) 33. OM: Hvad hvis der var ét ernæringsmærke som du nævnte? 34. AN: Jamen, så vidste jeg: okay, dét her, det er fornuftigt. Der er ligesom nogen der har sagt okay, det her det overholder visse krav. Og det kan jo sagtens være sundt selvom det ikke er økologisk. På samme tid kan det også sagtens være usundt selvom det er økologisk, så man kan sige så det er jo også svært// 35. OM: Så det er ikke garant for// 36. AN: Nej, det er det ikke 37. OM: Nej, så hvis der var et der var sundt, altså eller// 38. AN: Ja, et sundt mærke, hvad skal man sige.. øh det siger de jo så åbenbart er det grønne nøglehul, det er vist nok et sundt mærke ikk ( ). Men hvad skal man sige, så kommer de jo også så mange af de andre mærker på samtidigt. Jeg har aldrig rigtigt, jeg har ikke fidus for alle de der mærker. 39. OM: Nej? Men ét mærke, det ville være noget du kunne sige, i fremtiden hvis der var det? 40. AN: Ja 41. OM: Ja.. Er der nogle situationer hvor du køber dem her og lægger mærke til dem, f.eks. hvis det er noget til børnene eller hvis I skal have gæster, eller et eller andet særligt? 42. AN: ( ) altså ja, det kan jo altid. På det havregryn vi har købt der er, der ved at der er i hvert fald nogle af de her. Det kan jeg huske, jeg tror faktisk at alle tre er på. Og ( ) jamen altså, ikke når vi skal have gæster, det tænker jeg ikke// Det er jo ikke, altså// De er der jo typisk ikke når jeg pakke tingene ud på den måde. Jeg har ikke noget behov for at stå og prale med at jeg køber økologisk eller OM: Nej Hvad hvis jeg har.. Lige et par udsagn her. Hvad tænker du om det første som er: mærkningsordninger er en hjælp for mig når jeg handler: 44. AN: Nej, det er det ikke. Det ved du godt (griner) 45. OM: (griner) Jeg tester dig lige.. Jeg vil handle mere ind efter mærkningsordninger i fremtiden? 46. AN: Nej OM: Det tror du heller ikke. Så der er ikke så meget tillid til at der kommer til at ske noget andet med de her mærkningsordninger? 48. AN: Hmm. Næ nej, det synes jeg heller ikke 49. OM: Nej, det synes du ikke. Det er ikke sådan at du kan sige: der er lige nogle typer der handler ind efter de her mærkningsordinger? 50. AN: ( ) der er jo selvfølgelig de her økoflippere rundt omkring. Der bliver jo flere af dem ikk, som helt sikkert, skal man sige, om det er pga. mærket eller om det bare er fordi der står økologisk ( ) 124

131 fordi mange så står økologisk med større bogstaver end mærket. Mærket står et eller andet andet sted, så jeg tror mere at de ser at der står økologisk på og så er det det der drager 51. OM: Ja.. Kan man.. Er det stadig i dag nogle særlige personer der køber økologisk? 52. AN: ( ) Der er i hvert fald nogle personer, der ikke køber økologisk. Altså, gamle landmænd køber i hvert fald ikke økologisk// 53. OM: Gør de ikke det?// 54. AN: Nej (griner) det gør de ikke 55. OM: Hvordan kan det være? 56. AN: Jamen altså, de er vokset op på landet og de synes bare at det er noget pjat// 57. OM: De synes det er noget pjat? 58. AN: De synes det er noget pjat, og det kan jeg også godt// min svigerfar, han er gammel landmand hvor marken bliver sprøjtet. Nabomarken, den er økologisk ( ) altså sådan noget sprøjtevæske, det er altså sådan nogle kæmpe store vingefang hvor de kommer sprøjtevæske ud. Det kommer også ind til ham og de andre naboer. Så hvis der så ligger sådan en økologisk mark midt i det hele som bare får fra alle de andre, de får jo sprøjtevæske alligevel, så det er ikke 59. OM: Det er jo ikke økologisk så?// 60. AN: Det er ikke økologisk. Det kan godt være at det inde på midten er, men der er masser i området. 61. OM: Så det er ikke fordi han er// det er hele produktions// 62. AN: Produktionen, altså hvad kan man sige, han er jo gammel landmand. Det skal jo stå snorelige, ikk. Og så, hvis man så ser på sådan en økologisk mark, så kører det op og ned, og der er alt muligt forskelligt i, og han synes bare, det er spild af jord. 63. OM: Ja.. fordi det ikke bliver optimeret? 64. AN: Det bliver ikke optimeret. 65. OM: Nej.. Så han køber det aldrig? 66. AN: Nej, det gør han ikke. 67. OM: Han får vel også det meste fra haven, skulle jeg til at sige, eller fra// 68. AN: Det gør han jo også, kan man sige, men alligevel. Det er der jo mange// Hvis man snakker med mange af landmændene i området, jamen det gør de jo aldrig. Og så kan man sige, jamen så er der naboen som er økologisk landmand og som har får, jamen altså, der kan vi godt finde på at købe et får en gang imellem, ikk 69. OM: Kan I det?// 70. AN: Ja, det kan vi godt finde på. Men så er det skåret op. Der ligger en økologisk landmand herude med sådan nogle frilandsgrise ikk. Ja, er noget andet end at købe i Brugsen, det smager helt anderledes, ingen tvivl om det ( ) men jeg at de gamle landmænd de synes at det der økologisk, det er altså noget pjat. 71. OM: Det er noget fis Jamen det kan man jo godt følge dem lidt i, ikk? 72. AN: Jo, langt hen ad vejen. Og så får de sygdomme og så alligevel.. Hvis man ser på den der frilandsgris, den får i hvert fald også meget medicin og det der er problemet. Jamen så er det jo ikke.. så kan det godt være at de// 73. OM: Det er ikke rent, vel det er bare reduceret// 74. AN: Det er bare reducereret, så 125

132 Appendix 7: Transcription of interview with Anna Demographic data: A 30-year-old female living in the centre of Copenhagen. She is studying a higher education and earns between DKR a year Interviewer: OMG (OM) Interviewee: Anna (AN) Transcribed by: Camilla Schytte Andersen (CA) Length of interview: Interview regarding food labels: Pause: ( ) Interruptions: // Action: (xx) Falter: 1. OM: Så har jeg lige en anden lille tester. Ernæringsmærker og alt mulig andet. Kender du til dem? 2. AN: Jeg kender dem og fuldstændig ignorant 3. OM: Hvad vil det sige? 4. AN: Jeg er fuldstændig ligeglad med dem. Altså jeg ved godt hvad de står for, men jeg handler ikke efter dem. 5. OM: Nej. Hvad er årsagen til det? 6. AN: Igen med ø-mærket // jamen det er lidt hyklerisk.(øhhh) Jeg køber alligevel meget råvarer, fordi netop fuldkorn først og nøglehulsmærket giver mere mening, når du har de sammensatte færdigvarer. For jeg ved jo godt, hvor en pose gulerødder passer ind. Og der sammensætter jeg jo alligevel min kost ud fra råvarerne. Og ikke fra nogen færdigvarer, så jeg synes ikke rigtig, at jeg kan bruge dem til noget. Jeg ved udmærket godt, hvordan min kost skal sammensættes. Om jeg så gør det, det er så noget helt andet, men det hjælper ikke noget at sætte et par mærker på. Jeg kan stadig købe en pose chips ved siden af, altså. 7. OM: Hvem tror du, at de er til for? 8. AN: Dem, der gerne vil leve sundt, men har svært ved at gennemskue, hvordan det hænger sammen. Altså hvordan man egentlig sammensætter en kost. 9. OM: Hvad betyder de der mærker? Prøv at fortæl lidt. 10. AN: Jamen, fuldkorn det er jo // man skal have fuldkorn for at få fibre med hele korn for at undgå alle de her alt for lette kulhydrater. Ø-mærket økologisk, det er der sådan set ikke noget sundhedsmæssigt i. Det er der nogen, der påstår, men så vidt jeg ved, er det ikke bevist. Og nøglehulsmærket det er jo // så vidt jeg husker er det noget med en række forskellige // der må ikke være for meget fedt og der må ikke være for meget sukker og der må ikke være for meget salt i. Og jeg mener også, at det kører på, at det er en hel råvarer, der er en del af en sund og lavbalanceret kost. Eller sådan et eller andet buzz-word, som de nu har fundet på. Og der ved jeg udmærket godt hvilke grøntsager, der er sunde. Så det synes jeg ikke giver mig så meget. 11. OM: Og hvad med nøglehulsmærket? 12. AN: Jamen, det er nøglehulsmærket som 13. OM: Ja, den sunde kost ja. 14. AN: Ja. Ø-mærket er jo ikke. Det er bare, at det er økologisk. 15. OM: Tror du //nej, jeg har nogle udsagn, jeg lige vil præsentere dig for, så kan vi tage dem løbende. (At handle ind efter mærkningsordninger fortæller noget om, hvem du er som person, red.) Synes du det? At handle ind efter mærkningsordninger fortæller noget om, hvem du er som person? 16. AN: Det giver i hvert fald nogen ( ) // ikke sådan, at man kan putte dem ind i en helt specifik kasse, men det giver måske alligevel et hint. 17. OM: Ja og hvad vil det sige. Er det nogle typer, der køber ind efter det her? 18. AN: Altså jeg vil sige, at dem som køber ind efter dem, de er opmærksomme på at være sunde og politisk korrekte. Men har måske samtidig ikke 100 % det overblik, der skal til for at gå ind og selv og tage ansvar. De føler lidt // det er nogen, som jeg nemt kunne forstille mig kunne påvirkes til at følge en anden religion ( ) hvis man kommer ud med nogen nye kostråd. 126

133 19. OM: Altså sådan nogen, der ikke hviler nok i sig selv, om man så må sige? 20. AN: Jamen, jeg ved ikke om det er fordi, at de ikke hviler i sig selv, men mere fordi de måske synes, at det er blevet uoverskueligt. 21. OM: Så de har ikke ressourcerne eller? 22. AN: Ja, det er lidt det. At de kan sådan lige klare det overordnet, men selv at gå ned og rent faktisk finde ud af, hvor meget energi, der er i det de spiser eller hvor meget, der er for fedt. Det kan de måske ikke lige gennemskue. Men jeg synes ikke, at man kan sætte folk i en hård boks ud fra det, men lidt derhen. 23. OM: OK, så er der en til her, der hedder jeg vil handle mere ind efter mærkningsordninger i fremtiden 24. AN: Nej. 25. OM: Nej og hvad skyldes det? 26. AN: Jamen, jeg kan ikke se, hvad det giver mig. Jeg har i perioder haft kørt med kalorietælling // også fordi at statistikeren i mig synes, at det er meget sjovt. Så jeg ved udmærket godt, hvad der er i de forskellige varer. Hvad jeg egentlig skal undgå for at spise sundt. Og så igen, det er ikke altid jeg gør det, men har ikke en ski brik med mærkningsordningerne at gøre. 27. OM: Du kan godt finde ud af uden at der er nogen, der skal fortælle dig, hvordan man skal gøre det? 28. AN: Ja. 29. OM: Og derfor synes du nok heller ikke, at det er en hjælp for dig, når du handler ind? 30. AN: Nej. Altså jeg har jo set dem rundt omkring og set dem omtalt, men jeg lægger egentlig ikke mærke til om de er på. Altså jeg vil ikke kunne svare dig på, om de er på den pose gulerødder derude. Jeg ved, at den ikke er økologisk, men det er så også det eneste. 31. OM: Det er det eneste, du ved ja. Så der er ikke nogen særlige situationer, hvor du ville købe det? Hvis du har gæster eller et eller andet? 32. AN: Næ, altså hvis jeg fik gæster kunne jeg godt finde på at købe bedre kvalitet, men ikke ud fra de der mærkningsordninger. 33. OM: Hvad vil du så købe? I forhold til bedre kvalitet? 34. AN: Jamen, det kommer lidt an på // for eksempel kød, der ville jeg måske gå til en slagter for eksempel og købe det eller måske købe nogle udskæringer, jeg normalt ikke ville købe eller //men ellers så // hvis for eksempel, ofte hvis jeg laver dessert, så kan jeg godt finde på at lave is selv og der er det bare en eller anden fløde. Jeg er ligeglad med, hvad det er for en fløde. Men hvis jeg skulle købe is selv, så ville jeg købe // altså købe is til gæster, så ville jeg købe en Hansen is eller sådan noget. Lidt bedre kvalitet end bare // 35. OM: Og så er der en hverdags is hvis du bare skulle have et eller andet. Hvad kunne det være så? 36. AN: Ja altså jeg kan også godt finde på at købe Hansen is til mig selv. (ha ha) 37. OM: Men så føler du at det er lidt luksus eller hvad? 38. AN: Det ved jeg ikke. De sidste mange jeg har haft har det været fordi, at enten Irma har haft tilbud på de der // jeg kan ikke huske, hvad de hedder, men deres eget mærket eller også har det være Hansen is, og så har jeg prøvet nogle af de der // Føtex har lidt a ala Ben&Jerry ( ) og Carte d oor, hvor der har været tilbud på de der halvliters. Men det er egentlig ikke fordi, at jeg køber billige is selv, fordi igen det er for dårlig kvalitet. Altså sådan en liter vaniljeis i pap, dem var man igennem som barn, men // 39. OM: Kan man få dem mere overhovedet? 40. AN: Ja ja ja ja, du kan da få dem i Fakta. Du kan stadig også få regnbue is. Det er godt nok længe siden, at jeg har fået det (haha). 41. AN: Det er sådan en jeg kunne finde på at købe, hvis jeg skulle have is i kakao. Og det er ligesom det. 42. OM: Ja, is i kakao det er da rigtigt, det smager da godt. Varm kakao med is. 43. AN: Det er sjældent jeg gør det, men det er nok det eneste, hvor jeg kunne finde på at købe den slags is. 44. OM: Det lyder ellers også godt (haha) 45. AN: (haha) 46. OM: Så er der nogen ting, hvor du skelner lidt mellem hverdag og gæster. 127

134 47. AN: Ja, det er måske også mere den at med gæster, der er det tit lidt mere eksperimenterende og tingene tager lidt længere tid. Hvor hverdagen er lidt med de hurtige ting eller ting, der kan laves som rester. Altså laves til flere dage og er et fast repertoire. Til gæster bruger jeg tit til at få lov til at eksperimentere. For eksempel, når jeg skal have kage med der, så bliver det også // det bliver sjældent den kage, jeg altid laver fordi, det er lidt et princip at komme med noget forskelligt hver gang. Fordi jeg laver ikke kage til mig selv, fordi igen så står jeg med en hel kage og så kommer jeg til at spise den. Så den kun hvis jeg har nogen jeg kan udsætte ( ) for resterne. 48. OM: For en lækker rest eller kage ja. 49. AN: Ja, det er sjældent, de brokker sig. 50. OM: Hvad tænker du om // vi skal tale lidt om mærkningsordninger i fremtiden? Tror du der kommer flere eller færre eller? Hvordan tror du at det ser ud? 51. AN: Jeg kunne godt forestille mig, at der kom flere. Så skal man passe på det ene og så kommer der sikkert et lavt salt mærke, lavt sukker mærke og (øhhh) // altså jeg tror desværre, at befolkningen sådan generelt er lidt nogle får. De har brug for mærkerne. Også fordi der kommer så mange modstridende, hvad kan man sige ( ) ernæringsråd, så hvis man skal følge dem slavisk uden selv ligesom at gå ind og sige jamen slap nu af, nu skal det heller ikke være mere. Så har man nok brug for mærkningen til at være en eller anden form for guide igennem. Men det er ikke noget, jeg sådan har tænkt det store over i og med, at det ikke er noget, jeg bruger. 52. OM: Ville det være noget, du ville følge, hvis der bare kom et mærke? 53. AN: Næ. Nej, der skal ikke være nogen, der styrer mig. 128

135 Appendix 8: Transcription of interview with Børge Demographic Data: A 35-year-old male living in Brønshøj. He has a high school educational background and is currently a student/trainee. He earns between DKR a year Interviewer: OMD (OM) Interviewee: Børge (BØ) Transcribed by: Johanne Eriksen (JE) Length of interview: Interview regarding food labels: Pause: ( ) Interruptions: // Action: (xx) Falter: 1. OM: Hvad siger Hvad siger du til sådan nogle som dem her, er det nogen du kender? 2. BØ: Ja, jeg har set alle sammen. Jeg kender særligt økomærket og nøglehulsmærket og det andet har jeg også set og det siger ligesom sig selv hvad det det står for med fuldkorn. 3. OM: Ja. Prøv at forklare hvad de lige står for hver især hvis du kan 4. BØ: Jamen altså, økologiske varer. Ja, altså alt efter hvad det er, så er der nogle regler for med dyrevelfærd og hvor meget antibiotika og alt sådan noget der må være i de forskellige ting. Nøglehullet, jeg tror ( ) kører de ikke mest med fedt, så vidt jeg husker, og det gør jo også at.. jeg ved ikke.. om en pose vingummi vil være nøglehulsmærket, men altså der er jo ikke noget fedt i.. det ved jeg ikke// jeg kigger ikke// det er ikke en jeg handler efter på nogen måde. Jeg kigger selv, hvis det er, på kalorier og sådan noget, hvis jeg vil vide noget om det. Og så det der med at fuldkorn er bedre end hvidt brød ( ) f.eks. det er jo rigtigt (griner), helt klart, så// 5. OM: Handler du efter nogen af dem? 6. BØ: Øko er med i mine tanker, men vi køber overhovedet ikke alt øko. Der er nogle ting vi gerne vil købe økologisk, men faktisk de sidste par måneder har vi droppet noget af det. Vi synes simpelthen at det er blevet for dyrt 7. OM: Ja, hvad er det? 8. BØ: Jamen altså.. VI køber altid økologisk ( ) havregryn. Vi har altid købt mælk de sidste 15 år økologisk, men lige nu er vi altså begyndt, nej, vi stopper altså lige lidt og købe ikke økologisk mælk. Vi synes der var kommet alt for stor forskel og så vil vi hellere bruge vores penge på noget andet. Og det er sådan lidt jeg har det lidt ambivalent med det, jeg er ikke helt tilfreds med mit valg, det er jeg ikke. 9. OM: Nej, hvorfor det, er det noget Eva har trumfet igennem så? 10. BØ: Nej, overhovedet ikke. Det er mere mig der har gjort det. Det er mere.. jeg har det mere sådan hmmhmmhmm, jeg synes jo egentlig at man burde købe det økologiske, men altså der er også nogle andre ting, som også er vigtige, så.. det er hele tiden en balancegang. Så der er nogle ting, æg er også altid økologiske og sådan noget// 11. OM: Ja, men de er jo også meget dyrere end almindelige æg// 12. BØ: Det er rigtigt, men der er sådan et eller andet.. der kommer noget særligt dyrevelfærd ind, som jeg sådan prøver sådan// 13. OM: Er der fordi, vi har snart set så mange programmer med de der skide burhøns// 14. BØ: Der er sådan noget, ikke// hvor jeg tænker, jamen det kan jeg næsten ikke være med til. Kylling kan man jo næsten ikke// jeg vil gerne have det sådan, at hvis jeg køber kylling filletter ( ) det kan man nærmest ikke få økologisk, jeg ved i hvert fald ikke hvor man får det. 15. OM: Nej.. Så der er faktisk nogle økologivarer som du gerne ville købe, men som der er svære at opdrive// 16. BØ: Det tror jeg gerne jeg ville. Altså igen, der ville også være en prisgrænse for, det må jeg ærligt indrømme, så det er sådan lidt- kød det er sådan lidt op og ned hvad jeg vælger det. Det er sådan efter mit humør, om det er// altså det burde også være økologisk hele vejen hvis jeg skulle være 129

136 hvad jeg helst ville, altså men jeg må også sige at samtidig så er der også noget økonomi der spiller ind. 17. OM: Tror du at hvis du havde, et godt velbetalt job, ligesom Eva har// 18. BØ: Altså, jeg tror at når jeg er færdig med at studere, så tror jeg det helt sikkert, fordi ( ) indtil for et par år siden så købte jeg alt økologisk, alt kød og mælk osv. Selvom jeg ikke havde flere penge heller ikke faktisk// 19. OM: Du brugte dine penge på økologi// 20. BØ: Fuldstændig! Det er bare fordi der også kommer andre ansvarsområder nu (har vist fået et barn, red) som gør at det også er lidt fedt at kunne tage på ferie med ham og sådan noget, ikk.. Såm så idealistisk er jeg heller ikke. 21. OM: Nej Men du ser dig selv som relativ idealistisk? 22. BØ: ( ) Ja, men men, jeg. Det er også derfor jeg siger at der problemer med mine handlinger overfor den idealisme, ikk.. og det er derfor jeg synes det er sådan lidt hmmhmmhmm det er ikke helt godt. At vi er gået over til ikke-økologisk mælk. Jeg er ikke helt glad for det. 23. OM: Nej.. Men er det så meget dyrere? 24. BØ: Jeg synes næsten der er dobbelt, er det ikke? 25. OM: Det kan godt være an du huske hvad en L mælk koster? 26. BØ: Ja, jeg husker 4,5 for de almindelige og 8-9 for de andre 27. OM: Ja.. Hvad med sådan 500 g oksekød? 28. BØ: Øhh hvordan er det nu? Jamen, det er jo fedt procenten der også afgører det meget, men jeg vil tro at ikke-økologisk, det er vel kr og økologisk 400 g, altså Det er jo det, det er jo ikke voldsomt stor forskel altså.. det er jo derfor jeg er pinlig at man ikke går hele vejen med det. Men samtidig, ja det er.. vi er lige røget i hus og jeg skal lige have det her studie færdigt.. men det er en dårlig undskyldning (ha ha) 29. OM: (ha ha) det synes du alligevel/ 30. BØ: Helt sikkert (griner) 31. OM: Er der gode undskyldninger? 32. BØ: Det tror jeg ikke 33. OM: Tror du Ved du hvad, lad os prøve at tage dem her.. Jeg har lige et par af sådan nogle her.. Synes du det? At mærkningsordninger er en hjælp for dig når du handler ind? 34. BØ: Økologisk, er rart at vide. Det ville jo være umuligt at vide noget om ellers.. hvis ikke det var mærket. De andre to.. Nøglehullet det bruger jeg ikke.. Øhh Fuldkorn ( ) altså der ved jeg godt hvad der er fuldkorn i, hvis det er, så den kigger jeg heller ikke efter. 35. OM: Nej.. Hvad er det du køber ind når du køber økologi på? 36. BØ: Hvad tænker du på? 37. OM: Altså, hvad er økologi for dig? 38. BØ: Altså, hovedsagen er helt klart dyrevelfærd. Det er også derfor at grøntsager, det kan jeg også godt leve med at jeg ikke har øko. Og det er jo så fordi.. for mig er det ikke så meget sundheden for mig selv// 39. OM: Nej// 40. BØ: Jeg har ikke// 41. OM: Det var det jeg lige var ude efter// 42. BØ: Ja, men det er jeg med på// øhh.. altså det er mere det andet hvor jeg synes at der bliver man nok nødt til at gøre noget i den retning 43. OM: Er det fordi du har hørt og set for meget hvor du bare tænker det her det kan simpelthen ikke passe, der har dyrene det ikke godt, eller? 44. BØ: Ja, altså.. jamen, altså det er fordi at det er den eneste ordentlige holdbare løsning vi kommer hen til. Og så bliver man også nødt til som forbruger og i hvert fald delvist at støtte den. Og igen, altså jeg lever ikke for det, så det er også derfor at man ligesom kan placere sig midt imellem og købe noget af det eller sådan. Det er ikke noget jeg slår mig op på- identitet eller sådan noget. Øhm men derfor vil jeg godt være bedre til det, og det kan man jo selvfølgelig altid sige, men jeg tror også at det bliver bedre. Og som sagt, indtil for.. jeg det er næsten, det er ikke mere end to mdr 130

137 siden vi gik væk fra et par af tingene, simpelthen bare lige for at have penge til noget andet i et stykke tid. 45. OM: Ja Er det fordi I bruger for mange penge på mad synes I? 46. BØ: Overhovedet ikke.. Altså jeg tror ( ) det var ikke det der gjorde det, det blev bare at jeg syntes, at nu er det altså blevet.. der er blevet for stor prisforskel. Der er et eller andet alt her. Altså det kan også nogen gange// man kan godt nogle gange føle sådan lidt at altså skal det virkelig koste SÅ meget mere? Og det ved jeg jo ikke. Hvis det virkelig koster det i produktionen ekstra, så er det jo reelt nok, men samtidig kan man også godt nogle sidde sådan lidt hmhm er det virkelig så meget dyrere? Jeg ved det ikke.. og jeg tror det var lidt det der kom over mig og jeg tænkte, nej nu, nu stopper det altså, men altså.. ja OM: ja Nå, jeg har lige et udsagn til. Du har lidt været inde på det Jeg vil handle mere ind efter mærkningsordninger i fremtiden? 48. BØ: Ja, altså forhåbentligt mere økologi ikk. De andre to kommer jeg ikke til at bruge// 49. OM: Nej, du synes de er uinteressante for dig? 50. BØ: Ja, altså jeg kan godt selv læse det og se hvor mange kalorier ca. og så forstå.. jeg ved også godt hvad der er sundt og usundt.. altså det kan man jo godt.. og fuldkorn, ja klart. Det er jo også derfor at jeg ikke skal spise pizzaer hele tiden, men rugbrød// 51. OM: Ja, der er lidt mere fuldkorn i// 52. BØ: Jam det er jo det 53. OM: At købe ind efter mærkningsordninger siger noget om hvem personen er?// 54. BØ: Jamen altså, det gør det jo selvfølgelig delvis, men altså altså der er det der med økologi igen ikk, for hvor meget er nok. Hvis man netop siger, ja jeg synes.. altså jeg sidder jo også og siger jeg synes at man skal gøre mere for det, men jeg følger det jo ikke.. efterlever det jo ikke 100% selv, hvor meget er nok ikk? Så skal jeg også købe det// jeg skal købe alt ikk, det skal være bio// og hele min tilværelse, jeg skal straks få købt nogle solceller, jeg kan ikke hvad ved jeg, altså.. hvorfor er det nok ikke? Altså, så har jeg det også sådan lidt- noget tæller også! Altså det er ikke noget jeg slår mig op på at jeg er særlig hellig eller sådan, overhovedet med det jo, altså.. det er bare fordi der er så få ting men noget tæller også altså. Fordi hvornår er det nok ikk? 55. OM: Jo jo jo.. men der tror jeg at der er mange der står i det dilemma der 56. BØ: Ja.. Man skal gøre det til en livsstil så, og det er det ikke for mig. Altså..// 57. OM: Nej.. Men stadigvæk kød og æg og BØ: Ja, og indtil (mumler) mælk. Havregryn altid også. Jamen, det er også fordi det er noget vi får meget// 59. OM: Hvad med gulerødder og// 60. BØ: Til ham. Der køber vi øko. Og til os køber vi faktisk ikke øko// 61. OM: Er det rigtigt? 62. BØ: Ja, altså det er sådan lidt forskelligt. Det har vi ikke fundet ud af endnu. Men altså sidst, det købte vi i hvert fald, der talte vi om, at vi skal i hvert fald have købt nogle ikke øko til ham ( ) 63. OM: Ja, eller øko til ham? 64. BØ: Undskyld, ja øko til ham. Øhh og det var også øko kartofler vi købte til ham. Men der tror jeg da at sidenhen så har jeg købt en pose ikke øko gulerødder til os. Nu kigger jeg lige// 65. OM: Ja, tjek lige BØ: Nej, der er kun øko, okay. Det var nok bare nogle der var (mumler) okay det er jo også det. Nu kommer han ind og så bliver der sikkert endnu mere øko, fordi så kommer det der sundhedsaspekt ind som jeg ikke har haft tidligere// 67. OM: Ja, men er det fordi hans sundhed er vigtigere end jeres eller? 68. BØ: ( ) ja og han er lille. Han er mere påvirkelig hvis der virkelig er noget, hvis der er et større indhold af antibiotika eller hvad ved jeg der kan være i det. Så, ja. 69. OM: Er der en mærkningsordning hvor du tænker, aj, det mangler på markedet? Jeg kunne godt tænke mig hvis der var sådan og sådan. 70. BØ: Nej, altså jeg tror jeg har det sådan. Jeg har det sådan lidt undtagen økologi, så tror jeg nok jeg har det sådan lidt med alle de der mærkninger at jeg tænker sådan lidt, altså it s the bleeding obvious, altså at jeg ved godt hvad der feder og jeg ved godt hvad der er fuldkorn i, altså // 131

138 71. OM: Hvad tror du så er årsagen til at de har lavet dem? 72. BØ: ( ) Der er sikkert nogen der bruger dem. Øhm Bruger det mere. Og så Altså det er vel også noget med at vise et politisk engagement i det her. Både ifht. Hvordan folk bliver.. tager mere på eller.. gør noget for at.. Ja der er jo også sådan noget signalværdi i det. Så ja. 132

139 Appendix 9: Transcription of interview with Carina Demographic Data: A 40-year-old female living in Vanløse, a suburb to Copenhagen. She has a medium higher education, but is at the moment unemployed. She earns between DKR a year. Interviewer: Johanne Eriksen (JE) Interviewee: Carina (CA) Transcribed by: Camilla Schytte Andersen (CA) Length of interview: (1) and (2) Interview regarding food labels: (2) Pause: ( ) Interruptions: // Action: (xx) Falter: 1. JE: Nu skal vi snakke lidt om mærkningsordninger, som vi også kiggede lidt på nede i butikken. Kender du de her mærkningsordninger? 2. CA: Ja. Øko. Fuldkorn. Nøglehul det går også både på om der er for meget salt og sukker. 3. JE: Ja. 4. CA: Salt, sukker, fedt, sådan sundhed overordnet. Du kan jo sagtens købe noget usundt, der er økologisk. 5. JE: Ja. 6. CA: Og det er heller ikke alt fuldkorn, der er lige godt. 7. JE: Nej, er det nogen, du bruger? 8. CA: ( ) Det er ikke varer, jeg behøver at se mærker for at vide at det er sundt. Nu ved jeg jo nogle ting gennem mine studier og sådan noget og min interesse i forvejen. Men jeg synes da, at det er fint, at de er der. Jeg synes da, at det er fint, at de gør det enkelt. Det kan så også blive forvirrende, når der kan være for mange mærker ik. 9. JE: Ja. Synes du at der er det? 10. CA: Jeg kan ikke på stående fod sige forskellen mellem svanemærket og ecocert og øko-mærket og (øhhh) 11. JE: Nej. 12. CA: Det kan jeg ikke rigtig. 13. JE: Bruger du de mærker, når du handler ind? 14. CA: Øhmm, jeg vil sige både og. Nu fik jeg jo så alt det der Vanish i går, og der betød det altså noget for mig, at det var svanemærket og at atsma-og allergiforbundet i Sverige sagde ok for det, fordi jeg troede egentlig, at det var ret skrappe sager. 15. JE: ved du hvorfor at det danske astma-og allergiforbund ikke har gjort det? 16. CA: Nej, det ved jeg ikke. Det ved jeg ikke. De kan have andre standarder og har ikke lige haft ressourcerne til at køre prøverne igennem. 17. JE: Nej. Hvad forbinder du generelt med sådan nogle mærkningsordninger? 18. CA: Jamen, men det er vel bare at man roligt kan købe dem, hvis de har det der. 19. JE: ja. 20. CA: Men desværre har der så været snydt med nøglehulsmærket. 21. JE: Ok. 22. CA: Der har været tilbudsaviser, hvor at de så påstår, at noget er nøglehulsmærket, og det er det bare overhovedet ikke. Og det er ikke en pind sundt, og så har de altså lige dummet sig og har smidt nøglehulsmærket på, for så sælger det bedre ik. 23. JE: Hvad tænker du så? 24. CA: Jamen, det synes jeg jo så bare overhovedet ikke er i orden. 25. JE: Nej. Kan det gøre det gøre, at du ikke køber det? 26. CA: Ja, det kunne det godt. 27. JE: Stoler du på de her mærker her? 28. CA: Jeg ved, at der er mange som stoler på øko-mærket. De her (fuldkornsmærket og fuldkornsmærket, red.) er jo ikke så meget et kvalitetsstempel. Det er en meget sådan en husk at 133

140 købe fuldkorn. Men jeg skal da også lige love for at det har slået igennem. Altså du kan jo købe færdigretter, hvor det så er lavet med fuldkorn i stedet for, så man lige har lidt mere god samvittighed med deres lasagne-mix og deres et eller andet, hvor der er nogle fuldkornsris i, tror jeg. 29. JE: Er det vigtigt at have god samvittighed? 30. CA: (ha ha) jov men det jo også det de siger med, hvorfor vi er så glade for sushi i den her del af landet i forhold til Jylland, for eksempel. Fordi det er lækkert og vi bilder os ind, at det er enormt sundt og vi får noget fisk. Der er godt nok noget ris, men nogen steder kan man så vælge brune ris og sådan noget ik. Så det er det der med, at man får noget, der er lækkert uden at skulle tænke uhh bliver jeg så 3 kg større i morgen eller et eller andet. Så er det så lige det med sushi, at man bliver fattig før man bliver mæt ik. Man siger, at det her er altså en af grundene til, at det er så populært herhjemme og så har jeg læst et sted at den japanske madkultur, der er det noget med, at man spiser altså ikke til man er proppet. Man spiser stille og roligt og mærker efter og sådan noget. Jeg kan ikke forestille mig med det jeg har hørt, at en japaner ville spise til han var ved at drætte om altså (hahaha). 31. JE: Nej, nej, nej. Hvad betyder sundhed for dig? 32. CA: Det betyder både velvære og et godt helbred ik. 33. JE: Er det vigtigt for dig? 34. CA: Ja. 35. JE: Ja. Har kvalitet og sundhed noget med hinanden at gøre? 36. CA: Ja, men det er ikke // det følges ikke nødvendigvis fuldstændig ad vel. 37. JE: Nej. Hvad mener du med det? 38. CA: Jo altså, jeg kunne også godt have valgt nogle økologiske havregryn og det ville være sundt og (mumler) og på anden måde være udmærket og sådan noget, men det bliver ikke nødvendigvis den mest spændende morgenmad vel. 39. JE: Nej. 40. CA: Men de er meget gode at have i huset, ik altså. Man kan altid lave sig en portion havregrød ik. 41. JE: Jo. Hvilke fordele og ulemper synes du, at der er ved de her mærker? 42. CA: Altså den her er nem at få øje på (økologimærket, red.), lige bortset fra at den mælk jeg ikke havde spottet var økologisk fordi der stod hverdagen med kæmpe bogstaver og så troede jeg bare, at det var sådan noget konventionelt og så ville jeg ikke have den. 43. JE: Nej. Altså hvad kan de gøre ved forbrugeren? Kan de hjælpe forbrugeren? 44. CA: Jeg mener bestemt at de kan hjælpe. Ja ja. De kan hjælpe. Men den der (nøglehulsmærket, red. ) kunne der lige så godt være en trekant med husk at spise sundt eller du ved godt, at fuldkorn mætter længere eller et eller andet. 45. JE: Ok. 46. CA: Det er ikke på samme måde en kontrolleret ordning (fuldkornsmærket og nøglehulsmærket, red.). Det tror jeg ikke, fordi det er sådan en høflig påmindelse ik. 47. JE: Ja. Hvad for nogle ulemper er der ved dem? 48. CA: Altså du kan jo stadig få for mange kalorier selvom du kun køber nøglehulsmærkede produkter. Og man skal jo kigge på maden som helhed. Hvis du kigger på olie, dem kan du ikke få godkendt, fordi der er for meget energi, men du skal jo have noget fedtstoffer. Så derfor bliver du nødt til at kigge på det fulde billede. Du kan sige som udgangspunkt, at du kun vil købe noget, der er nøglehulsmærket, så kan du ikke købe noget fedtstof til at tilberede din mad i. 49. JE: nej nej nej. Så det kan også vildlede eller? 50. CA: Ja, altså. Man skal ikke tro, at alt hvad man køber skal være med nøglehulsmærket. 51. JE: Nej. 52. CA: Og det er jo heller ikke frugt og grønt. Det er jo sjældent, at du ser nøglehulsmærket på det, fordi det er jo ikke så emballeret, som andre ting vel. 53. JE: Nej. Er der nogen særlige personer, der køber efter de her mærker? 54. CA: Altså det er jo stadigvæk lidt fodformet at købe økologisk. 55. JE: Fodformet? 56. CA: Ja. 57. JE: Hvad mener du med fodformet? 134

141 58. CA: Ja, en lille smule frelst. Og sådan lidt jorden er vores mor. Jorden er vores mor og vi skal passe på den til vores børnebørn og den der ik. (ha ha) 59. JE: (haha) 60. CA: Altså det siges jo, at det er ikke lige så udbredt at købe økologisk kød i jylland som herhjemme, hvor vi køber os til god samvittighed. 61. JE: Ok. Så det handler om god samvittighed? 62. CA: Ja, overfor os selv og overfor sådan det hele ik altså. Jeg synes da, at en af ulemperne ved at jeg har købt den der nespresso-maskine, at jeg ikke kan få noget Max Havelaar-kaffe til den. (hahaha) 63. JE: Nej. 64. CA: Det er jo sådan set lidt øv (haha) 65. JE: Ja. 66. CA: Altså de arbejder med nogle nye varianter og det kunne godt være, at det kommer. 67. JE: Så hvis der var mulighed for at købe Max Havelaar-kaffe til nespresso, så ville du helst sikkert gøre det? 68. CA: ja, det ville jeg. 69. JE: Ja. Er du selv fodformet? 70. CA: Nej, altså en lille smule er jeg jo nok ik. Der er en svensk kaffekæde, som jeg vældig godt kan lide og jeg synes, at den er kommet med et super fint initiativ. De har sådan et krus, man kan bruge flere gange, og det er fremstillet af noget genbrugsplastik og det ser smart ud. Du kan også købe det på nettet. Du køber det første gang for 89 svenske kroner inkl. kaffe, så tager du den med hjem og vasker den af og så kommer du med det hver gang, du skal have en kop kaffe. Så alle de penge, de så sparer på papkrus, dem bruger de så på skolegang til kaffebønder. Så der giver man noget tilbage og man sparer miljøet og du har et krus, der er nemmere at holde på og du kan tage det med dig. Og når du har lukket den der tut, så er den rigtig lukket. 71. JE: Det er smart. 72. CA: Det synes jeg er fint, fordi så sender man et godt signal. Og det er godt nok mange papkrus, der går til, hvis man sådan i løbet af en dag går ind til expresso-house 2-3 gange. Så det synes jeg er smadderfint, fordi der gør man noget godt og du får jo ikke dårligere kaffe af det vel. 73. JE: Nej nej. Hvad er det for et signal, man sender? 74. CA: Ja, at man tænker sådan på det hele. Hele kredsløbet ik. 75. JE: Ja. 76. CA: Hvis jeg nu blev præsenteret for en smuk diamantring. Det kunne da godt være, at jeg så ville tænke over det var en bloddiamanter, men det ville man jo nok ikke spørge om, før man havde besluttet sig og var sikker. Men stadigvæk, der var en af de der hollywood-fjumser, som netop fik en fin ring og der blev lagt meget væk på, at det var ikke bloddiamanter og jeg tror, at metallet var sådan noget, der var genanvendt og sådan noget. De bruger en fandens masse tungmetaller og ting og sager for at få udvundet guldet og sådan ik. 77. JE: Ja. Tænker du ofte på det // altså hvor tingene kommer fra? 78. CA: Ikke sådan hele tiden. Det er ikke sådan, at jeg ligger vågen om natten og på den måde har dårlig samvittighed over det, men jeg kan godt lide, når der sådan er tænkt over tingene i flere led, ik. 79. JE: Ja. Kan du ikke fortælle mig om en situation, hvor du køber ind efter de her mærkningsordninger? 80. CA: Ja, nu med mælken. 81. JE: Mælken? 82. CA: Ja. Men det så jo ikke det samme som at jeg aldrig køber piskefløde eller creme fraiche, som ikke er økologiske. 83. JE: Hvad er det så for en situation, hvor du ikke køber økologisk? 84. CA: Det er jo ikke altid, jeg kan få det. Hvis jeg en søndag går ned på tanken i stueetagen, der hvor jeg bor, så er det jo ikke så meget øko, de har eller også tager de halvanden gang så meget for det som alle andre steder, ik. Men så er det, at jeg tænker, at hvis jeg går ned på tanken, så køber jeg kun den ene ting. Men hvis jeg går over i Netto eller Fakta, så ryger der alt muligt andet i kurven, så derfor kunne det nok godt betale sig at købe den ene ting ik. 135

142 85. JE: Ja. 86. CA: Men chokolade, der burde jeg også klart tænke mere over det. Der er jo børneslaver, der piller skallerne af de store kakaobønner og det er jo forfærdeligt. 87. JE: (mumler) 88. CA: Ja, altså jeg kan jo ikke kun købe Peter Beier chokolade, vel (hahaha). Han har sine egne plantager, hvor det kun er voksne, der er ansat, ik altså. Det bliver lidt for dyrt. 89. JE: Ja. Hvad skal der til for, at du køber flere eller færre af de her mærker? Er der noget du synes, der mangler eller? 90. CA: Jeg synes, at det er dejligt, at man har flere muligheder med fuldkorn i. Dette er virkelig fint. Jeg har ikke prøvet de nye flakes, rugflakes og havreflakes og sådan nogle ting, men jeg synes, at det er fint, at der er nogle alternativer. 91. JE: Ok. 92. CA: Altså da jeg var barn, så var der guldkorn ik og det har jeg prøvet at smage senere hen og det // 93. JE: Det var ikke godt? 94. CA: Nej, det er så sødt og når de bliver bløde er det bare arghh. 95. JE: (hahaha) Men tror du, at hvis det var, at der var flere produkter med øko eller oste og sådan nogle ting ville du købe det økologisk? Gedeost for eksempel? 96. CA: Nåhh, jo det ville jeg nok. 97. JE: Hvad hvis det var billigere eller dyrere eller? 98. CA: Det skulle jo ikke koste det dobbelte, vel. Den der gedeost, den købte jeg til en ret god pris faktisk. Ja, det kan godt være, at jeg ville give lidt mere ik. Jeg ville ikke give det dobbelte. 99. JE: Er prisen en faktor for dig, i forhold til det her? 100. CA: Prisen betyder helt klart noget, men altså nu for eksempel det der med Knorr-retter, jeg synes faktisk, at det er rigtig godt, at man kan snyde lidt med (mumler) 101. JE: Hvad er det for nogen Knorr-retter? 102. CA: Det er deres lasagne-plader, som man kan få i fuldkorn. Jeg tror, at det er deres mix til sovs også. Jeg tror, at de har nogle risretter og der er noget andet også, som også er fuldkorn. Og det smager nogenlunde ligesom den sædvanlige version, men så får du så lige det der fuldkorn og det mætter jo også længere. Så på den måde får man mere valuta for pengene med sådan et måltid. Der er et pizzaria heroppe, som også har noget fuldkornsmel i pizzabunden og det er ikke // og det føles ikke som at sidde og spise Wasa-rufgel med fyld ovenpå. Så ved man også, at så mætter det også længere, så kan man retfærdiggøre det mere, at man får måske lige lovlig meget ost eller et eller andet, fordi hvis den samlede pizza har bedre mæthedsparti, så er det mere spiseligt altså JE: Ja. Synes du, at der er nogle mærkningsordninger, du mangler? 104. CA: Nej, det synes jeg egentlig ikke rigtig JE: Tror du, at der er behov for // nej ikke noget CA: Jo hvad? JE: Nej, jeg tager dem her nu. Jeg vil lige præsentere dig lidt for dem her. (Mærkningsordninger er en hjælp for mig, når jeg handler ind, red. ) 107. CA: Det er et supplement, men det er ikke en ledesnor JE: Du bruger dem ikke som // 109. CA: Nu var det kun lige med mælken der, fordi der vil jeg have den økologiske ik JE: Ja. Hvad er det så mere, at du lægger mærke til? 111. CA: Men det er hovedsagligt den ik JE: Nej, jeg mener, hvad er det så du lægger mærke til? 113. CA: Nåhh, det er hovedsagligt øko-mærket JE: Men er det kvalitet eller pris eller antal eller italiensk eller? 115. CA: (ha ha ha) (øhhh) ja, men det er jo ikke en mærkningsordning, at jeg kan se, at den er italiensk. Men for mig bliver den bare lidt mere lækker og sådan lidt mere nåh ja, jeg føler mig sådan lidt italiensk JE: Hvad så med den her? (Jeg vil købe mere ind efter mærkningsordninger i fremtiden, red.) 136

143 117. CA: Ikke nødvendigvis. Du får jo nok heller nogle økologiske tomater, flåede tomater, hvor de så skriver på, vi har ikke brugt illegale indvandrere til at plukke eller behandle dem. Altså det vil de jo ikke snakke om vel JE: Kunne det være, hvis der var et mærke, som sikrede, at der ikke var blevet brugt illegale indvandrere til at plukke tomaterne? 119. CA: Altså hvis det var sådan noget med at (øhhh)? 120. JE: Eller at der ikke var brugt børnearbejde eller // altså ligesom fair trade, men? 121. CA: Eller Max Havelaar? 122. JE: Eller Max Havelaar ja CA: Det kunne måske godt være, men der siger jeg bare til mig selv, at det er de allerbilligste, der er brugt de mest fuskede arbejdsmetoder, hvor de måske slet ikke eller måske ikke ville kunne få deres produktionsomkostninger dækket, hvis det ikke var fordi, at de havde snydt med lønnen eller et eller andet ik JE: Jo CA: Og så tror man // at så bilder man sig selv, at så giver man så en voksen (?) pris for de her flåede tomater (mumler) 126. JE: Nej CA: Men man kan se det med rødvin // jeg sagde til dig, at jeg tåler ikke rødvin super godt, og det kunne blandt andet være noget med nogen sulfitter og sådan noget. Og dem tror jeg, at man vil kunne undgå, hvis jeg så købte økologisk rødvin, fordi der har de jo så færre tilsætningsstoffer i. jeg er ikke sikker på, at de er 100 % fri for sulfitter, men mængden af de mystiske stoffer, som kunne være en kedelig faktor for mig med knaldhamrende ondt i hovedet og det kan vare i flere dage. Der bil jo så nok være færre af dem ik JE: Jo CA: Men for eksempel, det er heller ikke alt håndsæbe, jeg kan tåle. Jeg kan få sådan helt vildt tørre og irriterede hænder, og jeg har også arbejde et sted, hvor jeg så havde min egen håndsæbe med i en lille metaldåse. Også rimelig irriterende at skulle have sin egen med, men det ikke fordi at jeg på nogen måde følte mig fin eller noget, men jeg var bare træt af at få ødelagt mine hænder af det JE: Ja. Det er klart CA: Så det kiggede jeg jo også lidt på med det er her, så tænkte jeg, at hvis jeg så køber en, der er lavet til børn, så må den så også være lavet til sart hud og sådan noget også JE: Hvad med den her? (At handle ind efter mærkningsordninger fortæller noget om, hvem du er som person, red.) 133. CA: (Uhmm) jo, det er nok ikke helt forkert. I øvrigt et andet mærke, jeg godt kunne tænke mig var for eksempel et produkt, hvor der indgår æg, så kunne det være rart for mig at vide om det er burhøns eller det netop ikke er burhøns. Men det er så også fordi, at jeg har fulgt Signe Wenneberg på facebook og i efteråret overtog hun en kylling fra sådan et kæmpe rugeri, og den så forfærdelig ud. Virkelig forfærdelig. Den manglende halvdelen af fjerne på den vingerne og den var hærget og havde // der var et eller andet på dens fod, som gjorde, at den dårligt kunne gå og den lignede noget der var løgn altså. Så hun kunne slet ikke holde det ud altså og hun kunne ikke leve med, at den alligevel lagde æg, så hun sagde, at det var lige før, at hun forventede, at der var en datomærkning på det æg, der kom ud af den. Det var så kunstigt, at hun havde slet ikke engang lyst til at spise de der æg. Så holdt den op med at lægge æg, og så voksede fjerene ud og den blev en stolt og glad høne og den havde sådan en fin høne (mumler), og når man så har set det så direkte og du ved, at det ikke er manipuleret fordi du har fulgt den rigtig. Jeg har også set det på fjernsyn, så tænker man, at nej, jeg vil fandme da ikke støtte det der. Jeg vil ikke støtte det der møg JE: Køber du så fra nu af økologisk? 135. CA: Ja, det gør jeg altså. Ja, skrabeæg eller økologiske æg. Desværre er der også skrappe regler for (øhh) // private må ikke sælge deres æg. Og de må i virkeligheden heller ikke give væk til vennerne, men det gør de jo nok alligevel ik, men det er jo helt fjollet JE: Ja. 137

144 137. CA: Hvis de selv spiser deres æg og de ved, at der ikke er salmonella i, fordi de bliver altså ikke syge af dem og sådan noget, så er det jo fjollet, at de ikke sådan må dele ud af det JE: Så det siger altså noget om, hvem man er, når man handler ind efter mærkningsordninger? 139. CA: Ja, det gør det JE: Super. 138

145 Appendix 10: Transcription of interview with Carla Demographic Data: A 31-year-old female living in Århus. She has a high-school educational background and currently works within marketing. She earns between DKR a year JE: Johanne Eriksen (JE) Interviewee: Carla (CA) Transcribed by: Camilla Schytte Andersen (CA) Length of interview: Interview regarding food labels: Pause: ( ) Interruptions: // Action: (xx) Falter: 1. JE: Nu skal vi til at snakke lidt om mærkningsordninger. 2. CA: ja. 3. JE: ved du hvad de her // har du set de her mærkningsordninger før // eller det ved jeg jo at du har? 4. CA: ja, det har jeg. Den der er jeg jo ikke så bekendt med skal jeg lige sige, men jeg kan forestille mig, at så har regeringen sagt, at så skal der sådan et mærke på fordi så er der helt vildt meget fuldkorn i og så er der nok kun 30 % fuldkorn i eller noget i den stil. 5. JE: ja. 6. CA: men det der (fuldkornsmærket, red.) er jeg ligeglad med for jeg køber ikke brødprodukter. 7. JE: nej 8. CA: øhh den der (nøglehulsmærket, red.) er jeg også ligeglad med, fordi der er stadig e-numre, salte og sukre og ting og sager i, så den er jeg også ligeglad med. Men jeg går efter den der (økologimærket, red.). 9. JE: uhmm ja. Hvad tror du ideen bag de her mærker er? Eller hvad hvert mærke er? 10. CA: Det her (nøglehulsmærket, red.) er helt vildt nemt for dem, der handler i Lidl for eksempel, som (øhh) enten ikke (øhh) gider eller har overskud til at sætte sig ind i, hvad de propper i munden, og der kan det være smart for dem at sige nå, men der er sådan et nøglehulsmærke på, så er det sundt. 11. JE: okay. 12. CA: Tænker jeg. 13. JE: ja. 14. CA: Eller fuldkornsmærket, så får lille bassemand det han skal have af fuldkorn i løbet af den dag og så er der nøglehulsmærket på, og så er det jo ekstra sundt (øhhhm). 15. JE: Kan du ikke fortælle mig lidt mere om den her familie? 16. CA: (hahahaha) dem der handler i Lidl? Skal vi tilbage til dem? (hahahaha) 17. JE: Ja, eller bare dem, der handler ind efter de her mærker? 18. CA: Ja, jeg tror, at det er den bevidste forbruger, der handler økologi, fordi de tænker på (øhhh) sig selv, og de tænker på jorden og de tænker på det vi efterlader til dem, der kommer efter os. At (øhhh) ja, de siger jo godt nok det her med, at der er det samme næringsindhold i en øko-tomat og en ikkeøko-tomat, meeen ( ) // og det er sikkert også testet både den ene og den anden vej, og fra midten og ud til siderne (Øhhh). Problemet er bare, at der står ikke i de her rapporter, hvad de der pestisider og ting og sager gør for jorden // 19. JE: Nej. 20. CA: Vi ved jo godt, at grundvandet bliver mere og mere forurenet alt afhængig af, hvor meget der siver ud og derfor må de kun sprede gylle på de og de tidspunkter og alt det der (øhhh), men også med pestisiderne og alt det der, at det bare ikke (øhhh) ( ). Ja, det er også derfor, at jeg skærer reklamerne fra // Spar regnskoven! 21. JE: Spar regnskoven? 22. CA: ja. Lad os sørge for at vi kan // at vores børn og børnebørn og tipoldebørn og alt det der kan have noget ud af jorden. Også bagefter når vi ikke her er mere, så må vi gerne lige tænke // 23. JE: Lidt fremad? 139

146 24. CA: Ja, vi må gerne tænke fremad i stedet for (øhhh). Dem som handler (øhhh) nøglehulsmærket, de tænker nu og her. Jeg er ret sikker på at dem som handler nøglehulsmærket (øhhh) handler det fordi, at de har hørt, at det skulle være sundt, og de har ikke sat sig videre ind i det. 25. JE: Nej, så ved de hvad det står for? 26. CA: Jeg tror, at de ved, at det er noget regeringen har haft en finger med i spillet omkring, så vidt (øhhh) // Ja, det vil jeg tro, at den er blevet lavet fordi, at det er blevet sagt, at der skal noget på for, at det skal være nemmere for forbrugeren for at kunne overskue det markedet, der er for de forskellige varer // hvad der egentlig er sundt og hvad der ikke er. Fordi de kan jo skrive al verdens ting og sager på produkterne (øhhh) // for eksempel skriver de Frisk eller et eller andet et eller andet sted eller ( ) // Nu kan jeg jo selvfølgelig ikke // Men det er også Netto (tilbudsavisen, red.), så jeg kigger lige i Lild (tilbudsavisen, red.) i stedet for, for der står garanteret et eller andet i, jeg kan sige for at komme med noget konkret (hahaha). Ja ja her, Friske og søde mangoer, Ekstra store blomkål og (øhhhh) // 27. JE: Hvad synes du for eksempel om det her? Frikadeller i skiver som er nøglehulsmærket? 28. CA: ja. 29. JE: Hvad tror du at det gør ved forbrugeren som // 30. CA: Jamen altså // 31. JE: Som køber ind i Lidl? 32. CA: Jamen altså det er jo nøglehulsmærket og så er det fra den grønne slagter jo, det er jo helt vildt godt, tror jeg at de tænker. 33. JE: Okay? 34. CA: (Øhhh) 1, jeg har set hvordan de laver de her frikadeller her på et slagteri (haha). 2, jeg kan ikke forstå hvorfor man vil have frikadeller i skiver. De smager jo så meget bedre, hvis man laver dem selv. 3, der er alt mulig dims og dut i, som // 35. JE: uhmmm 36. CA: ja det ved jeg godt, at der også er i noget af det pålæg, jeg køber. Det ved jeg godt, at det er. Jeg er godt klar over det, men åhhh // Problemet er bare, at jeg har jo studeret de pakker, jeg køber. Jeg ved, at der i den der kyllingepølse og i det der kyllingepålæg, at der er der ikke så meget i, i forhold til nogle af de andre ting. 37. JE: Nej. 38. CA: De andre alternativer // 39. JE: Så det betyder noget for dig at // 40. CA: Det betyder noget for mig, at der ikke er så meget i. Ja. 41. JE: Meget hvad? 42. CA: E-numre (øhhh) // Altså hvis der står mere end 7-8 ting, som jeg ikke selv ved, hvad er eller jeg sådan kan sjusse mig frem til, hvad er, så køber jeg det ikke. 43. JE: Okay. 44. CA: Jamen, det er jo alt muligt de må smide i mad i dag for at lave (øhhh) ( ) ja for at lave et eller andet ik. Så jeg tænker, at nøglehulsmærket er for dem // De tror, at det er sundt. Jeg synes, at de bliver snydt // 45. JE: Hvad står nøglehulsmærket for? Ved du hvad det står for? 46. CA: Jamen, står det ikke for, at det er sundere end for eksempel et andet produkt, et lignende produkt? Nu ved jeg så ikke lige, hvorfor der er et nøglehulsmærke ved porrer, men det indeholder vel // (haha) og kiwier (haha) // Ja, jeg ved ikke lige hvad alternativet skulle være // 47. JE: (hahaha) 48. CA: I forhold til forårsløg eller hvad? (haha) Jeg ved det ikke, men så vidt jeg er orienteret om det, så // Jeg har nok mest læst kritikken af det, fordi det er tit der, man får af vide, hvor problemerne ligger. Det er ikke ved at læse al den gode omtale, fordi der er nogen, der har betalt for, at der kommer god omtale og sådan er den verden, vi lever i nu. Alle de undersøgelser, der er blevet lavet med mælk, hvor sundt det er. De er betalt af Arla, ik?. 49. JE: Ja. 50. CA: Så jeg læser kritikken i stedet for, for bedre at kunne forholde mig til det på den måde. Så kan man så selv vælge at sige argh, det tror jeg måske ikke på eller det tror jeg på. Men jeg tror, efter 140

147 min overbevisning, så er nøglehulsmærket fordi det er sundt // at det er blevet bestemt af en eller anden, der sidder og bestemmer det, at det er sundt og godt for den, som køber det. 51. JE: okay 52. CA: Og det kan også godt ske, at det er det. 53. JE: Ja 54. CA: Jeg har bare et lille problem med at tro noget af det // 55. JE: (haha) 56. CA: Altså jeg har // De der frikadeller i skiver. De er ikke sunde for nogen. Det tror jeg simpelthen ikke på at det er sundt for nogen. 57. JE: Hvad for nogle ulemper kan der være ved de her mærker? 58. CA: Det kan jo vildlede forbrugeren. 59. JE: Det vildleder //eller det kan vildlede forbrugeren? 60. CA: Det kan vildlede, hvis forbrugeren ikke har sat sig ind i, hvad de egentlig betyder. Og ikke selv tænker sig om en ekstra gang inden der ryger et eller andet i kurven. Så jeg synes jeg det (øhhh) // Så kan det lynhurtigt få forbrugeren til at tænke nå men, når der er det her nøglehulsmærke på, så er det sundt om det så var 2 kilo fedt, der var et nøglehulsmærke på, så ville de tænke men det er jo sundt. Det er ok, det må vi gerne spise. Og det synes jeg, at det er at tage ansvaret fra forbrugeren selv ( ) at de ikke skal tænke. 61. JE: Ok, så de behøver ikke at tænke mere, hvis der kommer sådan et mærke på eller hvordan? 62. CA: JA, ja! Du behøver ikke selv at tænke, hvis du går efter alt det, hvor der er et nøglehulsmærke på. Så behøver du ikke tænke mere. Der er nøglehulsmærker ved alt, hvad du har behov for. Der er (bladre igennem en tilbudsavis, red.) frugt og grønt, citroner, kød. Der er dem ved alt sammen altså // 63. JE: Hvad hjælper det så? 64. CA: Ja, der er så ikke ved det hele kan jeg se. For eksempel, så er der Løgismose skyr med smag; mango/passion eller hindbær/vanilje (Der er vist et nøglehul ved denne varer i Netto s tilbudsavis, red.). Jeg vil godt vædde med, at mango/passion eller hindbær/vanilje aldrig har // det her skyr som jeg ikke engang ved hvad er, er det et eller andet creme fraiche produkt eller et eller andet i den stil, aldrig har set skyggen af en mango eller en passionsfrugt. Så det er noget, der er tilsat i det. Men der er ikke et nøglehulsmærke på Ota Solgryn og det kan godt undrer mig. 65. JE: uhmm 66. CA: Altså, det undrer mig lidt. Der er heller ikke på rosiner. Nej, altså rosiner er ikke sunde, hvis du spiser hele kilo om dagen, det er klart. Så er skyr sgu sikkert heller ikke (haha), hvis du spiser et kilo om dagen. Men det er bare ( ) // Jeg synes, at det er lidt en skam // Hvis jeg kigger den her igennem (netto s tilbudsavis, red.), så kan jeg godt se, at der er rigtig mange ting som fiskeboller naturel, dem er der et nøglehulsmærke ved. 67. JE: Dem er du ikke så vild med? 68. CA: Men der er ikke ved laksefileter heroppe (peger på en side i Netto s tilbudsavis, red.) og der er på de her laksefileter heromme (peger på foregående side i Netto s tilbudsavis). 69. JE: (haha) ja, det ser sjovt ud. Hvordan kan det være // hvorfor er det, at du fravælger det her nøglehulsmærke eller fuldkornsmærke? Eller fuldkornsmærket giver jo sig selv, men nøglehulsmærket? 70. CA: Jeg fravælger det, fordi at der har været så meget kritik af det ud fra de produkter, de er // 71. JE: Så du stoler ikke på det? 72. CA: Nej, jeg stoler ikke på det. Også nu hvor man sidder og kigger her // der er jo ikke heller ikke styr på det taget i betragtning, at der er nøglehulsmærke på én laks // 73. JE: Men ikke på den anden // 74. CA: Men ikke på den anden, som i øvrigt er frisk og den anden her er frossen 75. JE: Uhmm. 76. CA: Så jeg tænker så, hvem er det så, der bestemmer // er det så bare et eller andet stempel, de bare lige køre ind og så sætter vi den sgu lige der i den her uge 77. JE: ja ja 78. CA: Er det bare lige det vi gør? Så render vi rundt i butikken og så rykker vi lige lidt rundt på dem, så den ene dage er det på det ene produkt og den anden dag på det andet produkt. Jeg synes bare, at 141

148 det er en skam at forbrugeren bliver frataget det privilegie, det er at tage stilling til ting. Vi har trods alt det privilegie herhjemme, at vi kan tage stilling til hvad det er vi propper i munden, fordi vi har muligheden for at vælge. Og det har de selvfølgelige stadigvæk, men hvis de går ud med den // med indkøbskurven under armen med den holdning, at alt hvad der er mærket med fuldkorn og nøglehul og økologi, det er sundt ( ) Så synes jeg, at det er lidt en skam. Det synes jeg altså. Jeg synes, at det er lidt en skam for dem, der skal spise maden, for dem der skal lave den og så er det også en skam for (øhhmm) // hvad skal man sige? (øhh) Det er fandme også corny at sige friheden til at vælge selv, men det er vel et eller andet sted, det jeg bliver lidt mopset over ved det. 79. JE: Ja, du vil gerne have friheden // 80. CA: Ja, jeg vil gerne have friheden til at vælge selv. 81. JE: Og ikke få påduttet eller sådan// 82. CA: JA! Få påduttet, at det her det er sundt, det skal du spise. Ligesom det her med et halvt glas mælk om dagen // Bullshit. Det er Arla, der har bestemt det. 83. JE: (haha) 84. CA: Altså, undskyld mig, men det er det edermamme. Du kan få dit kalk og dit D-vitamin alle andre steder, af hvad du nu skal have. Nu er der kalcium tilsat i det soyamælk, som jeg køber, for jeg VED godt, at jeg skal have kalk for ellers så // og D-vitamin og hvad fanden der nu ellers er i af ting og sager, men det kan jeg få igennem alt mulig andet i stedet for. Der er mange // og nu kommer jeg igen tilbage til den her kernesund familie. Jeg ved godt, at jeg bliver aldrig nogensinde så frelst som dem, men de havde jo en søn, der var autistisk og valgte så at sige vi prøver sgu det her, vi ser hvad der sker. De skar al sukker væk. De skar al hvedemel væk. De skar al mælk væk og lige pludselig så havde de en så dreng, der fungerede næsten normalt, som havde været medicineret før for autisme. 85. JE: ja 86. CA: Ja, så kan der sgu godt ske, at der er noget om snakken. 87. JE: Det må man sige. 88. CA: Ja, ik. Altså (øhh) jeg har // ej nu kommer der et ord igen // konstateret irriteret tyktarm for en del år siden efterhånden // ahh 3-4 år siden. Og så fik jeg af vide // så sagde jeg Hvad skal jeg gøre ved det?. Der var ikke noget at gøre, det skulle jeg bare leve med. 89. JE: Nå for søren. 90. CA: Nå ok, sagde jeg så også. Så det er så bare nogen gange, der har jeg det så bare mega skidt eller hvad? Ja. Så jeg kan ikke gøre noget ved det?. Nej, det kunne jeg ikke, der var ikke noget at gøre. Man kunne vokse fra det nogen gange. Nåh ok. 91. JE: Men det kan man gøre ved kosten så? 92. CA: Det kan man gøre med kosten, for der kom jeg lige // der tænkte jeg det kan simpelthen ikke passe. Det kan bare ikke passe, at jeg skal have det sådan her resten af mit liv. Det kan bare ikke passe. 93. JE: Nej 94. CA: Så jeg begyndte at holde maddagbog og fandt ud af, at hver gang jeg havde spist mælkeprodukter, hver gang jeg havde spist hvedemel, hver gang jeg havde spist svinekød, hver gang jeg havde spist champignonger og ananas og mango og papaya, hver gang jeg havde spist det, så fik jeg det skidt. 95. JE: Nå spændende 96. CA: Og så kom jeg til at tænke hold da op, det kan da være det der mælk, det synes jeg, at jeg har læst et eller andet sted før og så har jeg den der Spis efter din blodtype, som jeg har købt af ren og skær interesse bare for at læse den igennem for at se, hvad det var for noget. Og der stod i hold dig fra mælkeprodukter af alle slags. Du må gerne spise gedeost, men det er så det. 97. JE: Interessant 98. CA: Ja, og så prøvede jeg så det. Jeg gik hele køkkenet igennem en dag, åbnede bogen på de sider hvor der stod hvad for noget mad, jeg gerne måtte spise. Tog jeg alt ud og gav det væk, som jeg ikke måtte spise og så har jeg så en liste på min telefon // jeg har så senere købt en app hvor der står alle de godkendte fødevarer, som jeg gerne må spise og det prøvede jeg. Så gik der 3 måneder, så havde jeg ingen problemer med min mave mere. 142

149 99. JE: Ej, hvor vildt C. Ja, så det er også det der igen med lige at tænke sig om i stedet for bare at tro på hvad du får af vide JE: Så når du nu køber ind efter økologimærket her ik? 102. CA: Ja 103. JE: Kan du så ikke prøve at fortælle mig en sådan situation eller fortælle mig en historie, når du har købt ind efter det? 104. CA: Efter økologimærket? 105. JE: Ja 106. CA: Jamen (øhh) det gjorde jeg jo i dag nede i Rema med agurken, at den gang jeg så, at der var en dansk øko-agurk, så vil jeg hellere have den. Jeg ved godt, at der er en masse kritik med det der med økologisk // jeg vil jo helst gerne købe dansk og lokalt i princippet og så økologi (øhhh), men jeg ved også godt, at de økologiske landmand de har ret til, at hvad er det nu 70 % eller 60 % af den gylle, de spreder på deres mærket, må de faktisk hente fra nabogården, som ikke er økologisk JE: Ok, hvad er så vigtigst for dig. Er det lokalt eller økologi? 108. CA: Økologi. Det er ikke nødvendigvis godt bare fordi det er lokalt. Kan jeg få det lokalt og økologisk, uhhh, det kunne være godt. Det gad jeg godt, at man havde noget mere af her i Århus // de der markeder, hvor de lokale kommer ind. Vi har nede på Engelslevsboulevard, der er der // nede på Harald Jensens Plads, der er der markeder, men der er nogen af dem, der kommer noget stykke herfra. Jeg kunne også godt finde på, at tage ud // nu har jeg så ikke en bil, men jeg kunne godt finde på at tage ud til en landmand og handle kød, for eksempel, i en gårdbutik. Det kunne jeg sagtens gøre. For så ved jeg at det er lokalt // 109. JE: Og handle dine ting der?? 110. CA: Ja, altså alt det jeg kunne få ude ved ham, det kunne jeg godt finde på at handle der. Hvis jeg havde en bil, men det har jeg ikke. Men jeg har gjort det et par gange med en veninde, som har en bil. Så kører vi simpelthen derud og handler ind, fylder fryseren og når vi så ikke har mere i fryseren, så kører vi derud en gang mere, hvis man har lyst til det. Der ligger // 111. JE: Hvorfor synes du, at det er // 112. CA: Fordi det er skide hyggeligt // 113. JE: Det er hyggeligt? 114. CA: Det er skide hyggeligt // for så er mange af de der gårdbutikker er også økologiske, mange af dem er i hvert fald, og så fordi, at det er lokalt og så fordi igen det der med, at det er lokalt. Så støtter vi det lokale i stedet for, at vi støtter at 1600 svin eller hvor mange de nu fragter ad gangen, bliver fragtet fra den ene ende af Danmark til den anden ende af Danmark for så at blive slagtet på et eller andet tysk slagteri nede i Nordtyskland og så bliver de fragtet herop igen og så sender vi alle de der skinker til England, så de kan blive røget derovre. Kommer de hjem igen og så skærer vi dem i stykker og sælger vi det kraftedemme til England en gang mere for, at den engelske forbruger skal have Engelsk bacon, lavet af danske svin, der er blevet slagtet i Tyskland. Det synes jeg, det er til grin (Host). Det gavner ikke nogen, det synes jeg ikke. Selvfølgelig skal vi have eksporten og importen og alt det der for at hele Danmark kan køre rundt og alt det der, men jeg synes bare, at man burde kunne gøre det på en bedre og en mere betænksom måde JE: Ja 116. CA: Ja, det synes jeg JE: Hvorfor tror du, at der findes de her mærkningsordninger generelt eller sådan, i Danmark? 118. CA: For at vejlede forbrugeren. For at hjælpe forbrugerne (øhhh), for at // altså økologimærket er meget meget meget meget anderledes end de to her (peger på fuldkornsmærket og nøglehulsmærket, red.). Det er jo en helt anden // altså det burde være anderledes på en eller anden måde, men jeg kan ikke engang komme med et forslag til hvordan det skulle være. Men økologi, det er for at sige til forbrugeren, det her er der ikke pesticider på. Det her er ikke sprøjtet, skyl en ekstra gang, der kan være en lille orm, der har tisset på det. Men det må vi så tage med, ik? 119. JE: Uhmm 120. CA: Så det her er for at hjælpe forbrugeren. Jeg synes, i mit hovedet i hvert fald, så hjælper vi her (økologimærket, red.). Her vildleder vi sgu lidt (nøglehulsmærket og fuldkornsmærket, red.). Og 143

150 fuldkorn først, jeg vil godt vædde med at // nu har jeg ikke sat mig ind i det her, så det er bare hvad jeg lige tænker umiddelbart, men jeg tror, at det her er ( ) faktisk bare er et mærkat, der er sat på et produkt, der faktisk ikke er så sundt alligevel også. Det kunne godt være sundere. Vælg fuldkorn først, ja ja JE: Det kunne godt være sundere? 122. CA: Det kunne godt være sundere end det, mærkattet sidder på. (Øhhh) altså lad os nu sige, at det to pakker Schultzstad boller, hvor der er de helt almindelige hvide og så er der nogen med 3,5 solsikkekerne i og måske et eller andet i. Måske frugtfarve for at få brødet til at se mørkere ud // jeg aner ikke, hvad de kommer i det (ha ha), men jeg tænker bare, at i // jo // 123. JE: Hvilken en af dem ville der så være fuldkorn på? 124. CA: Den der (fuldkornsmærket, red.) ville jo så være på den mørke af dem, men jeg tænker bare, at ja ja du skal vælge fuldkorn først og du skal sørge for at få fibre og du skal sørge for at spise noget sundt, men det er ikke ensbetydende med, at det mærket sidder på er sundt. Hvis der var (øhhh) // det er jo heller ikke sundt med en plade chokolade, hvor der er et økologisk mærke på. Det gør det jo ikke sundere end andet chokolade // jo der er ikke pesticider og ting og sager i, og det er blevet lavet et eller andet sted, hvor der ikke er al muligt lort i jorden, men derfor er det jo ikke sundt JE: nej nej 126. CA: Men jeg har sådan lidt en fornemmelse af, at det her nøglehul og så den her (fuldkornsmærket, red.) nå, men så er det sundt JE: Det er sundt, hvis der er et nøglehul // 128. CA: Det er sundt, hvis der er et mærke på af en eller anden art. Og sådan er det også med økologi. Jeg tror, at folk har lidt den der økologi sundt. Der skal ikke særlig meget til for, at den klinger inden i hovedet på folk, at det er sundere end alt muligt andet. Men jeg tror bare lidt, at der er mange, der ligger hjernen ude i bilen eller derhjemme, når de går ned og handler. Fordi når der er et mærke på, så er det jo sundt JE: Hvad er sundhed for dig? 130. CA: Åhhhh ( ) det er svært. Det er mange ting. At spise sundt. Det er økologi. Det er // jeg har godt nok en svaghed for chokolade, det vil jeg gerne indrømme, at det har jeg virkelig, men (øhhh) det er sgu at have det godt JE: At have det godt? 132. CA: Ja, at have det godt med hvad du spiser. At have det godt med det du propper i munden. Altså jeg kunne jo aldrig DRØMME om og proppe et eller andet i munden, hvis jeg har set den der lille // altså nu spiser jeg jo ikke svin// men hvis jeg havde set en eller anden lille øffebasse, der bare har haft det helt elendigt, så kunne jeg aldrig drømme om at putte det i munden. Så vidt muligt hvis jeg køber økologi, så er det friland, men det er det meste økologiske alligevel. Altså man kan godt købe økologisk, som ikke er friland ( ) især, hvis det er dyr, så vil jeg sgu gerne, at de har det godt. Kaffen, jeg købte i dag, den er fair trade, så ved jeg, at de der kaffebønder, som har lavet det der // hvis altså det overhovedet kommer af en kaffebønne, det ved jeg sgu ikke (ha ha ha) 133. JE: Åh det tror jeg (ha ha) Det burde det jo CA: Det kan også være noget, der bare er tilsat (ha ha ha ha). Jeg kiggede ikke engang efter om der var nøglehulsmærke på (ha ha ha ha). Men hvad hedder det, at så ved jeg i hvert fald når det er fair trade og økologi, når det er kaffe, så ved jeg i hvert fald, at de bønder, som har produceret det her produkt, at de har haft det godt. Og deres jord ikke bliver smadret. Det kan være, at der også bliver bygget en brønd eller et eller andet, mens de her folk nu her dernede for at få de her folk til at arbejde. Det har jeg det godt. Det kan næsten give enig mere nydelse for mig, at jeg køber sådan et produkt og spiser det og jeg nyder det, når jeg ved, at der ikke er nogen, der har lidt i den anden ende JE: Er det så sundt for dig, når du har det godt med at købe de ting, du gør? 136. CA: Ja, det er det da. Jeg kunne da ikke finde på // hvis helt seriøst, hvis jeg stod nede ved køledisken, hvilket som helst sted og der kørte en video over hvordan kalve står bundet fra, de er helt små af for at få kalvekød // hvor små de egentlig er når de bliver slagtet, så ville salget af kalvekød falde 100 % i Danmark over en periode, indtil folk havde glemt det igen. 144

151 137. JE: Uhmm ja 138. CA: Ik, altså på den måde tænker jeg at det der er // 139. JE: Altså // nej bare kom 140. CA: Fra jord til bord. Det skal fungere det hele. Er det ikke det, det hedder? Fra jord til bord JE: Jo jo 142. CA: Det skal fungere det hele. Jeg synes, at det skal være en ordentlig vej. Der skal ikke være bump på den vej til det står foran mig, så vil jeg hellere lade være med at købe det JE: Er der noget du synes, der mangler? Er der et mærke, der mangler i Danmark, som du godt kunne tænke dig? 144. CA: Øhhh nej, men jeg synes, at vi skulle mangle det her mærke. Jeg synes, at vi skulle mangle det her nøglehulsmærke i stedet for og så give folk chancen for at tænke selv i stedet for bare at stole blindt på // 145. JE: Så du ville tage nøglehulsmærket væk? (Host) 146. CA: Ja, det ville jeg. Jeg ville også tage den her væk (fuldkornsmærket, red.). Nu ved jo så ikke med fuldkornsmærket // nu ved jeg jo så ikke om mit umiddelbare billede af det er rigtigt JE: Nej 148. CA: Om der er de der Schulzstad-boller, hvor den ene er hvid og der er 4,5 fuldkorn i den anden eller hvor meget det nu er og så uhha vælg den først. Men det er da klart, at det er da sundere at få de der 4,5 solsikkekerne. Det er da klart, at det er det for, så får du nogle andre fedtstoffer og alt det der, men det gør det bare ikke sundt. Så jeg vil hellere slette de to (fuldkornsmærket og nøglehulsmærket, red.) og beholde den her (økologimærket, red.) og så lave et andet mærke, som // jeg synes, at det kunne være rigtig rigtig interessant, hvis de lavede nogle studier i Danmark med hensyn til blodtype for eksempel eller med hensyn til stenalderkost. Men problemet er bare, at hver gang, der kommer sådan et eller andet, som prøver det, så bliver det banket i jorden. For eksempel ham der Chris McDonald, han lavede jo noget med en skoleklasse, hvor de skulle ud og løbe om morgenen og de skulle holde nogle pauser. De skulle noget forskelligt. De skulle spise noget andet, hvor det så rent faktisk viste sig, at de der stakkels, stakkels elever som havde haft det helt vildt svært i skolen, virkelig havde haft det hårdt og var blevet mobbet og det ene og det andet, fik det så meget bedre. De steg i karakterer. De havde det bedre fysisk. De havde det bedre psykisk. De var glade børn, når de kom hjem og forældrene sagde, at de græder ikke mere og det ene og det andet. Og så kommer daværende undervisningsminister Bertel Harder og siger nå ja, men nu må vi jo også lige se. Det kan jo være et enestående tilfælde. Men det er bare bevist så mange gange, at det der med // at det du propper i, det har fandme en indvirkning på hvordan din krop fungerer, hvordan du har det. Så jeg vil hellere have, at de laver nogle studier for (øhh) eller laver et eller andet for at hjælpe. Jeg synes ikke, at de her mærker hjælper // at det her nøglehulsmærke, at det er fandme ikke for at hjælpe folk. Det tror jeg simpelthen ikke på JE: Nej 150. CA: Det synes jeg i hvert fald ikke, at det er. Jeg kan godt se, at her på siden (peger i en tilbudsavis, red.) her med de her jordbær, kiwier, salater, porrer og æbler, at // jo, men det skal der sgu da ikke et geni til for at sige, at det er sundt JE: Nej CA: Altså undskyld mig, resten det er blomster, det er det eneste, der ikke er et nøglehulsmærke // ja det ville undre mig, hvis der kom et nøglehulsmærke på. Men altså // og ja hvad er der så ellers her. Chips. For eksempel bønner, som har så mange gode egenskaber både den ene og den anden vej, de har ikke et nøglehulsmærke på JE: Nej 154. CA: Men det har mini-knækbrød med gulerod JE: Så hvis det var, så skulle det være, at man skulle ja // 156. CA: De skulle // de fødevarer, der skulle mærkes med det her nøglehulsmærke skulle igennem nogle andre kriterier end dem, de kommer igennem nu JE: Ok CA: Synes jeg JE: Skulle man være mere selektiv eller? 145

152 160. CA: Ja, det skulle ikke bare være alt muligt. Nu står der så ikke om det her kære kyllingebryst // kan man se om det er pumpet med al mulig lort? 161. JE: (hi hi) 162. CA: (Øhhh) det er opdrættet i Tyskland, slagtet i Tyskland da da da // nej det er ikke pumpet med al muligt, men men det kunne det ligeså godt have været, så ved jeg så ikke om det ville være nøglehulsmærket, men jeg synes bare, at det skal igennem nogle andre kriterier før at det er sundt. Altså knækbrød, Fiberbalance, er jo heller ikke sundt, men igen det kommer jo an på hvor meget du spiser af det. Jeg ville jo sige, at (øhhh) de der oliven er mere sunde end det der knækbrød, umiddelbart // 163. JE: Så du synes, at det forvirrer forbrugeren mere end det gavner? 164. CA: Ja, det synes jeg. Jeg synes, at hvis de skal bruge sådan nogle mærker, så skal de fandme gøre det seriøst JE: Ja. Hvad synes du om de her statements, som jeg ligger frem her? 166. CA: Ja JE: Mærkningsordninger er en hjælp, når jeg handler ind CA: Nej JE: Det er de ikke? 170. CA: Økologimærket er, men de andre er ikke. Men det fordi jeg kigger ikke efter dem, altså JE: Nej. Hvad så med den her? (Jeg vil handle mere ind efter mærkningsordninger i fremtiden, red.) 172. CA: Økologi jo. Resten nej JE: Der er ikke nogen, der vil // 174. CA: Nej, det vil jeg ikke // Så skulle det være fordi, at de ændrede reglerne for det. Så kan jeg godt se, at jeg ville overveje det, men jeg vil fandme så længe, at jeg har min hjerne og kan tænke selv, så vil jeg altså helst tænke selv og tage stilling til tingene selv, og så lige spørge en ekstra gang ahh er det nu også sundt det her?. Forbrugeren kan jo i princippet sige, at det er blevet bestemt. Det har de valgt i regeringen, at der er et nøglehulsmærke på, så ergo, det er sundt. Og det er at vildlede, fordi der er mange af de ting, som vi har siddet og kigget i her (tilbudsaviser, red.), som i princippet ikke er sunde jo, men selvfølgelig kommer det da an på, hvor meget du spiser af dem, men der er jo flere af tingene, hvor hvis du spiser uanede mængder af dem, så er det jo ikke sundt. Sådan er det jo med mange ting, ik? Men for eksempel, den der med havregryn, at den ikke var markeret og de andre ting var JE: Hvad så med den her? ( At handle ind efter mærkningsordninger siger noget om, hvem du er som person, red.) 176. CA: Ja, det er jeg fuldstændig enig i. Men det er jo også det, som jeg har siddet og sagt (ha ha ha) 177. JE: (ha ha ha) Det siger noget om hvem man er, når man køber ind // 178. CA: Ja, det gør det godt nok. Det er forskelligt med de tre her. Nu har der lige været det der klap en ko over på Sjælland her i weekenden, hvor // økodag er et eller andet i den stil, og det synes jeg jo er super fedt. København er den by i hele Danmark, hvor der bliver handlet mest økologisk. Og det er klart, men det må jo så være i forhold til forbrugeren jo. Og det synes jeg er fedt, at de er så meget up på beatet med det derovre og // men de har også et andet udvalg end vi har herovre, kan man sige. Vi har ikke // jo, vi har helsam (?) og helsekostforretningerne og supermarkederne og det der (øhhh), men igen det er jo pissedyrt at handle økologisk. Jeg bruger ( ) sådan bob-bob 3000 på mad hver måned JE: Om måneden? 180. CA: Ja JE: Til dig selv? 182. CA: Og det uden cafe-besøg og hvad der nu ellers er af ting og sager JE: Det er bare rent på mad? 184. CA: Det er bare rent // ja husholdning, det er også til toiletpapir, opvaskemidler og alle de der ting, men det er jo begrænset hvor meget af det, der er på en måned. Altså 90 % af det, hvis ikke 95 % det er mad. Det er fordi, der er økotegn på det meste af det jeg køber, fordi det er dyrt. 146

153 185. JE: Er det noget, der ville gøre, at du ville vælge øko fra? 186. CA: (uhmmm) Nej, det tror jeg ikke. Så skulle de komme med en eller anden opdagelse, at de der økolandmænd havde ret til at gøre nogle ting, som forbrugeren ikke havde fået af vide, men jeg er overbevist om, at der er så mange regler med det der økologi og alt det der og det skal overholdes // jeg må godt nok sige, at jeg var chokeret over det der med gødning, at de må hente gylle fra naboens gård, som ikke er økologisk JE: Ja, den er ikke så god CA: Det var i hvert fald overraskende, synes jeg. Jeg ved jo godt, at jeg vælger jo økologien til og det lokale fra, når jeg handler mel for eksempel. Det er meget meget få steder, du kan købe økologisk mel i Danmark, som er dansk JE: Nå CA: Der er ikke nærring nok i jorden til, at der kan komme nok protein i kornet til, at det kan blive til ordentlig mel i Danmark JE: Nå, hvor sjovt CA: Ja, der kan du bare se, hvor meget madfreak jeg er (ha ha). Sådan noget ved jeg ( ) Ja, men det fortæller meget om personen. Dem her (peger på fuldkornsmærket, red.) de handler i Lidl og det gør de her også (peger på nøglehulsmærket, red.), og de andre de tænker selv (peger på økologimærket, red.) JE: De tænker selv, dem der handler økologisk? 194. CA: Det synes jeg. Nej, det er også fordi, at jeg tænker selv, når jeg handler øko. Ligesom det her med at chokoladebaren er jo ikke sund, fordi den er økologisk eller fuldkornsmærket, fordi der er peanuts i den eller et eller andet i den stil. Man må jo gerne bruge sin sunde fornuft også jo JE: Okay. 147

154 Appendix 11: Transcription of interview with Ebbe Demographic Data: A 49-year-old male living at Vesterbro in Copenhagen. He has a medium higher education and works as an office worker. He earns between DKR a year Interviewer: OMG (OM) Interviewee: Ebbe (EB) Transcribed by: Camilla Schytte Andersen (CA) Length of interview: Interview regarding food labels: , Pause: ( ) Interruptions: // Action: (xx) Falter: 1. OM: Nu skal vi tale lidt om mærkningsordninger også. 2. EB: Ja. 3. OM: Kender du de mærkningsordninger? (Viser billede af økologimærket, nøglehulsmærket og fuldkornsmærket, red.) Og går du op i dem? 4. EB: Nej, det gør jeg faktisk ikke. Jeg drukner lidt i // altså den der kender jeg og den der kigger jeg efter (økologimærket, red.). 5. OM: JO 6. EB: Og de andre mærker dem synes jeg, at jeg er gået lidt død på. 7. OM: Ja, hvad mener du med at være gået død på? 8. EB: Fordi der er for mange af dem og jeg kan sgu ikke huske fra gang til gang, hvad det er. Og ind i mellem, så må jeg lige læse hvad er det nu, det betyder. Men jeg kan sgu ikke huske det altså. 9. OM: Kan du huske noget om // ved du hvad det her er for et? 10. EB: Det er jo // altså man kan jo næsten fornemme, at det her det er lavet af noget, der er groft ik (fuldkornsmærket, red.). 11. OM: Ja. 12. EB: Og det her (nøglehulsmærket, red.) er generelt noget med en fødevarer, der er sund eller god for en. 13. OM: Ja, men økologi er noget af det du handler efter eller? 14. EB: Ja, det er bare fordi, at det er sådan et af de første mærker, der sådan kom på markedet og derfor har man så ligesom lært det at kende og det kan jeg så godt huske ik. 15. OM: Ja. 16. EB: Og langsomt er jeg også begyndt at vende mig lidt til nøglehullet, ik, men men // 17. OM: Ja. 18. EB: Og der er også noget med et blad og svanemærket og sådan noget ik. 19. OM: Jo. 20. EB: (øhh) men jeg synes, at det er svært helt at holde rede på dem. 21. OM: Ja, er det fordi, at det er svært at forstå dem, hvad de betyder eller? 22. EB: Det er fordi, at nogle af dem minder lidt om hinanden og sådan ik, og der kunne det være meget rart, hvis der var sådan en standard, der gjaldt for alle. 23. OM: Der slog dem helt samme på en eller anden måde. 24. EB: Ja. 25. OM: Hvad hvis du stod nede ved hylden og skulle vælge mellem noget rugbrød, hvor den ene havde den der og den anden havde ikke? Ville det her være noget, der ville gøre, at du ville vælge? 26. EB: Hvis de ellers ser sådan nogenlunde ens ud eller sådan, og hvis det er nogenlunde samme kvalitet, så ville jeg nok vælge det, der var et mærke på. 27. OM: Så du kunne godt // du handler lidt efter? 28. EB: ja, lidt sådan, men det er sådan bevidst, sådan rigtig. 29. OM: Nej. Du kører ikke sådan over til en anden butik? 30. EB: Nej, jeg går // det er ikke sådan så, at jeg går ud og decideret leder efter noget, der har et mærke. 148

155 31. OM: Nej. 32. EB: Det gør jeg ikke. 33. OM: Hvad forbinder du generelt med de her mærkningsordninger? 34. EB: Jamen (øhhh), sådan noget halvhjertet forsøg på at lave en vejledning. 35. OM: Ja. 36. EB: Men ( ) 37. OM: Hvad skulle der til for at det ville blive helhjertet? 38. EB: Jamen, så skulle det være sådan, at der ligesom var // at man måske fra EU eller fra national side går ind og bestemmer, hvad det er de skal indeholde og laver en ordentlig markedsføring af det. Og så skal det selvfølgelig være sådan, at man er helt sikker på, at det også er det, der er mærket // at altså fordi // jeg er ikke helt sikker på om det er producenterne selv, der sætter mærket på eller om der et eller andet // nogle specifikke krav, de skal leve op til og om der er så kontrol af det eller sådan noget // det synes jeg er rigtig svært at finde ud af. 39. OM: Ja. 40. EB: Om det er sådan så // så derfor virker det på mig sådan lidt halvhjertet, ik. 41. OM: Jo, så det er faktisk det hele fra, at det bliver lavet fra et større system, EU system, til at det faktisk bliver markedsført, at du bliver fortalt hvad der egentligt er i det, til at det også bliver kontrolleret, så du er sikker på at det ikke er noget producenterne //? 42. EB: Ja, det er hele vejen rundt ik. 43. OM: Ja. Tror du, at der er nogle særlige mennesker, der handler efter de her mærker? 44. EB: Ja, det skal der nok være (haha). 45. OM: Lad os tage nøglehulsmærket, hvem tror du der handler ind efter det? 46. EB: Jamen, altså det kan jo være folk, der går meget op i sundhed, kunne måske gøre det. 47. OM: Ja. Hvad med sådan et som fuldkornsmærket? Er det de samme mennesker eller er det nogle andre mennesker eller? 48. EB: Ja, men det er vel også folk, der tænker, at man vælger noget, der er sådan godt for ens krop og et eller andet ik. 49. OM: Jo. Hvad er sundhed for dig? 50. EB: Ja, desværre er det ikke noget, jeg går særlig meget op i. Men (øhh) altså det er jo noget andet, det er livskvalitet, tænker jeg. 51. OM: Og livskvalitet det er også at spise noget god mad, man godt kan lide? 52. EB: Ja, det er det jo også ik. 53. OM: Og have det godt? 54. EB: Ja, det er det. 55. OM: Er der noget du vil sige, at det her, det er i hvert fald ikke sundhed? 56. EB: Jamen, der er meget // nej, det ved jeg ikke lige, hvad jeg skal svare på. 57. OM: Nej. Der er nogle der vil sige // at sådan nogle, der hele tiden er på en streng diet og kun handler efter dem her og ikke laver god mad, men bare sidder og spiser salat og det er i hvert fald ikke sundt, for det er jo den der livskvalitet, der ikke // 58. EB: Altså jeg tror at sund fornuft tror jeg også, at det hænger lidt sammen med. Altså at alt med måde i bund og grund. Altså sådan at det kan // man kan også fjerne noget livskvalitet, hvis man kun // altså hvis man sætter begrænsninger op over for sig selv. 59. OM: Jo. Kan du nævne en situation, hvor du har købt ind efter en af de her mærkningsordninger? 60. EB: Jamen altså, jeg køber ind i mellem // altså for eksempel æg går jeg udelukkende efter økologiske æg. Og det hænger også meget sammen med dyrevelfærd, at det er den eneste måde, at jeg er nogenlunde sikker på, at det ikke er de der burhøns. Så jo, jeg forsøger da så vidt muligt at købe noget, der er økologisk. 61. OM: Er der nogle områder, hvor du kan sige, at det er rigtig vigtigt, at det er økologisk? 62. EB: Jamen, det er æg. Det er sådan noget som havregryn. 63. OM: Hvorfor lige havregryn? 64. EB: Jamen, det er fordi, at man har også sådan fundet ud af, at i ikke-økologiske havregryn er der hormonforstyrrende ting i. Og så prøver jeg også med mælk og mælkeprodukter sådan generelt ik. 65. OM: Jo. 149

156 66. EB: Og så vidt muligt også med grøntsager. Men det kan nogle gange være lidt sværere. 67. OM: Er det fordi det ikke altid er eller? 68. EB: Jamen, ja eller fordi nogle økologiske grøntsager simpelthen bare er halvdårlige og der er det jo lidt sådan, at det er ikke nødvendigvis kvalitet, fordi det er økologisk. 69. OM: Det er en meget god pointe. Så det der faktisk er vigtigst for dig, det er at det er kvalitet og om det så er økologi, det er så lidt ekstra. Et ad-on, kan man sige. 70. EB: Ja. 71. OM: Er der nogle ting, du decideret fravælger fordi du siger, at det er bare ikke godt, når det er økologisk? Det smager bare ikke lige så godt eller. 72. EB: Nej, det er der ikke. 73. OM: Er der nogle særlige situationer, hvor du handler efter en af de her mærker eller siger her, der skal jeg bare have noget, der er økologi eller fuldkorn eller? 74. EB: Nej, det er mest lige de der ganske få produkter, der er det meget vigtigt ik. 75. OM: Jo. 76. EB: Men ellers hvis der er to produkter, hvor det ene er økologisk og det andet ikke er og de sådan ellers nogenlunde // så vælger jeg altid det økologiske. 77. OM: Er der ikke nogen gange, hvor du tænker argh, det er lige for voldsomt at betale, hvis du for eksempel skal have 200gram mandler og give 50 kr. for økologisk? 78. EB: Altså der jeg jo sådan lidt derude, at jeg tænker ikke så meget på, hvad jeg bruger af penge. 79. OM: Nej. Du vil gerne betale for det? 80. EB: Ja, det vil jeg. Og nogen gange hvis jeg for eksempel er i Inco og sådan noget, hvor de har store mængder af et eller andet og jeg skal bruge stort, så kan det godt være, at jeg køber en eller anden stor pose af noget frem for at købe 10 små poser økologisk. Så jo, det hænder da, at jeg tænker, at det er sgu nemmere bare at købe en stor bøtte af et eller andet ik. 81. OM: Jo. Ja. Hvorfor tror du, at der findes de her mærkningsordninger i Danmark? 82. EB: Jamen, det er jo et forsøg på at vejlede forbrugerne i en jungle, der sådan godt kan være lidt svær at gennemskue. 83. OM: Og når du siger et forsøg på, så er det fordi, at det ikke helt lykkedes? 84. EB: Ja, jeg synes ikke, at det er lykkedes i forhold til mig. 85. OM: Hvad skal der til for at det ville lykkedes? Altså nu nævnte du sådan ét mærke, skal man simpelthen have ryddet ud i alle de her mærker? 86. EB: Altså jeg synes, at man skal have ryddet ud og så synes jeg også, at det er vigtigt, at der et eller andet statskontrolleret instans, som kan give noget garanti for, at det man mærkede, at det indikerer, at det også er dét, det er. 87. OM: Og hænger det ikke også lidt sammen med det her smiling-ordning et eller andet, hvor det nemlig var producenterne, der selv måtte bestemme om de ville sætte det på og så var der selvfølgelig ingen, der gad at sætte en rød smiley på, at de her chips de er usunde vel? 88. EB: Nej, det er jo det. 89. OM: Er det noget af det, der kan have gjort det hele lidt pløret? 90. EB: Ja, det har ikke gjort det bedre vel. Det har det ikke. 91. OM: Er der noget, der mangler hvis man skulle lave sådan et optimalt mærkningsordning? Er der sådan et eller andet, hvor du tænker, at det her skulle det bare tage højde for? Der er noget, der mangler på markedet? 92. EB: Altså jeg synes for eksempel, at omkring dyrevelfærd der mangler rigtig meget. At man kunne godt have noget, hvor man er sikker på, at dyrene har haft ordentlige forhold. Og jeg tænker, at for at man kan blive godkendt som økologisk landbrug eller sådan noget, så kræver det også, at dyrene har fået økologisk foder, hvor jeg tænker, at man kunne godt // at dyrene kunne godt have god velfærd uden at have fået økologisk foder. 93. OM: Så dyrevelfærd behøver ikke hænge sammen med økologi? 94. EB: Nej. 95. OM: Når du tænker dyrevelfærd, er det ikke hele produktionsprocessen, man skulle være mere opmærksom på? 150

157 96. EB: Jo, at det er lige fra, at de er helt små, men også når de skal på slagteri for eksempel, at dyrene ikke skal køre fra Nordjylland til Sydtyskland for at blive slagtet ik, som man gør rigtig mange steder. For eksempel, så synes jeg at det er helt grotesk, at Dansk Supermarkeds butikker sælger stort set kun kød, der er slagtet i Tyskland. Og så nogen gange sælger de også dansk kød, men det er sgu slagtet i Tyskland. Og så har de kørt hele vejen ned igennem Jylland og der synes jeg godt, at man kunne sætte ind over for, at der er ingen grund til at transportere dyrene for langt, at de skal slagtes. 97. OM: Det hænger jo heller ikke sammen. 98. EB: Jo, det gør det jo derhen af, at det er slagteriarbejderne i Tyskland skal have det halve i løn af hvad en dansk slagteriarbejder skal have. 99. OM: Jo. Men der er noget skævhed i markedet, når det er sådan EB: Ja, det er der Der tales igen om mærkningsordninger fra (3.42 min) 102. OM: Jeg har lige et par udsagn her også, som jeg godt kunne lige kunne tænke mig at få dine kommentarer til. (Mærkningsordninger er en hjælp for mig, når jeg handler ind, red.) 103. EB: Altså jeg synes jo ikke at det // jo det kan godt være en hjælp, men det kan også være forvirrende. Altså det kan også være lidt forvirring, som vi har snakket om før OM: Så du mener at det er lidt mere forvirring end hjælp? 105. EB: Altså ja i bund og grund synes jeg lidt, at det er sådan OM: Hvad så med denne her? (Jeg vil handle mere ind efter mærkningsordninger i fremtiden, red.) 107. EB: Jamen altså hvis jeg kan slippe igennem forvirringen og ligesom blive lidt klogere på hvad de enkelte mærker er og sådan noget, så vil jeg gerne handle ind efter det OM: Så hvis der kom det her ene mærke, så ville det godt kunne være noget, der kunne få dig til at handle mere ind efter det? 109. EB: Ja, meget OM: Ok og så lige det sidste. (At handle ind efter mærkningsordninger fortæller noget om, hvem du er som person, red.) 111. EB: Ej altså, jeg ligger ikke min identitet i om jeg køber ind efter mærke. Det er lidt // altså jeg er godt klar over, at når sådan nogen sådan nogen som jer sidder og laver alt sådan noget, så falder man alligevel ind i nogen bestemte kategorier og det kan være vildt skræmmende at opleve, hvor meget man passer ind i de der segmenter og alt sådan noget ik. Men jeg synes også, at det er lidt fattigt, hvis ens identitet er hængt op på det. Men selvfølgelig kan det godt være at // det gør det jo formodentlig, men // 112. OM: Men er det måske også fordi, at der er så mange, der køber de her mærkningsordninger, at man ryger ikke sådan helt ned i en kasse? Der er mange forskellige typer, der køber dem? 113. EB: Ja, det er der jo. Og jeg tror, at rigtig mange køber jo // går lidt til og fra. Men det er klart, at hvis man er meget sådan stringent med det, så kan det selvfølgelig godt. Og der er også nogen, der bevidst ikke køber noget, der er mærker på OM: De har simpelthen bare givet op og er trætte og // 115. EB: På et tidspunkt deltog jeg i sådan fokusgruppe, som Danmarks Radio lavede et eller andet nyt program på DR2 og jeg blev så valgt som den typiske DR2 seer og sad i den her fokusgruppe med 8 andre DR2 typiske seer, og det simpelthen så skræmmende, fordi vi var enige om alt OM: Er det rigtigt? 117. EB: Det var ligegyldigt, hvad de spurgte os om, så // 118. OM: Så var I bare enige? (haha) 119. EB: (haha) Ja fuldstændig og det er // jeg tænkte, at det er bare løgn, at i den grad bare passer ind i nogen kasser. Det er virkelig skræmmende OM: Kunne du identificere dig selv med andre, som I sad der? 121. EB: Jamen, jeg synes jo umiddelbart at vi var meget forskellige sådan med alder og beskæftigelser og sådan noget. Men holdningsmæssigt var vi fuldstændig enige (haha). Og der var jo ingen diskussioner altså fordi ligegyldig hvad de smed på bordet, så var vi bare fuldstændig enige OM: Men også lidt sjovt ik EB: Jo. 151

158 Appendix 12: Transcription of interview with Flemming & Christine Demographic Data: A 32-year-old male living at Østerbro in Copenhagen. He has a scientist degree (phd) and currently works as an office worker He earns between DKR a year Interviewer: OMG (OM) Interviewee: Flemming (FL) and Christine (CH) Transcribed by: Camilla Schytte Andersen (CA) and Johanne Eriksen (JE) Length of interview: Interview regarding food labels: Pause: ( ) Interruptions: // Action: (xx) Falter: 1. OM: Super. Hvad med sådan noget som ernæringsmærker? Sådan noget som mærkningsordninger? Sådan noget som sådan nogle her? 2. CH: Ja, jeg kender dem udmærket// 3. FL: Jeg tror faktisk at jeg blev spurgt om dem da jeg skulle udfylde det der spørgeskema og jeg ved simpelthen ikke hvad de betyder (griner)// 4. CH: Altså jeg kan.. Jeg kigger ikke efter det der, men jeg vil sige at jeg kan blive overrasket over// eller jeg sidder og bliver positivt overrasket over når vi faktisk har købt noget som faktisk har været det// 5. OM: Ja, hvordan det?// 6. CH: Jamen så tænker jeg, jamen så har jeg da alligevel valgt rimelig rigtigt// 7. FL: Det der, det kigger vi efter. Altså efter at vi fik Christian der begyndte vi da at kigge lidt mere efter økologi// 8. CA Ja ja, altså vi køber alt, det sagde jeg også, vi køber altså økologisk mælk og æg og smør og sådan noget i den stil ikk. Eller Lurpak køber vi så også nogle gange, men jeg kan sagtens finde på at købe den der anden smør som jeg så ikke lige kan huske hvad hedder. Øko smør. Men græntasger, der er jeg sådan lidt, den er jeg sådan lidt mere// 9. FL: Også fordi de er ret hurtige til at// 10. CH: Ja, at det kommer simpelthen an, som jeg sagde, jeg kan ikke// 11. OM: Der skal være noget kvalitet, det er ikke for enhver pris// 12. CH: Ja, det er ikke for enhver pris, men der er nogle ting som vi for det meste køber økologisk, men det er ikke sådan ( ) f.eks. paste, det køber jeg også altid økologisk. Det er altid det der Kornkammeret. Kornkammeret grov pasta, hvad er det nu det hedder// 13. OM: Ja, og hvorfor det? 14. CH: Jeg har en ide om at pasta det er også noget, det kan man ligeså godt// 15. FL: Jeg tror at vi har godt at lidt fibre. 16. CH: Ja vi har godt noget grov (larm) men jeg har det lidt sådan at, og faktisk også økologiske ris, for jeg har det sådan lidt det er de der basis, det kan du ligeså godt få noget økologisk og så må vi spæde op med det andet, men så pasta og ris det er også altid økologisk. 17. OM: Okay// 18. FL: Det sidste mærke, det aner jeg ikke hvad er, altså nu kan jeg se at der står vælg fuldkorn først, men jeg aner ikke hvor jeg skulle finde det henne, det er jo sikkert på nogle brødprodukter, men jeg// 19. CH: Nej, det kender jeg heller ikke// 20. OM: Så I har sådan en, det virker lidt som om I har lidt en fornemmelse for at I lever ret sundt og køber ret sundt så I ikke rigtig ( ) 21. FL: Jamen jeg tror at vi prøver 22. (LARM) 23. CH: Jeg skulle til at sige, det er fordi vi elsker at spise. 24. FL: Jeg tror at vi begge to. Jeg elsker chips// 25. CH: Jeg skulle lige til at sige det.. Og så kan vi godt lide mad vi elsker jo mad// 152

159 26. OM: Ja, det lyder til at I.. God mad er vejen frem// 27. FL: Vi kan godt lide at gå ud og spise og sådan nogle ting, men men// 28. CH: Man bliver jo nødt til at spise sundt// 29. FL: Man bliver jo ligesom nødt til at kunne have ren samvittighed, eller have en god samvittighed, så måske er det bare sådan at vi siger, de basale ting, det vi får meget af, det er økologi. Vi har økologi i kantinen, så jeg føler at jeg får lidt. 30. OM: Ja.. Ved I hvorfor de er til de her ernæringsmærker? 31. CH: Det er for at hjælpe os på// 32. FL: Gennemsigtighed altså altså at man kan stole på gennemsigtighed og tillid// 33. CH: Og så vel også det der med at ( ) man har en tilgang til at befolkningen ikke helt kan finde ud af det selv ikk. så hjælper man dem lidt med at sige, at det er sådan// 34. FL: Ja ja og ligesom skabe nogle standarder for, hvad er økologi fordi der økologi det kan sagtens// 35. CH: Jeg mener da, at den der // jeg kan huske, at der var ret meget fremme i medierne omkring, da det kom frem med, at vi bare blev federe og federe og bare spiste flere og flere chips og så skulle vi ligesom have hjælp til at finde ud af, at vi skulle drikke skummet mælk og ikke sødmælk. Jeg havde det sådan lidt // man synes lidt man følte lidt at den var en eller anden for opdragelse. At vi ikke fattede så meget. 36. OM: Hvis jeg lige tager sådan et udsagn her med mærkningsordninger er en hjælp for mig, når jeg handler ind. 37. CH: Nej. 38. FL: Nej, det tror jeg ikke. 39. CH: Altså jeg kigger ikke efter dem. 40. FL: Det gør jeg heller ikke. 41. OM: Er det fordi, at // jeg har også et her // er det fordi, at det er nogle særlige mennesker, der gør det? Altså at købe ind efter mærkningsordninger fortæller noget om hvem folk er som på person. 42. CH: Nej. 43. FL: Altså jeg vil påstå, at det er folkeskolelærere og det er ingeniører, der går meget op i det. Det er sådan det jeg vil // 44. CH: hahaha nej. 45. FL: hahaha Jo, det er sgu. 46. OM: hahaha hvad er der med dem? 47. FL: Det er jo det der, jeg siger med, hvem er det, der læser hele (mumler). Det er nogle bestemte typer af mennesker. For mange andre, de sidder altså ikke og læser 20 sider for ingenting. De ved, at det er standarder og alle gør det, og det er lidt det samme her. Altså i mine øjne, mange har det som princip nærmest at købe efter det eller så er der (mumler). Ellers vil jeg blive positivt overrasket vil jeg sige. 48. OM: Men tror du, at det er nogle detaljeorienterede personer eller? 49. FL: Ikke hvis du kigger detaljer som, at gå op i alting fuldstændig slavisk, men der er nogen som bare går op i, som man måske kan sige, simple ting og det er for eksempel om, der er et økologimærke på eller ej. Hvor jeg vil sige, at hvis altså // kan jeg bare se, at der står økologisk, så behøver jeg ikke stå og se hvor mange mærker, der er omme bagpå. Om det er nøglehullet eller fuldkorn. 50. OM: Og der er økologi, det er fint for jer. 51. FL: Ja ja. Vi går heller ikke efter Svanemærket eller // der er sgu ikke noget. 52. OM: Tror I, at der vil komme flere mærkningsordninger i fremtiden? 53. FL: Ja, det vil jeg vædde på. Det vil jeg vædde på. 54. CH: Det tror jeg også. 55. OM: Hvaad, er der noget, der vil komme som I vil synes var lækkert? Der ville være til jer? 56. FL: Jeg vil godt have et mærke, hvor der står det her slik må du spise alt det du vil af uden at tage på. 57. OM: haha ja, det tror jeg, at vi er mange, der gerne vil have. 58. FL: haha kunne kværne lige så meget som jeg havde lyst til. 153

160 59. OM: Spis alt af den her Irma chokolade uden at tage på. Ja sådan et mærke ja. Er det et kvalitetsmærke eller er der et eller andet? 60. FL: Jeg vil sige, at kvalitet er jo altid subjektivt. Jeg skal lige // 61. OM: Nå, I har lukket så meget ned, at strømmen også er lukket haha. 62. CH: Ja haha. 63. FL: Jeg slukkede bare det hele for ellers vil køleskabet stå og (mumler). Øhm men jeg tror, at kvalitet er jo dybt subjektivt altså. Øhhh og så hvordan vil du måle det. Er det ernæring eller er det hvordan dyret eller produktionen har foregået eller hvad er det. Så det er jo et parameter. Men øhhh, altså jeg tror mere, at der vil komme noget, hvor man vil sige, at den der er ligesom den der, der kom med sodavand eller hvad hed den? Vejledende kostmængde per dag eller hvad det nu hedder. Altså hvor meget kan du indtage af den her sodavand udgør så og så meget af // 64. OM: GPA ja. 65. FL: Det tror jeg måske mere, at du vil se, fordi at altså folk bliver bare federe og federe og federe og derfor må der så komme noget mere af // du kan jo også se med for eksempel rygning har man været jeg ved ikke hvor mange år om at finde ud af, at nu skal der være dødningehoveder og alt muligt på. Og store labels. Og den tendens vil nok bare brede sig også til sodavand, slik, chips øhhh. Altså ting du ikke skal have for meget af, som alle ved, at du ikke skal have for meget af, men man gør det alligevel. Og så må man prøve at appellere til sådan. Så det tror jeg sgu, at det er der, at der vil blive sat mest ind. Jeg tror sådan med kvalitet eller hvor godt du har det // altså man skal jo også have // der er jo en grænse for hvor mange mærker, du kan have og du skal huske dem samtidig. 66. OM: Ja, det er jo det. Er vi ved at nå der, hvor det er for mange? 67. FL: Og der er vi allerede nu. Og hver har noget med, at det kan være Max Havelaar og det kan være det ene og det andet og til sidst så mister det så lidt sin betydning af, at altså du har // 68. OM: Drukner? 69. FL: Drukner i at du ikke længere kan kapere mere information omkring det, hvorimod et dødningehoved, det er rimelig let at forstå. Eller (larm) med store fede bogstaver eller sådan noget, som der er på cigaretter og sådan nogen ting. 154

161 Appendix 13: Transcription of interview with Gurli Demographic Data: A 53-year-old female living in Odense. She has a higher educational background. She earns between DKR a year. Interviewer: Camilla Andersen (CA) Interviewee: Gurli (GU) Transcribed by: Johanne Eriksen (JE) Length of interview: Interview regarding food labels: Pause: ( ) Interruptions: // Action: (xx) Falter: 1. CA: Nu skal jeg høre lidt omkring mærkningsordninger (host) 2. CA: Kender du de her? 3. GU: Uha, jeg kan aldrig huske// 4. CA: (griner) 5. GU: øhm.. Jeg går ud fra at den der den opfylder et eller andet med at der er fuldkorn i// 6. CA & GU: (griner) 7. CA: Det er i hvert fald meget nærliggende 8. GU: Og det grønne nøglehul det er et eller andet med at den også opfylder nogle betingelser for at være sund og lødig mad 9. CA: Og hvad med den sidste? 10. GU: Den kan jeg ikke finde ud af - det ligner noget brød// 11. CA: Noget brød ja, 12. CA: Kigger du selv efter de her mærker når du handler ind? 13. GU: Nej, blandt andet fordi jeg aldrig kan huske hvad de betyder, der er jo et hav. 14. CA: Hvorfor tror du der findes de her mærkningsordninger? 15. GU: Det skulle jo være for at gøre det lettere for folk at de kan se hvordan tingene er mærkede// 16. CA: Ja, 17. GU: Hvis jeg kigger noget læser jeg hvad det indeholder, altså hvad det indeholder, varedeklarationer, men ikke de der mærker// 18. CA: Nej ( ) Hvad forbinder du med de her mærker? 19. GU: Det man kender til der er mærket, det er jo økologiske varer, Max Havelar mærkning med Fairtrade og ( ) og så er der det der med fedtindhold (øhmmm) det er er jo// Det jeg forbinder med det er at det er ment som et system der skal gøre kunderne, gøre det lettere for kunderne at se hvor, hvordan tingene er produceret, at det er lødig kost osv osv osv hvis man ellers kan huske hvad de betyder// 20. CA: Hvis man ellers kan huske hvad de betyder, ja 21. CA: Hvem tror du der køber ind efter de her mærker? 22. GU: Jamen det tror jeg bestemt der er folk der gør, øhm Som ved hvad de betyder 23. CA: Som økologimærket? Er der nogle særlige typer af mennesker der kigger på det når de handler ind? 24. GU: Jeg ved ikke hvem der er der handler økologisk, men det er vel typisk de bedre uddannede og dem med lidt flere penge og børnefamilier tror jeg. Jeg tror der er mange der er meget opmærksomme på at deres børn får økologisk mad// 25. CA: Ja ( ) Kan du se at der er nogle fordele ved at man putter de her mærker på produkterne? 26. GU: Øhmm Ja, det kan jeg godt se. Det er måske en god ide hvis man stillede sådan nogle store plancher rundt omkring hvor man lige kunne se hvad det er det betyder. 27. CA & GU: (griner) 28. CA: Hvilke fordele ville du sige at det var? 29. GU: ( ) fordelen ved at opfordre folk til at spise mere sundt og lødigt 155

162 30. CA: Ja// 31. GU: Og at gøre det lidt lettere for dem// 32. CA: Ville du sige at der var nogle ulemper ved sådan nogle mærker? 33. GU: Altså jeg ignorerer dem jo bare, så jeg vil ikke umiddelbart sige at der er nogle ulemper ved dem// 34. CA: Nej// 35. CA: Men ville du gå hen og bruge tid på at læse hvis der stod et stort skilt med hvad de forskellige betød?// 36. GU: Det ville jeg nok en gang imellem, sådan lige.. hvad er det nu det der betyder? 37. CA: Ja, ville du// 38. GU: Hvis der stod et skilt nede i Føtex, nåh ja det er også rigtigt, det er sådan det er// 39. CA: Ja, kunne du forestille dig at du ville kigge andre steder, ville du slå det op på internettet// 40. GU: Ja, men det har jeg gjort, men så glemmer jeg det jo igen 14 dage senere ikk, så CA: Ja, men jeg vil give dig ret i// 42. GU:..Og der er SÅ mange efterhånden 43. CA: Ja 44. GU: Ja, der er et hav af mærker. 45. CA: Ja, det er efterhånden alt der kommer mærker på. 46. CA: Hvad tror du der skulle til for at du ville kigge mere efter de her mærker? 47. GU: Jamen det er det der med, at hvis jeg ku, på en eller anden måde// det ville være nemmere at se hvad de betyder. 48. CA: Ja, så antallet er egentlig okay, hvis det var at det var lettere at se hvad de forskellige står for? 49. GU: Hvad mener du med antallet? 50. CA: Mængden af alle de her mærker? 51. GU: ahh // 52. CA: Er det okay at der er så mange hvis bare// 53. GU: Det ville nok også være fint hvis de prøvede at gøre// forenkle det lidt 54. CA: Ja 55. GU: Der var sådan en af de der panel, med de der internet spørgeskemaer, der var en undersøgelse der gik på de mærker, hvor man så billeder af produkter med forskellige mærker på, og der var bare SÅ mange af de der mærker jeg kan huske at der var tre forskellige mærker på fisk altså mærkninger bare på fiskevarer og de betød næsten det samme alle tre, ikk, altså det er jo helt håbløst. Så en forenkling ville nok være udmærket. Der var mange! 56. CA: Nu så jeg lige før i et af de blade vi sad og bladrede igennem, at, jo her blandt andet.. De fremhæver ofte i tilbudsaviserne hvad det er for nogle mærker der er på varerne// 57. GU: Det lægger jeg ikke mærke til// 58. CA: Nej? Det er ikke noget du bemærker? 59. CA: ( ) hvordan tror du at fremtiden vil være for de her mærker? 60. GU: Sikkert udmærket (øhm) igen så er jeg jo nok ikke den eneste der ikke kan huske hvad de betyder og som synes at der er for mange af dem// 61. CA: Det tror jeg bestemt heller ikke (griner) 62. GU: Så Måske hvis de blev hvis det blev gjort lidt mere synligt hvad de står for (øhm) og måske forenklet lidt// 63. CA: Er der nogle mærker som, nu ved jeg godt du siger at du ikke kigger efter dem, men er der et mærke hvor du tænker, hvis der fandtes det jer mærke, så ville jeg måske kigge efter det? 64. GU: Jeg har ikke noget specifikt jeg går efter// 65. CA: Nej? ( ) 66. CA: Jeg har lige nogle forskellige udsagn her som jeg lige vil høre din mening om. Der er sådan en der: 67. GU: ( ) Det tror jeg ikke på. Ja det kan godt være jeg tror i hvert fald ikke man kan sige at det er den samme person, at det er den samme slags person, jeg tror er der er alle muuulige forskellige motivationer som gør, at folk de køber ind efter mærkeordninger. 68. CA: Hvad kunne et eksempel på sådan en motivation være, tror du? 156

163 69. CB: Øhm Det kan være nogen der går meget op i Fairtrade og er meget politisk bevidste, som ikke nødvendigvis er den samme som den mor der skal, nødvendigvis køber økologisk, alt skal være økologisk til hendes barn det er jo to vidt forskellige motivationer. Så det tror jeg bestemt ikke. Jeg tror det er mange mange forskellige årsager til at folk de køber ind efter mærkninger. 70. CA: Hvad så med nogle af de her, Nøglehulsmærket og Fuldkornsmærket som du sagde, det er sådan, det er nogle af de her, det er et godt sundt tip til hvad man kan kigge på. Er der nogle bestemte typer de kigger efter det? 71. GU: ( ) Det ved jeg ikke ( ) Det ved jeg ikke ( ) Igen så tror jeg også at det er enormt forskelligt. Hvor der er nogle der måske specifikt går efter det fordi de mener at det er det helt rigtige og det vil jeg gerne have osv. Og så er der andre der synes, at det må vi hellere købe, fordi det er det politisk korrekte. Det er jo også igen to forskellige 72. CA: Tror du at folk der køber mange varer med de her mærker, at de ved hvad de betyder? 73. GU: Sikkert ikke// 74. CA: Nej? 75. CA: Der er sikkert nogen der ikke gør det 76. CA: Jeg har lige et andet udsagn. Det har du allerede lidt svaret på GU: Det er det ikke 78. CA: Du tror ikke at du vil kigge mere i fremtiden? 79. GU: Nej 157

164 Appendix 14: Transcription of interview with Jakob Demographic Data: A 37-year-old male living at Østerbro in Copenhagen. He has a high-school educational background and is currently working as an office worker. He earns between DKR a year Interviewer: OMG (OM) Interviewee: Jakob (JA) Transcribed by: Johanne Eriksen (JE) Length of interview: Interview regarding food labels: Pause: ( ) Interruptions: // Action: (xx) Falter: 1. OM: Nå, men lad os prøve at tale om de her mærkningsordninger. Kender du dem her? (billede lægges frem) 2. JA: Ja ( ) Den kender jeg ikke, men jeg har hørt om Nøglehullet, og den anden er det der statsøkologi eller hvad den hedder 3. OM: Ja.. Hvad går Nøglehullet ud på, ved du det?// 4. JA: Nej 5. OM: Økologi? 6. JA: Øhh, jeg tror det er et eller andet med at man kan se på en eller anden måde hvad der er af forskellige ting og sager i produktet. Tror jeg, jeg er ikke sikker. Og økologi, det går vel bare ud på at det er økologisk, ja. 7. OM: Ja? Handler du efter nogle af dem? 8. JA: Nej ( ) nej.. 9. OM: Ville du overveje// 10. JA: Jo, jeg ville faktisk nogen gange prøve at undgå at tage det her. 11. OM: Du undgår økologi?// 12. JA: Ja, altså, jeg. Økologi er blevet så moderne, smart og folk tænker uhhh det er synd for burhønsene, jamen du kan også få økologiske burhøns. Altså økologi er ikke// du skal købe æg fra fritgående hvis du skal købe noget, du skal ikke købe mange tror at økologiske æg, uhh de er, de har det så godt. Men de kan jo sagtens være burhøns altså Så jeg synes at det på en eller anden måde er blevet et falsk mærke, på en eller anden måde. 13. OM: Hvad mener du med det? 14. JA: Lige indenfor æg f.eks. ikk, jeg aner ikke hvordan det er indenfor andre produkter, altså øhh.. jeg ved ikke om du køber økologisk kød, men det kunne jeg også forestille mig, det kunne jo også være burdyr altså, det jeg ved det ikke, jeg ved det jeg har ikke sat mig stort ind i det, men jeg ved bare at folk bliver snydt// 15. OM: Ja? Så økologi, det står egentlig for lidt at man snyder folk fordi der ikke er rene linjer? 16. JA: Ja eller, netop, ja netop. Godt sagt. Jeg ved ikke om man bliver snydt, men altså det er lidt falskt. Det kan godt være at det er ganske fint og flot, det er et godt initiativ osv, men jeg synes umiddelbart at man bliver snydt. 17. OM: Ja? Hvad er det for nogle mennesker der køber økologi tror du umiddelbart? 18. JA: ( ) tosser (griner) 19. OM: tosser? (griner) (mumler) 20. JA: Jeg ved det ikke, jeg synes også, og det er jo sørgeligt ikk, men gulerødder der er blevet sprøjtet de ser altså lidt pænere ud end gulerødder der ikke er blevet sprøjtet, så det er, når du går ind og handler i lige i Netto ved jeg at nede for enden af reolen, der har de jo de økologiske grøntsager og de ser altså lidt mere kedelige ud end de første gør, øhh. Ja så.. men altså, nej jeg vil helst ikke give flere penge for at købe noget der er kedeligt. Det er fornuftigt og det er fint og flot og ja, men nej. Nej. 21. OM: tror du at det er nogle særlige mennesker der handler efter de her mærkningsordninger?// 158

165 22. JA: Nej, det// 23. OM: generelt//? 24. JA: ja, undskyld// 25. OM: Nej, det okay. Men kan du sige at det er nogle// 26. JA: Ja, selvfølgelig kan man da det. Der er altså der er de her programmer her hvor man skal gætte hvem det er der bor der og så kan man jo se at Anka hun køber meget ingefær og hvad ved jeg, der var en nede på, jeg ved ikke om du så det, men der var en nede på Trianglen der blev anmeldt her for, der var i fjernsynet for et par dage siden 27. OM: Nej? 28. JA: Jeg kan ikke huske, jeg aner ikke hvem det var, en eller anden kendt designer, det var ikke en jeg kender. For noget tøj sjovt nok.. (he he) men hun havde meget ingefær i sit, og havde meget økologi osv. Så, ja selvfølgelig kan man på en eller anden måde se det, men jeg ikke rigtig, jo tøjstilsmæssigt vil jeg synes at I ligner ikke økologiske// 29. OM: Vi ligner ikke økologiske piger? (griner) men hvad er det for noget tøjstil det kunne være? 30. JA: Jeg kan ikke beskrive hvad det kunne være. Man kunne gå i et eller andet anderledes tøj, sådan med at gå i kinasko, øhh // 31. OM: Er det lidt mere hulla-bulla?// 32. JA: Nej måske lidt mere pædagogen kunne jeg forestille mig, ikk. Altså ja 33. OM: Ja? Er de en særlig bil man kører i? 34. JA: Øh. Det ved jeg sgu ikke en firhjulstrækker tror jeg.. (griner) det kunne jeg godt forestille mig at I også ville gøre. Selvfølgelig hvis de kørte det igennem og kører det gennemført, så ville de også tænke over sådan nogle ting, men jeg tror da også at lige præcis en bil, der tror jeg at der er mange penge at spare ved at købe en den ene eller den anden og der tror jeg godt at de kunne se sig over.. ahh.. jeg har ikke lige råd til at give ekstra til at købe en elbil, så jeg tror ikke at de køber den. Hvis de kunne ville de gøre det, men altså, igen det er dyrere at købe økologi end at købe andre ting, så.. ja OM: Kan du sige noget generet om de her mærkningsordninger? 36. JA: Nej, jeg kender dem jo ikke rigtigt altså udover at nej.. Jeg hader at blive sat i bås på en eller anden måde og jeg synes lidt at mange ting skal sættes i bås på en eller anden måde, ikk. Så altså, der skal være 700 mærkninger og jeg kan også det kommer jo nogle i gange i medierne at så er der kommet en eller anden ny mærkning som// ja det er faktisk kommet en ny, er det den med nøglehullet? Jeg ved det faktisk ikke, som hvor den deler det op på nogle andre måder og det er faktisk forkert i forhold til hvad man spiser og.. du må ikke spørge mig altså OM: Nej Det lyder lidt som om det også forvirrer dig lidt med alle de forskellige mærker man skal forholde sig til? 38. JA: Ja altså.. hvis det var at vi skulle have EU til at gøre noget for Danmark, så må de sgu lave et fælles mærke i stedet for at de har 27 forskellige mærker, du kan jo ikke sætte dig ind i 27 forskellige mærker 39. OM: Nej Nej Så du ser det ikke som en fordel at der er de her mærker, kan jeg næsten høre? 40. JA: Nej, ikke hvis der er mange mærker på nej, eller nej, det gør jeg ikke fordi jeg ved ikke hvad de betyder, jeg har ikke og jeg gider ikke at sætte mig ind i dem fordi: køber jeg den her pakke ris, så er der den her type mærke på, køber jeg en anden pakke ris, så er der anden type mærke på. Det er der måske nok ikke, men jeg har ikke sat mig ind i det. 41. OM: Nej Ved du hvad, vi prøver lige at tage sådan en her. Hvad synes du om den her? (statement præsenteres) 42. JA: Jamen, øhh måske, som vi lige har talt om, altså ja, det kunne godt være en der køber, en der køber økologi kunne godt være en der render rundt i hyttesko og spiser hytteost, ikk, men altså, det behøver det jo ikke altid at være. 43. OM: Så man er ikke helt klart defineret når man køber?// 44. JA: Nej, øhh// 45. OM: Man kan også være alt muligt andet? 46. JA: Selvfølgelig kan man det, ikk altså. Nu hvor vi sidder og snakker om det, kan jeg huske en gang hvor jeg stod i Netto og hvor jeg kiggede på hvad jeg havde købt og så så jeg på hvad hende der bag 159

166 mig havde købt der kunne man godt se forskellen på nå okay (griner) men jeg kan jo ikke huske hvordan hun så ud. Men altså, der var tydelig forskel på hvad det var der lå i kurven og hvad der lå i min kurv, så selvfølgelig kan man godt se// jeg vil vædde på at du kan se om det er en mand eller en pige der køber mad når du kigger hvad der ligger i kurven// 47. OM: (mumler) (griner) Hvad med den her? 48. JA: Jamen, det tror jeg ikke nej. 49. OM: Nej, det? Og denne her, den kan jeg så høre at den// 50. JA: (griner) Den er jeg heller i stor fan af nej. 51. OM: nej.. Hvis du var statsminister og kunne bestemme, hvilket jo er en dejlig drøm hvis man vil være det og du skulle lave en mærkningsordning, hvad ville du så lave for en? Hvis vi kunne fjerne alle dem der var der, og du skulle lave en? 52. JA: jamen, jamen, jamen Det ved jeg ikke altså.. Jeg har ikke sat mig ind i dem, så de.. der skal man sgu være et klogt menneske synes jeg og vide hvad det er man taler om og det. Altså ja, statsministre de ved.. de skal jo ikke vedtage nogle love om nogle ting de ikke aner en skid, det er jo også forkert. De har selvfølgelig nogle jurister der skal hjælpe dem og vejlede dem, ikk, men som statsminister der ville jeg lytte til mine jurister. 53. OM: Ja, okay. Hvorfor tror du at der findes de her mærkningsordninger overhovedet i Danmark? 54. JA: ( ) (griner) jamen. Pas. 55. OM: Ja. ( ) 56. JA: øhh jamen, det er jo. Ja. Pas. Nej, det ved jeg ikke om det er noget om at regeringen har besluttet at der skal være nogle mærkningsordninger der skal hjælpe og vejlede forbrugerne i Danmark, det ved jeg ikke. Jeg ved det ikke, men altså det er jo noget i den stil. 57. OM: Det kunne man forestille sig. 160

167 Appendix 15: Transcription of interview with Jens-Peter Demographic Data: A 59-year-old male living in Kolding. He has a higher education, but is currently unemployed. He earns between DKR a year Interviewer: Camilla Andersen (CA) Interviewee: Jens Peter (JP) Transcribed by: Johanne Eriksen (JE) Length of interview: Interview regarding food labels: Pause: ( ) Interruptions: // Action: (xx) Falter: 1. CA: Men når du så er nede at handle ind og prøve at finde noget af det der er mest fedtfattigt, bruger du så nogle af de her forskellige mærkningsordninger der findes? 2. JP: Nej, jeg ser udelukkende på, hvad er fedtprocenten og så at det er økologisk. Altså Svanemærker og hvad der ellers er af andre mærker, det er jo igen en jungle for mange mennesker ikk, at man har fået indført så forfærdeligt mange forskellige mærkninger og intentionerne er udemærkede med at mærke varerne, men kunne man da for helvede bare finde en standard man var enige om. Og så sige, nu er det den her der er den mærkning og kun dén mærkning, hvis det er en bestemt ting man skal mærke det for. Men hvornår er det det ene// Og så er der jo det her Nøglehulsmærke// Jeg kan ikke en gang huske hvad nøglehulsmærket står for det er også noget med noget økologi, ikk. 3. (CA lægger mærker frem) 4. JP: Den kender alle den er så indarbejdet. Jamen det er da rigtigt nok vælg fulkorn først, jeg er da fuldstændig enig, men det der det er jo ikke et kval// det der det er en en en kvalitetsmærkning, det der det er en opfordning, det der ved jeg ikke hvad er. 5. CA: Nej? 6. JP: Men der sidder nogle reklamefolk og de er skide flotte alle de her ikoner man har fået sat op, men statskontrolleret økologisk, det ved vi hvad er så er det sgu økologisk. Så tror jeg egentlig at de fleste folk er hamrende ligeglade med hvor det er økologisk henne bare det er økologisk. Om det er fra Fyn, fra Lolland eller fra Sydeuropa eller hvor det er købt henne, det er der ingen// Så har du det andet begreb// Så har du Fairtrade begrebet. Det kan der også være nogle forbrugere der// Vi kan godt være nogle forbrugere der ser på// Er det her produceret et sted som vi synes er i orden? Den mærkning er også vigtig ikk. Det er ikke nok at det kun er økologisk. Som regel det at det er økologisk kan også være et udtryk for at det er okay dyrket, ikk, men der har man Fairtrade mærkningen udover. Der er også Max Havelar som har nogle mærkningsordninger- de var en af de første der begyndte med det der. Det synes jeg er//det kigger jeg også på. 7. CA: Ja? På Fairtrade? 8. JP: Ja, på Fairtrade, for jeg køber hellere et Fairtrade hvis de ligger ved siden af en anden og kostede det samme for eksempel. Hvis den er økologisk og kun økologisk. Hvis den er økologisk OG Fairtrade og jeg skal give det samme, så tager jeg Fairtrade. Det ville være mit første valg. Og jeg vil endda sige, at hvis den er 2 kr dyrere, så vil jeg også tage den. 9. CA: Okay 10. JP: Men det har jeg ikke (mumler) jeg synes at det er det der med at skelne imellem, hvornår er det ene køb hvornår er det en holdning, ikk. Økologi behøver ikke nødvendigvis// jo det er jo også en holding, selvfølgelig er det det, det er Fairtrade i hvert fald. Det er en politisk holdning, det er en etisk holdning man har omkring det produkt man køber og jeg går meget ind for Fairtrade og der har jeg det// Ânglamark og Fairtrade begrebet, det er to sider af samme sag sådan som jeg ser det ikk// altså nu når vi går ud og køber kaffe ikk, så er det økologisk og Fairtrade. Det er det eneste kaffe vi køber! Bortset fra Senseo. Vist nok og de har også nogle økologiske. De har også nogle økologiske og også Fairtrade, det har de for i øvrigt også. Men nu er det ikke det vi jo vi har en Senseo 161

168 maskine og jeg får en kop om morgenen den er ikke økologisk. Men vores pulverkaffe er økologisk og Fairtrade. Men nøglehulsmærket jeg ved ikke en gang hvad det betyder, ved du det? 11. CA: Ja 12. JP: Nå ja, men det skal du jo vide 13. CA: (griner) 14. JP: Hvad betyder det? 15. CA: Det er// Det er bygget op omkring de her.. hvad er det 8 kostråd som regeringen har sat op med at mindre sukker og mindre fedt og// det er bygget op omkring det, så de mærker der har Nøglehulsmærket på, har//lever op til de krav// 16. JP: Ja, og jeg tør vædde på at der ikke er ret mange af Danmarks befolkning der aner det// 17. CA: Der aner det, ja. Det tror jeg du har helt ret i// 18. JP: Men de ved hvad økologimærket det er. Og så tror jeg faktisk at der er mange mennesker der ser på saltindholdet også// altså jeg tror at folk som sådan// men jeg tror i dag er man nok mere opmærksom på fedt procenten end man egentlig er på saltindhold og sukkerindhold og sådan noget, og dog, det ved jeg ikke. Jo, og det ved jeg fra mit Altså, folk tror bare, bare der er sukkerfrit, så er det sundt, ikk. Og det er jo den største løgn. Der har Coca Cola fandme været dygtige til at fortælle folk, at det her det er ikke- så gør det ikke noget. Når man så begynder at fortælle om at det der er i bliver omsat til sukker inde i din krop, så bliver det til sukker. Det kan folk ikke forstå, jamen det gør det! Det bliver omdannet til sukkerarv som så bliver omdannet til sukker og ender ud i fedt under alle omstændigheder, så sådan noget.. Men folk ser meget på fedtprocenter, men det er ogsådet er vigtigt! Det er nok det første der fik sat ind. Men Nøglehulsmærket, det tror jeg sgu ikke. Det er dødt, det er jeg bange for. 19. CA: Hvad hvis du stod i supermarkedet overfor to pakker rugbrød hvor den ene havde nøglehulsmærkett// 20. JP: Jeg bager altid selv rugbrøg// 21. CA: Jamen så en vare du ikke selv laver// 22. JP: Lad os bare tage// 23. CA: Havregryn. Jeg ved ikke om du spiser havregryn? 24. JP: Ja, en sjælden gang og de er økologiske. 25. CA: Er det, ja.. Men lad os sige du stod overfor to hvoraf den ene havde nøglehulsmærket på og den anden ikke havde? 26. JP: Jeg ville læse indholdet. Jeg ville læse varedeklarationen// 27. CA: Ja. Gør du det på alle varer? 28. JP: Ikke på alle varer, men jeg kunne godt finde på. Altså i sådan en situation ville jeg læse varedeklarationen. Ikke fordi der er et nøglehulsmærke på jeg ved ikke hvad det er. Nu har du jo fortalt at det er noget med noget salt og sukker, men ellers kender jeg ikke noget til det. Jeg ville kigge på vare deklarationen. Jeg tror der er mange mennesker der kigger varedeklarationer i højere grad. Men det erd a fint nok hvis man kan få det der til at fungere, så er det okay for min skyld. Det det øhh.. Jeg.. Altså det har også taget mange år for Fairtrade til at ligge i min bevidsthed, men da det kom frem, Max Havelar det er jo år siden, da bed jeg da heller ikke mærke i det. Det er jo først nu at jeg er bevidst om det. 29. CA: Hvad gjorde udfaldet på det tror du?// 30. JP: Jamen det er jo.. Det er min ( ) Det er min holdning til Det er min politiske holdning. Folk skal fandme behandles ordentligt. Og vi skal ikke havde de der indere til at trampe rundt i svinet vand og sådan noget. Jeg vil ikke købe deres varer så. Men der er nok der gør det desværre. 31. CA: Hvorfor tror du det?// 32. JP: Ligesådan som der er kaffebønner i Columbia der bliver udsat for jeg ved ikke hvad, Danske firmaer som sprøjter løs jeg kan ikke huske, var det Cheminova der havde sprøjtet løs et eller andet sted ikk, nede i Indonesien. Vi forbyder det herhjemme, så eksporterer vi det til nogle fremmede verdener ikke og så kan vi sgu gøre det dernede ikk. Lad os slå nogle mennesker ihjel dernede, der er nok af dem ikk. Det er en mæærkelige holdning. Se sådan noget, det kan jeg ikke have med at gøre. Det skal sgu være i orden det vi har med at gøre. 33. CA: Hvorfor tror du at der findes de her mærker i Danmark? 162

169 34. JP: Fordi vi er dumme, ikk. 35. CA & JP: (griner) 36. CA: Er vi det?// 37. JP: Fordi vi hvis vi var intelligente, så var det ikke nødvendigt vel? 38. CA: Nej// 39. JP: Det er da derfor vi laver mærker. Det er da fordi man.. Udgangspunktet er at forbrugerne DUMME. Vi kan ikke selv finde ud af det. De må have hjælp de stakkels danskere. Til at forstå det her ikke. Og det tror jeg er rigtigt. Vi skal hjælpes. For vi ER dumme, som forbrugere, regulært sagt ikk. For hvis ikke vi var det, så ville det hele jo se helt anderledes ud ikk. Så jeg har stor forståelse for: vi skal gå ind på en eller anden måde at få kommunikeret et budskab ud til vores befolkning for at få dem til at forstå: hvis ikke I gør det her, så har det nogle konsekvenser, som I ikke kan overskue, som I er for dumme til selv at overskue, så derfor vil vi (producenterne/regeringen, red.) gerne hjælpe jer. Men så Hvad det er for en klap der går ned foran ørerne for dem, det ved jeg ikke, eller om det ligger lidt længere inde, det ved jeg heller ikke, men der går i hvert fald nogle klapper ned for en rigtig masse mennesker, som.. hvor man tænker ligesom hvor dumme kan I være ikke? Men så er vi igen tilbage til det vi også snakkede tidligere om: Vi skaber vores egen vores eget sundhedsbegreb: det enkelte individ skaber sit eget sundhedsbegreb, som gør at jeg mener at jeg er sund. Og det kunne f.eks. være de der 300 kg fedt der render rundt ude i Bilka med en kasse sukkerfri Pepsicola og i hans eller hendes optik er det her sundt. Det nye tiltag der kommer, er at folk.. at producenterne krafte me må få lov til at reklamere med at nu har vi tilsat vitaminer til det her, så nu er det sundt, vi siger ikke noget om at vi også har tilsat en masse sukker og en masse fedt. Vi har tilsat vitaminer ved WOW! Nøj hvor skal vi ud at fylde indkøbsvognen med SUNDE varer, ikk. Jo, vi er dumme som forbrugere, vi er rigtig dumme som forbrugere. Vi er i hvert fald ikke intelligente. 40. CA: Tror du det hjælper nogen, at der er de her mærker på? 41. JP: Desværre ikke nej. Jo, folk der i forvejen er intelligente. 42. CA/JP: (griner) 43. JP: Men det hjælper jo ikke, altså. De kan måske få nogle, dig og mig, til at tænke os om en ekstra gang, men i det brede, i det store brede perspektiv, så siger jeg nej. Så får vi ikke folk til at forstå budskabet. Fordi du læser det jo hver eneste dag, vi ved at fedmeepidemien den kommer, den er her allerede. Og folk kan ikke forstå det, vi kan se det i USA, vi kan se den i England. Tag ud og besøg storcentrene, tag ud og besøg Fields eller Kødbyen (mumler) prøv at se hvad det er for nogle det er for i øvrigt også en interessant beskæftigelse, ja det er så også det du beskæftiger dig med - med at iagttage folk. 44. CA: Ja det er nemlig rigtig spændende// 45. JP: Sæt sig ned, og se på, hvad er det for nogle typer der bevæger sig i det her rum og hvad er det de går med? Hvordan ser de ud? Jeg meget nødig, jeg vil ikke stemple folk, overhovedet ikke, for det ville være forkert at gøre, det ville jeg ikke have til at skulle gøre, men jeg kan godt undre mig lidt over, og det er derfor jeg ikke bryder mig om at komme i Kolding Storcenter, jeg kommer faktisk ikke ret meget derud. For jeg synes det kan være virkelig deprimerende at se på nu skal jeg passe på, for jeg er også selv overvægtig at se rigtig, rigtig fede mennesker der går. Det mest deprimerende, det er fandme de unge. Det kan virkelig gøre mig deprimeret at se så voldsomt overvægtige, voldsomt overvægtige! Jeg er 60, jeg må godt have en lille mave, jeg er ikke usund af den grund selvom min kone ville sige det. Men, det det det Der har vi fandme en opgave for os som samfund. Hvis vi skal vende den der, og vi er, klokken er ét sekund i tolv, jeg tror løbet er kørt. Det er jo det man forsøger med det der (mærkningsordninger, red.) fra politisk side, ikk. Politikerne de vil så gerne hjælpe os, men jeg har ikke, jeg er ikke i besiddelse af de vise sten jo luk McDonals og Burger King og, jo forbud kan man sige, men det er jo heller ikke en løsning vel. Men der kunne man da gøre noget og bremse nogen ting ikke, men det er ikke en løsning i et demokratisk samfund og sige at der er forbud, men men, jeg tror man skal derover af. Der skal i hvert fald nogle begrænsninger på fordi sådan f.eks. McDonald de kører på en aller anden form for afledning ved at være social bevidst virksomhed også ansætter udviklingshømmede osv. Og det er også fint. Det er til fordel (mumler). Det er fint, så på den måde har jeg da også et ambivalent forhold til 163

170 virksomhederne, men deres produkter er jeg fandme modstander af for de ER IKKE SUNDE! Så er det sgu ligegyldigt hvordan vi vender og drejer det, de er ikke sunde i den måde de indtages på. Og der er frygtelig mange der bruger det der Bilk// eller hvad hedder det McDonalds og Burger King eller hvad de nu hedder ( ) som hovedmåltider. 46. CA: Ja.. Synes du der mangler et eller andet mærke? 47. JP: Nej 48. CA: Nej? 49. JP: Jo! Så skulle det være (griner) så skulle der stå på: Du er idiot hvis du køber det der 50. (begge griner) 51. JP: Men det er jo provokation ikke. Altså jeg kan godt lide, jeg kan godt lide provokationen, fordi jeg tror det virker til tider bedre, altså det og jeg tænker ikke på de der cigaretmærker med voldsomme billeder på. Den kampagne tror jeg heller ikke på, men hvis jeg.. det er der sikkert psykologer og reklamefolk der kunne gå ind og se på, altså hvilke kampagne husker danskerne? Kaj og Bøje, De to snegle der kører for Nybolig nu- dem kender folk. Så var der linie3 i sin tid hvor de to andre med Kvickly (mumler) jeg tænker mere på den danske humor det er en ommer det var også en af dem. Hvis man kunne gå ud og lave nogle kampagner i den stil- altså at finde det der det er ikke noget med, man er nødt til at prøve sig frem. Men lige pludselig så rammer man dem den her den forbinder danskerne med noget ganske bestemt. Med et ganske bestemt budskab og så skal man køre! Jeg ved ikke hvad det er, men det kunne godt være humoren humoren ville være en rigtig humoren og øhh det ironiske er noget jeg tror, ville kunne virke på rigtig mange danskere og det lille ja ironien og det lidt satiriske provokation lagt ind i en hunoristisk kontekst tror jeg ville kunne påvirke i langt højere grad end mærkninger som sådan kan. Men kampagner i den stil tror jeg ville kunne have en vis effekt. Problemet med fedt og sukker er, at det smager godt og derfor er det svært at få folk til at lade vær. Og producenterne tilsætter det jo, så det fordi det sælger også. Der er en grund til at folk synes//mcdonald burger smager vel godt altså sidst jeg fik en, det var i 1992 eller sådan noget i Dublin har jeg fået en burger det er sidste gange jeg har fået en burger på McDonald. Og ja, det smager godt og det er fyld med fedt og det kan vores smagsløg godt lide. 52. CA: Ja, desværre// 53. JP: Og så kan vi sidde og være nok så dygtige sundhedsfolk og fortælle folk, McDonal, Chris McDonnel fortælle det ene og det andet, alle bruger, Bente Klarlund, alle er ude med det rigtige budskab, der er bare ikke nok der hører det. For Bente Klarlund er så helvedes klog, Chris McDonnel er så helvedes klog, men så gå ud i skovbakken her i Kolding eller tager du ud på Vesterbro, København i de miljøer hvordan ville du tro at folk ville lytter de til Chris McDonnel? Hører de ham? 54. CA: Ikke nødvendigvis// 55. JP: Hører de Bente Klarlund? Det er det jeg mener, det er jo ikke givet at Hvordan kan man så få fat i de folk? Vi ved jo også godt at der er en social klasse sammenhæng mellem fedme og Ja, det er sammenhæng mellem din sociale klasse og så fedme og det synes jeg også at man skulle gå ud og sige højt-dermed ikke sagt at social klasse 1 ikke kan være fede, for det kan de godt, der er bare ikke så mange af dem der bliver det. Der er altså flere i social klasse 5 der er overvægtige og det synes jeg godt man kunne gå ud og sige til folk altså ved du hvad du èr social klasse 5 du BLIVER fed hvis ikke du passer på det er virkelig provokerende at sidde og sige sådan CA: Ja, tror du det ville hjælpe? 57. JP: Jeg ved det ikke, men på en eller anden måde, tror jeg at ærlighed på en eller anden måde ville være bedre. For folk ville jo protestere på et eller andet felt, tror jeg at folk.. der ville i hvert fald være nogle intellektuelle der ville stille sig op og sige, det kan man ikke tillade sig at sige man kan ikke tillade sig at sætte folk i bås. Men de samme folk ved jo godt at det er rigtigt, men de tør ikke at sige det højt. Og det er det jeg mener, en gang imellem skal ting siges højt for at få budskabet igennem og det skal siges så det er forståeligt. Jeg ved sgu ikke.. Jamen det.. Havde min kone været her, så havde vi bræget det for dig, så havde vi kørt med vores løsning, fordi det.. Hun er sygeplejerske og det er bekymrende det er virkelig bekymrende at se så mange ( ) ja var det i dag eller var det i går vi læste det der med diabetes epidemien (øhh) ( ) der er rigtig rigtig rigtig rigtig 164

171 mange der får sukkersyge fordi de indtager for meget sukker, fordi de motionerer for lidt, fordi de spiser for fedt hvor fanden er vi henne? Og så er det at jeg siger skal vi virkelig forbyde det? 58. CA: Ja, om det er løsningen? 59. JP: Man havde håbet da man indførte fedtafgiften at det ville hjælpe, men man flytter det et andet sted hen. Så flytter man det over på sukkeret og saltet i stedet. Det er heller ikke en afgift der skal til. Jeg ved ikke, jeg har desværre ikke løsningen hvis jeg havde det, så havde jeg sgu også meldt den ud. Men vi har alle sammen en ide til hvordan man kunne løse sådan et problem. Men man kunne starte med at fjerne sådan noget som det her (tilbudsaviserne, red.). 60. CA: Som tilbudsaviserne? 61. JP: Man kunne fjerne tilbudsaviserne forbyde dem. 62. CA: Tror du at det ville hjælpe? 63. JP: Ja, det tror jeg faktisk, fordi folk er nødt til at ændre indkøbsvaner. Og det tvinger butikkerne til at ændre strategi i forhold til, for de er jo stadigvæk, jeg tror.. Det er okay at der JTener penge, men det ville ændre dem, deres måde at, selvfølgelig ville de gå over på nettet i hvert fald en stor del af det, men jeg tror faktisk at det ville flytte folks indkøbsvaner, folk ville i højere grad bare se på: Hvad skal jeg bruge i dag, lidt ligesom jeg gør. Hvad har jeg brug for i dag? Og så ville jeg ikke købe så meget. Eller også så valfarter de sgu til Flensborg, det er gør jo nok alligevel for at købe øl hjem. Nu kommer du ikke herovre fra vel, du skulle prøve at stille dig ud på motorvejen en lørdag eftermiddag og se hvor mange trailere der kører forbi og varebiler. De er fyldt op med bajere og sodavand og slik. Det er ufatteligt så meget der ryger over altså. Jo, en anden ting man kunne gøre det var, man kunne forbyde salg af sodavand og saft. 64. CA: Tror du at det ville hjælpe? 65. JP: Hvis det var forbudt? 66. CA: Ja 67. JP: Ja, så skulle man forbyde importen af det ved grænsen. Ligesom ifht. sprit spiritusforbud (mumler) Så får vi jo smuglere ind i igen ikk. Men nej jeg har, det det det kunne jeg da godt forestille mig (nu tales der om tilbudsaviser) (Mærkningsordninger genoptages) 70. CA: Jeg skal lige høre dig, jeg har sådan nogle udsagn her jeg godt lige vil høre din mening omkring hvis vi lige vender lidt tilbage til de her mærkningsordninger. 71. (Statement lægges frem: Det siger om hvem folk er, når de køber mærkningsordninger) 72. JP: Fis og hopsa 73. CA: Ja, hvorfor det? 74. JP: Jamen jeg går sgu da ikke ind og siger: SE JEG HAR KØBT FAIRTRADE! Er jeg ikke dygtig og god? Og fantastisk ikke. Altså jeg skal endelig sørge for at få indkøbsvognen hen til min nabo så hun kan se, ej altså, han køber økologisk, nådadada og når man får gæster, så husk det er økologisk. Nej, det tror jeg ikke på. 75. CA: Nej, tror du der er nogen mennesker der tænker sådan? 76. JP: Aner det ikke, det kender jeg ikke nok mennesker til at sige, jeg. Det kan da godt være. Jeg vil da ikke udelukke det. Men for mig betyder det ikke noget. 77. CA: Men tror du at der er nogle særlige mennesker der køber ind efter økologimærket f.eks.? Er der sådan en typisk person, der handler ind efter det? 78. JP: Ja, sådan en som mig f.eks. Men men men, nej altså, jeg tror ikke, der er ikke noget, nej, jeg tror ikke man kan sætte folk i en bås og sige: Du er et typisk økologi-menneske. Det kunne godt være man kunne, men jeg tror det egentlig ikke, for det tror jeg på sin vis er relativt spredt hvem det er der køber økologisk. Og dog. Jeg er nok op i de lidt højere sociale klasser, alt andet lige, at det er der økologien er mest fremhersket, men dog tror jeg også at der er flere og flere der gerne vil have de økologiske produkter og de er, i min optik, også blevet bedre til at få dem lagt ud i butikkerne og gøre det mere attraktivt, fordi mange har et billede af økologiske varer som sådan noget halvslattent noget der ligger et eller andet sted gemt ind i et hjørne og der synes jeg at mange butikker er blevet meget bedre til at få dem frem på forreste hylde og så er det friske varer der ligger der og så bliver det solgt. Så vil folk gerne, folk tror jeg gerne vil have en økologisk gulerod eller agurk frem for den 165

172 anden almindeligt dyrkede, ikke fordi der behøver at være noget i vejen med de dyrkede, men så tror jeg, altså det er et spørgsmål om at sælge varen ikk. Men om jeg har svært ved at forholde mig til det udsagn der, for jeg synes det ikke. Jeg vil nødigt sætte folk i en bås på grundlag af hvilke typer varer de køber. Fordi jeg kan jo ikke se om det er et Svanemærke, det kan jeg fandme ikke se på sådan en jeg kan jo ikke se på den at den er svanemærket det pålæg. Det lægger jeg jo ikke mærke til, med mindre jeg selv er sådan en. 79. CA: Hvorfor tror du at det er folk i den højere klasse, sociale klasse? 80. JP: Fordi vi igen er tilbage i den der fedme epidemi vi har gang i og fordi vi ved at det er social klasse 4 og 5. De køber det billigste. For det er der de synes at de får mest for pengene. Så de køber ikke økologisk. De køber skinke, svinekød med 12-18% fedt i fordi de er billigst. De er nødt til at tænke på pengene. Og det gør de altså og for dem drejer det sig om hvor mange kalorier der er i. De er sådan set.. Og jeg synes det er svært at skulle sidde og sige til dig altså, men min holdning er, at jeg tror, at folk i social klasse 4 og 5, 5 i hvert fald, netop fordi de er nødt til at tænke med pengepungen og kun skal have nogle kalorier, så er de pisse ligeglade med hvad der står på pakken, bare de ikke får nogle kalorier. Fordi det er det det drejer sig om. Og så er de ligeglade med om der står Änglamark eller whatever på eller om der er røde mærker på eller om der er grønne mærker for de ser stadigvæk ikke på de mærker, de ser på hvad koster den her papvare. Eller hvad koster den her spegepølse. De har ikke råd til at tænke på at være sunde. 81. CA: Forbinder du økologi med at være sund? 82. JP: Ja, det gør jeg. Altså jeg forbinder den økologiske tanke, er for mig et udtryk for at du er dig bevidst om hvilke, hvad du putter i munden. Og hvis du er dig bevidst om hvad du putter ind i munden, så har du også en ide om hvordan det er at være sund. Så den slutning tør jeg godt drage. Fra det at købe økologisk til det at tænke sundt i hvert fald og også forsøge at være sund. Den vil jeg godt drage. Men FORDI jeg køber økologisk, behøver jeg ikke at være en bestemt person. Du kan ikke gå den anden vej. 83. CA: Ja, det er meget spændende at høre. Jeg har lige nogle flere udsagn her. Vi har været lidt inde på den, men her kommer den alligevel: 84. (Andet statement lægges frem: Mærkningsordninger er en hjælp for mig når jeg handler ind) 85. JP: Det er ikke en hjælp for mig. Jo, Fairtrade. Så er det en hjælp. Og så det røde økologimærke. Alt det andet det ser jeg ikke. Svanemærket og Nøglehulsmærket, dem tænker jeg ikke på. Det gør jeg ikke. 86. CA: Nej, men du kigger efter økologimærket? 87. JP: Jeg ser på økologimærket, ja, Og vi køber stort set ikke ikke-økologisk kød f.eks. Det er ekstremt sjældent at vi gør det. Det kan altså (mumler) jeg ved ikke om det er økologisk jeg får hos slagter Lund, men de to-tre gange om året// til daglig, så er det stort set kun økologisk kød vi køber. Stort set kun. 88. CA: Er der nogen varer hvor du ikke lægger mærke til om det er økologisk? 89. JP: ( ) nej, næ.. jeg kan ikke lige komme i tanke om (mumler) ja, sukker f.eks., nej. Vi køber sgu også økologisk rørsukker (øhm) men jeg kan godt købe ikke-økologisk sukker, hvis jeg skal sylte f.eks. kan jeg godt finde på bare at købe 2kg inde i Aldi, men ellers er det som regel økologisk sukker vi køber også. (mumler) det kan jeg ikke lige, den kan jeg ikke lige pege på ifht. om jeg ikke tænker på Men på den anden side så tænker jeg heller ikke KUN på økologi. 90. CA: Det kunne være jeg skulle spørge omvendt om der er nogen varer du KUN vil have økologisk? 91. JP: Ja, kød og grøntsager. Jeg er ikke fanatiker, men helst. Det vil jeg helst have økologisk. Men ellers ikke, altså. Jo æg, køber vi også økologisk. Kun økologiske æg. Det er noget pjat, men det gør vi. Fordi økologiske æg de er økologiske. Vi tænker, det er sikkert nogle søde høns der har lagt dem. Og så tror jeg at folk de skulle tage ud og besøge nogle økologiske- de har lidt mere burplads, det er også det eneste. Men de får økologisk mad. Men øh.. En økologisk høne behøver ikke at være fritgående. Det behøver de altså ikke at være. Der findes EKSTREMT store stalde med økologiske høns, så den holder ikke så meget. Altså hvis man køber økologi fordi man tror det er, at dyrene har det godt, det er ikke sikkert det holder. Mange af dem har, ingen tvivl om det, men det siger økologimærket ikke noget om. Det siger kun noget om hvilket foder de har fået. Og ikke andet. Den 166

173 synes jeg er svær at tage den der Camilla, fordi det er jo Jeg er sgu ikke så bevidst og jeg er ikke så hellig. Jeg ved at med kød og grøntsager der kigger vi om det er økologisk, hvis ikke vi kan få det økologisk, jamen så tager vi sgu det andet. For det er jo ikke farligt. Det er jo forkert at sige. En almindelig agurk er sgu lige så sund som en økologisk agurk, de er bare dyrket på hver deres måde. Og vi må ikke sælge fødevarer herhjemme der er direkte giftige, så om jeg tager den ene eller den anden agurk, jeg tror ( ) de er nok lige sunde når det kommer til stykket. Men jeg vil helst have den økologiske. 92. CA: Men du ville ikke tage over i en anden butik for at få økologiske æg? 93. JP: Nej, det ville jeg sgu ikke// Jo! Det ville jeg! 94. CA: Ja hvis du var taget til Aldi og de ikke havde Økologiske æg// 95. JP: Så røg jeg en tur op i Kiwi eller op i Rema1000 og i yderste nødstilfælde, så måtte vi ud i Bilka eller ind i Føtex, men det Så er vi langt ude, så er der edder hugme godt nok solgt mange æg! (mumler) 96. CA: Og også med kød? 97. JP: Også med kød, nja Der kunne jeg godt gå på kompromis. Der er det mere hvor doven jeg er, hvor man er henne på døgnet. Hvis der er to timer til vi skal spise, så kører jeg ikke ud i Bilka for at få Økologisk kød, så tager jeg sgu det der er. Så ville jeg nok ty til kyllingekød. Eller fisk. Fisk er svær at få økologisk. Der skal man være heldig. Selv i Metro, der er det ikke sikkert at man kan få økologisk fisk. Med fisk, der kigger jeg faktisk ikke efter økologi. 98. CA: Kigger du efter nogle af de andre mærker der er der siger noget om// 99. JP: Ikke på fisk de er ikke mærkede// 100. CA: Jo de er nogen af dem er// 101. JP: Nå// 102. CA: Der findes.. er det tre forskellige mærker der er bl.a. et for tun, det er noget med// 103. JP: Nåh ja!// 104. CA: Så er det blevet fanget på en bestemt måde// 105. JP: Det er rigtigt, så er de fanget på en bestemt måde, ja det det det mærke kan jeg godt. Det er ikke et jeg kigger efter, fordi tun er ikke. Det køber vi ikke, så vi har en dåse tun i ny og næ og der må jeg være ærlig og indrømme. Det er sgu det billigste vi køber der der kigger jeg ikke på de mærker. Fordi det er så sjældent vi har med det at gøre, og jeg mener altså så hellige er vi jo ikke altså det ville være forkert at gøre det men men og altså, jeg kører ikke langt for at få økologi. Når det er der så køber jeg det selvfølgelig CA: Jeg har lige en sidste// 107. JP: Nu svarede jeg slet ikke det der med om mærkningsiordninger er en hjælp for mig når jeg handler øhm Og der vil jeg sige: Ja, til en vis grad CA: Til en vis grad, ja, 109. (Sidste statement lægges frem jeg tror at jeg vil handle mere ind efter mærningsordninger i fremtiden) 110. JP: Nej, jeg vil ikke CA: Nej, hvorfor ikke? 112. JP: Fordi der bliver for mange mærker at holde styr på og der er vi tilbage igen med det med du kan også få for mange mærker hvis du skal have et mærke for salt, du skal have et mærke for sukker, du skal have et mærke for at det her det er dyrket i Nepal eller du skal have et mærke for at det her det er økologisk fra Vietnam eller whatever. Hvis du skal have mærker for alverdens ting, så er du pludselig inde i en skilteskov, hvor du ikke ser skiltene alligevel, og så bliver det pludselig nogle andre parametre det er derfor jeg mener at man skal begrænse mærkningsordninger mest muligt fordi ellers har de ingen effekt og alle vil gerne have en mærkning, men så er det jo nogle andre ting der gør sig gældende for hvorfor vil man gerne have en mærkning - jo fordi, for det enkelte firma vil det være et kvalitetsstempel, at vi kan øremærke vores produkt. Men der tror jeg at forbrugerne. Der kan sgu blive så mange mærker at, der smutter den simpelthen! Hvor mange ting er det at vi kan overskue på én gang Så røg den. Nej du kan ikke overskue det. Din hjerne kan rumme fire ting: // 113. CA: Er det kun fire?// 167

174 114. JP: Her og nu. De gode kan godt rumme fem. Men normalt tre til fire det er de ting du kan have kørende samtidig, hvor du kan skelne dem fra hinanden. Når det er fem, så begynde du at skulle koncentrere dig, så ser du en ad gangen du kan godt se der er fem, men du begynder at tippe på tommeltotten og pegefingeren nå der er fire fingre. Så lukker du til lige pludselig. Så derfor er det vigtigt at man ikke har for mange mærkningsordninger. Fordi det ryger fløjten. Man vil sagtens kunne finde en enkelt forbruger der siger jamen jeg fokuserer på fuldkornsmærket f.eks. og når man så spørger, jamen kender du svanemærket, så vil de sige nej, og så kunne du have spurgt mig: kender du det røde Ø-mærke. Allerede nu er der for mange mærkninger. Jo, og så Fairtrade kendte jeg også CA: Hvordan tror du at fremtiden er for de her mærkningsorndinger? 116. JP: Det er en politisk beslutning hvad man vil have. Der kommer der politiske beslutningsprocesser ind i billedet, fordi de enkelte firmaer de kan have alle de mærker de vil, det er der ikke nogen der kan forbyde dem, men hvis vi som forbrugere så skal vi have en eller anden autoritet ind over og det er kun stat instituttet eller hvem det nu er sørger, hvad er det nu det hedder levnedmiddel// 117. CA: Fødevareministeriet// 118. JP: Fødevareministeriet! Der kan gå ind og sige, jamen vi har så og så mange mærkningsordninger. Det er dem her vi har de står for det og det og så kommer der ikke flere. Hvis der skal en ny en ind, jamen så er der en anden en der skal ud. Og det kunne man så begrænse til seks eller syv mærkningsordninger eller for min skyld helst fire maks. Fordi, SÅ ville vi hjælpe også.. så er der en chance for at vi kan få også undskyld jeg siger det social klasse fem til at følge det også lidt. Fordi det kan de også overskue. Så kan vi nemlig alle sammen overskue det. Og så kan man sige, jamen okay, dét her mærke, det ved det er fedtfattigt og Chris McDonnel han siger at jeg skal spise fedtfattigt og det siger Klarlund også, så det skal jeg nok gøre. Hvis jeg har 8 mærker jeg skal overskue, så er jeg allerede holdt op med at overskue noget som helst. Så færre mærker! 168

175 Appendix 16: Transcription of interview with Jette Demographic data: A 32-year-old female living in Lynge. She has a higher educational background and works within marketing. She ears DKR a year. Interviewer: OMG (OM) Interviewee: Jette (JE) Transcribed by: Camilla Schytte Andersen (CA) Length of interview: Interview regarding food labels: Pause: ( ) Interruptions: // Action: (xx) Falter: 1. OM: Nå, kender du de her ordninger? 2. JE: Ja. Økologisk og fuldkorn og nøglehulsmærket. 3. OM: Ja. Hvad betyder de sådan hver især? 4. JE: Jamen, nøglehulsmærket betyder ikke noget (øhhh) for jeg synes, at det der med, at der er nogen, der sidder og siger, at det her er sundt. Og hvem har siddet og sagt det for ting kan jo godt være sunde i små mængder og hvis man så kun spiser gulerødder eller et eller andet. Og med fuldkorn, der ved man jo // det ved man jo godt er det sundeste. Og økologi ved jeg også godt. Men det der med nøglehullet, der synes jeg baaare, at // 5. OM: Synes du, at der er vildledende mere end det er en hjælp? 6. JE: Jeg kigger overhovedet ikke efter det. Jeg har noteret mig, at det er på nogle af madvarerne, men jeg synes, at det er sådan noget overformynderi, at der sidder sådan nogen og jaaa pålægssalat er usundt, så derfor så // men light-versionen er rigtig sund for den er pumpet med vand og fedt og al smag er fjernet. Altså jeg synes bare, at så vil jeg hellere spise det rigtige end at sidde og spise noget, der bare er fyldt med et eller andet. Ligesom der er den der diskussion lige i øjeblikket om kødet bliver sprøjtet med 20 % vand eller sådan et eller andet. Det er lidt det samme, når man laver de der pålægssalater for eksempel og mange andre produkter, så propper du bare noget mel eller noget vand i for at fylde og så falder fedtindholdet og det synes jeg ( ) // jeg synes ikke altid, at det er retvisende. 7. OM: Altså hvorfor tror du, at de er lavet? De her ordninger? 8. JE: Jeg tror, at det er fordi, at der er folk, der ikke rigtig kan finde ud af, hvordan de skal spise. Man kan jo se, at der er jo sådan mange overvægtige mennesker ik, som ikke ved at nå gud er det usundt at spise ovnbagt kartofler, bearnaise hver dag. Jeg tror bare ikke, at det er det, der gør det. 9. OM: Du tror ikke, at det hjælper? 10. JE: Nej, det tror jeg ikke. 11. OM: Hvorfor ikke? 12. JE: Fordi de går jo ikke op i det, for hvis de gik op i det, så ville de jo nok sætte sig ind i hvordan det // jeg tror, at dem der går op i mad og varedeklarationer. De ved hvad de her mærker betyder og følger dem, hvis de er sådan rigtige interesserede. Men for dem det forsøger at ramme, som sikkert er folk, der er overvægtige og spiser for usundt og ( ) // det tror jeg ikke. Jeg tror ikke, at det betyder noget for dem. 13. OM: Så du tror faktisk, at de henvender sig til dem, de ikke skal henvende sig til? Altså dem der laver sundt og styr på det. 14. JE: Ja, det tror jeg faktisk. Der er også folk, der er meget fokuseret på økologi, så de kigger jo decideret efter det der mærke ik. Og så andre kigger kun på prisen og så nej økologi er for dyrt eller // selvom der ikke er særlig stor forskel mere på mange af varerne. 15. OM: Tror du, at det er nogle særlige typer? Nogle særlige typer mennesker? 16. JE: Jeg tror, at mange børnefamilier og så mange sådan fysisk aktive mennesker også ik, der går op i det. Jeg går ikke op i det, men jeg går op i, at sådan for eksempel med fuldkorn, at vi rugbrød og her i dag da vi købte krydderboller, der plejer vi at købe nogen med lidt mere korn i. Dem havde de så 169

176 ikke, så tænkte jeg nå, men så tager vi hveder. Det er jo også lige tid til det ik, men ellers så synes jeg, at vi går sådan meget op i at spise riiiimelig sundt uden at // så der stadig er plads til, at man kan få slik om fredagen og sådan noget ik. Økologi er sådan lidt midt i mellem. Vi spiser aldrig pålægschokolade eller specielt meget sådan super fedtholdigt eller et eller andet, men vi kan sagtens lave æg og bacon om morgenen for eksempel. En gang i mellem. Og nøglehulsmærket er jo så ikke på bacon, men bacon er jo ikke usundt i små mængder, så jeg synes, at det er sådan lidt underligt // 17. OM: Et underligt koncept? 18. JE: Ja, det synes jeg. 19. OM: Kunne du forestille dig en mærkningsordning, der var sådan helt optimal? Hvor du ville sige, at hvis den der kom, så ville den henvende sig til mig? 20. JE: Men jeg havde på et tidspunkt, hvor jeg trængte til at tabe mig og det gør jeg så igen, så nu er jeg gået i gang igen, hvor jeg så går op i at spise få af de der tomme kulhydrater. Det vil sige, at alt med sukker og hvidt brød og sådan noget og så spiser jeg kød, fisk, fjerkræ og grøntsager og noget groft brød eller sådan noget. Og der kigger jeg meget på kulhydratindhold og det er ikke altid, at det står på, men det virkede. Så jeg kunne sagtens spise æg og bacon til morgenmad og jeg kunne spise en stor bøf og sådan noget, og der var ikke nøglehulsmærke på noget af det, men jeg fik masser af proteiner og masser af grøntsager og jeg tabte mig lidt over et kilo om ugen. Og fik mere overskud og blev også sådan fysisk aktiv, men altså hvis jeg skulle følge det der nøglehulsmærke, så havde jeg jo ikke gjort det der vel. For jeg kan ikke lave selleribøffer og råkost og sådan noget, det mætter bare ikke. Jeg skal have noget kød og nogle æg og sådan et eller andet ik, og grøntsager også selvfølgelig. 21. OM: Så hvis der var noget low carb et eller andet, så ville det være interessant for dig? 22. JE: Ja. 23. OM: Tror du, der kommer flere eller færre af sådan nogle mærkningsordninger i fremtiden? 24. JE: jeg tror, at der kommer flere. Det kan man jo også se i USA, der er der jo alt mulig også med glutenfri og alt muligt andet også. Ja, i udlandet i det hele taget, så det tror jeg også kommer til Danmark. Og så kommer måske også, det der low carb og glutenfri er der jo også rigtig meget. Der er der jo supermarkeder, der kun handler med glutenfri produkter. 25. OM: Er der det i USA? 26. JE: Ja. Meget sukkerfri også ik, for de der diabetespatienter. Der er sikkert også flere i Danmark, der får diabetes 2 kunne jeg forestille mig. (øhhh) men de har sikkert ikke kigget efter sukker ( ) hvad heddet det nu, sukkerfri alt mulig før de fik diabetes 2 og så er de jo nødt til det og så kigger de lige pludselig efter de der mærker, tror jeg. Altså jeg tror kun, at det er når man er bevidst om det, at man bruger de der og kigger efter dem. 27. OM: Så du tror ikke, at du i fremtiden vil komme til at kigge efter dem der? 28. JE: Nej, for jeg ved jo godt, at rugbrød er bedre end hvidt brød for eksempel. Så jeg behøver ikke mærket, jeg kan bare kigge på de forskellige // 29. OM: Det er ikke rocket science, mener du? 30. JE: Nej, det synes jeg ikke. Man ved jo godt hvad der er su eller jeg ved godt, hvad der er sundt og usundt. Og jeg ved godt, at man ikke bare skal spise bøffer og kartofler og sovs hver dag, men man skal have nogle grøntsager og man skal have nogle fibre og man skal have noget kød og noget fisk. Man skal spise lidt varieret ik. Så jeg kigger ikke efter dem, overhovedet. Jeg har noteret mig at de er på. 31. OM: Tror du, at du ville vælge, hvis du stod med nogen ting, hvor der lige var en af dem her på? Ville du så tænke nej det ville ikke engang lokke? 32. JE: Nej, det gør ingen forskel for mig overhovedet. Jo økologimærket gør eller ja det ved jeg ikke. Nu var det også bare tilfældigt, at jeg tog de økologiske gulerødder for eksempel ik. Og hvis der er udsolgt af almindelig mælk kan jeg godt finde på at tage en økologisk, men det kun sådan noget, der sker en gang i mellem. Og det er med grøntsager eller med mælk eller æg, faktisk. Eller hvis de har noget på tilbud, så har de økologisk smør på tilbud, så har jeg også købt det. 33. OM: Men det skal være på tilbud, at der skal være et eller andet? 34. JE: Ja, og det har de jo tit i Netto. Så havde de sådan et eller andet Løgismose smør, økologisk et eller andet til // det kostede lidt mere end det almindelge, men så tænkte jeg nå men så tager jeg det 170

177 der den her gang. Men ikke sådan, at jeg har nogle faste rutiner, hvor jeg siger de og de madvarer, de skal være økologiske. Det har jeg ikke. 171

178 Appendix 17: Transcription of interview with Lene Demographic Data: A 53-year-old female living in Odense. She has a higher educational background. She earns between DKR a year. Interviewer: Camilla Andersen (CA) Interviewee: Lene (LE) Transcribed by: Johanne Eriksen (JE) Length of interview: Interview regarding food labels: Pause: ( ) Interruptions: // Action: (xx) Falter: 1. CA: Så skal jeg lige se.. Så har jeg lidt omkring mærkningsordninger 2. LE: Ja. 3. CA: Ja, Kender du dem her? (mærker vises frem) 4. LE: Ja det er økologisk. Og det der, det er det med at der ikke er så meget fedt, så vidt jeg husker. Nøglehullet. Og ( ) ja, det er noget med at der er fuldkorn i. 5. CA: Ved du hvad ideen bag mærkerne er? ( ) Hvad står økologimærket for?// 6. LE: Jamen det er jo fordi det er økologisk og der er garanti for det som de siger. Og det er fordi det er fedtfattigt tror jeg nok, tror jeg at jeg kan huske. Og det der ved jeg ikke rigtigt. 7. CA: Vi snakkede lidt om det nede i Netto// 8. LE: Ja 9. CA: Kigger du efter nogle af de her mærker når du handler ind? 10. LE: ( ) hmm Nej.. Nej, det gør jeg faktisk ikke. Altså det der kigger jeg slet ikke efter, eller jo det gør jeg, for jeg vil ikke have det. Jeg køber det ikke. Men de der ser jeg nogle gange ( ) men jeg tænker ikke over om det er rigtigt. 11. CA: Nej// 12. LE: Det der synes jeg ikke rigtigt jeg kender 13. CA: ( ) Kan du huske at du har fået købt et produkt på et tidspunkt// 14. LE: ja, jeg mener at jeg har købt noget brød// gad vide om det var det der minimum// men hvilket firma// er det et specielt firma der har det? 15. CA: Nej, det er// 16. LE: Nej. Jeg mener at jeg har set det mest på brød. 17. CA: Ja, alle de her mærker kommer på forskellige typer af produkter// 18. LE: Ja ( ) 19. CA: Hvis du stod// Hvis du havde to pakker rugbrød og de kostede lige meget og det var det samme i og den ene havde sådan et Nøglehulsmærke og det andet havde ikke, ville det betyde noget for hvad for et du valgte? 20. LE: Ja Men det køber jeg jo det samme rugbrød, så.. Det er svært at sige. 21. CA: Men hvis du skulle købe noget franskbrød f.eks.// 22. LE: Jo, jeg ville godt bemærke det, det ville jeg og hvis det var samme pris, men så tænker jeg: Når man spiser én skive rugbrød om dagen, så kan det for mig ikke være vigtigt om det er lidt mere fedt i, det er det altså ikke. Men hvis jeg kun spiste rugbrød fra morgen til aften, så kan jeg godt se, så er det væsentligt. Men om så man kan stole på det ( ) det ved jeg ikke det kan man så måske se på deklarationen så. Det burde man kunne. 23. CA: Ville du gøre det? 24. LE: Ja, det ville jeg. Det gør jeg nogle gange. Jeg synes det er meget småt også ikke. Nogle gange ser jeg på deklarationen. Hvor meget f.. altså hvor meget, hvor mange kilojoule der er i forhold til.. øhh gram, men det er jo heller ikke altid nemt, for man skal jo egentligt regne det om, altså det er jo ikke bare pr. 100 g. det er// der var en gang en Føtex der havde sådan et skema hvor man kunne 172

179 indtaste på// det har jeg stadigvæk, så man kan regne og det er jo smaddergodt, men det render jeg jo ikke rundt med. Men det har jeg brugt meget en overgang. 25. CA: Ja, hvorfor gik du væk fra det? 26. LE: Jeg synes det er for besværligt, og ved du hvad, jeg spiser ikke såå meget så det// så jeg vil hænge mig i det CA: Nej.. Hvorfor tror du der er de her mærker i Danmark? 28. LE: Jamen det handler jo om at få solgt mest muligt af det man gerne vil af med. Og nu vil man gerne sige at nu skal det være økologisk og så skal man jo have det fyret af og så må man jo gøre opmærksom på det ( ) Jeg har ikke den tro, at det er for borgernes skyld, eller for befolkningen, det har jeg ikke. 29. CA: Nej. Tror du at der er mange der har det ligesom dig med de her mærker??// 30. LE: Nej, jeg tror at alle de synes: Økologisk. Det er det det skal være. Kun økologisk. Kun// også tøj! Alt sammen. Økologisk. Ja. Så det er det ikke. Tværtimod. 31. CA: Nej. Er der en speciel type der køber sådan nogle, efter økologi mærket?// 32. LE: Ja, det ved jeg faktisk ikke. Det ved jeg ikke. Det ved jeg egentlig ikke. 33. CA: Nej, kunne du forestille dig en type der sådan en person her køber efter økologimærket? 34. LE: (sukker) Nej Nej det kan jeg ikke. Det ved jeg ikke. Jeg synes de fleste gør det. 35. CA: Ja, kender du nogen der gør?// 36. LE: ja, min søn og svigerdatter. De gør det, min ældste søn. Økologisk, økologisk 37. CA: Ja, er det alle varer der skal være økologiske? 38. LE: Ja, jeg tror det. Ikk. 39. CA: Ja, kigger de efter de andre mærker også? 40. LE: Det ved jeg ikke. Det ved jeg ikke, men jeg ved at de gør med det der (økologimærket, red.) 41. CA: Hvad forbinder du sådan med de her mærkningsordninger generelt? 42. LE: Jeg synes det er godt, jeg synes det er rigtig godt. Simpelthen. Og jeg synes Jeg frygter meget, nu her har jeg hørt et eller andet om at øhh, øhh EU har vedtaget noget med at, hvad er det.. at vi ikke må.. uha, jeg blev så oprevet og nu kan jeg ikke engang huske hvad det det er. Det var et eller andet som at ( ) vi går ind i Danmark og det kan vi godt glemme alt om, for det må vi ikke mere og derfor synes jeg at det hele er latterligt og hvad er det?! Har du ikke hørt det for nyligt? Noget vi ikke må gøre opmærksom på mere ( ) Nej, hvor det irriterer mig at jeg ikke kan huske det ( ) det kan jeg ikke huske 43. CA: Nej, og det var i forbindelse med fødevarer?// 44. LE: Nja Ja, det er også det jeg er i tvivl om, om det var fødevarer. Det var ikke rygning vel?// nej.. ( ) Jeg mener det var fødevarer, men jeg er i tvivl. Jeg er meget i tvivl. Hvor jeg så tænker, det er lige gyldigt det hele, fordi vi må ikke have nogle strammere regler end man fastsætter i EU. Vi kan ikke bestemme noget som helst. Så.. ( ) Jeg synes at det er meget betænkeligt. Ja, jeg kan desværre ikke huske det. Hvad har det været 45. CA: hmm Noget der har været her for nyligt? 46. LE: Ja.. Har det været på noget helt andet. Et helt andet område? Nej, jeg kan slet ikke huske det. Men jeg tror ikke at vi kan bestemme noget som helst i det lange løb. Det bestemmer kommisærerne dernede.. og nej, jeg tror ikke at vi får noget at skulle have sagt. 47. CA: Okay. Men du kunne godt se at der måske var nogle fordele ved nogle af de her mærker?// 48. LE: Helt afgjort. 49. CA: Ja, hvad er det for nogle fordele? 50. LE: Jamen det er f.eks. at der ikke er så meget fedt, hvis det er rigtigt, så er det fint. Det synes jeg. Jeg synes også at det er fint med fuldkorn. Det synes jeg også. Og der er sikkert også andre mærker, det er der. Svanemærket og alt det der. Jamen det er det da. 51. CA: Ja, er der nogle af dem du kigger efter? ( ) Svanemærket 52. LE: ( ) Jeg ser det hvis det er på det jeg køber, men jeg må indrømme, jeg går ikke efter det, det er nok forkert. Ja CA: Er der nogle ulemper ved at putte sådan nogle mærker på varerne? 54. LE: Jeg synes det er en god ide, det synes jeg. Selvfølgelig er det det. 55. CA: Ja, men du kigger ikke efter dem? 173

180 56. LE: Egentlig ikke. Egentlig ikke. Og det undrer mig også nu når vi snakker om det. Altså bortset fra, jeg har ikke tillid til det. Jeg har ikke tillid til det, og jeg godt at det måske er forkert, men det har jeg ikke. 57. CA: Nej.. Tror du at det kan være en hjælp for nogle folk? 58. LE: Ja, det tror jeg 59. CA: Ja? På hvilken måde? 60. LE: Jo, fordi så behøver man ikke at stå og se på deklarationen. Det der det er fedtfattigt, så er den hjemme. Måske. 61. CA: Tror du at der vil komme flere af sådan nogle mærker i fremtiden?// 62. LE: Ja, det tror jeg. Fordi der er// alle de// det der med de tilsætningsstoffer der er og man ikke aner hvad de hedder og e-det og e-det og jeg synes det er virkelig skrækkeligt. Og jeg mener at der er så meget vi putter i hovedet så vi slet ikke ved (mumler). Altså, jeg synes det ville være godt hvis der kommer endnu mere. Så skal man bare lige koncentrere sig om det. 63. CA: Ja. Jeg har lige sådan nogle forskellige udsagn med her, som jeg gerne lige vil høre din mening om Og nu.. var den der lidt i tråd med det vi snakkede om (Jeg vil handle mere ind efter mærkningsordninger i fremtiden, red.) 64. LE: ( )( ) øhh. Hvad skal jeg tage stilling til? Om jeg vil det? 65. CA: Ja 66. LE: Nej, det tror jeg ikke. Men jeg vil måske nok kigge på den//men nej, det tror jeg ikke. Nej, det tror jeg ikke// 67. CA: Nej? Det er ligesom nu? 68. LE: Jeg vil nok kigge på det nu efter vi har talt om det (griner), hvor lang tid det ved jeg så ikke, men jo måske, måske CA: Ja.. Hvad tror du at der skulle til for at du ville begynde at kigge efter sådan nogle mærker?// 70. LE: Jamen altså, det der med tilsætningsstoffer hvor man ikke ved om man får allergi og alle de der øhh.. der er så mange mennesker der, flere og flere der får allergi og hududslæt og jeg ved ikke hvad, det tror jeg virkelig er noget man burde gå ind for og styre det. Så det er en af de ting som jeg synes er vigtig og alle de e-numre som folk ikke kan tåle, det tror jeg heller ikke at de kan. Så CA: Synes du måske der er et mærke der mangler, som måske fortæller noget om de ting der?// 72. LE: Det ved jeg ikke, for jeg kender, jeg kan jo ikke huske dem alle sammen, så det ved jeg ikke. Men det er måske det der med e-numre. Der er masser af mennesker der ikke kan tåle det ene og det andet og det tredje. 73. CA: Ja Jeg har lige nogle flere. Vi har lidt været inde på det..(mærkningsordninger er en hjælp for mig, når der handles ind, red.) 74. LE: Nej, det er det ikke. 75. CA: ( ) Tror du at det er det for nogle mennesker?// 76. LE: Ja! ( ) det burde det måske også være for mig, det ved jeg ikke. Men, ja det er det nok. Især hvis man går ind for økologi, ikk 77. CA: Ja.. Tror du at det er en hjælp for din søn at der er de her// 78. LE: Ja, det tror jeg, fordi de er jo helt forblændede af det, så. Ej, det er jo en negativ udtalelse (griner) så.. jo, men ideen i det er jo god nok, jeg tror bare ikke på dem. 79. CA: Hvorfor går din søn meget op i// 80. LE: Jamen det ved jeg ikke han har jo meget allergi i øvrigt, så det er måske derfor. Alene, altså birkepollen og jeg ved ikke hvad. Han har det bedst når han er ude på vandet ikke. Han sejler jo også, men nu er han i land i to år, men han.. han er meget allergisk, meget! Han har været det lige fra lille, han fik udslæt her, børneastma, eksem og.. ej forfærdeligt! Gad vide hvad det er han ikke har kunnet tåle? Så Måske er det derfor. 81. CA: Ja.. Hvad med hans kæreste?// 82. LE: Jamen, hun har// Jeg ved ikke om hu har allergi, det ved jeg ikke, men hun går meget ind for det også. 83. CA: Okay, ja.. Så har jeg lige et sidste udsagn ( ) (At handle ind efter mærkningsordninger fortæller noget om hvem du er som person, red.) 174

181 84. LE: Det kan jeg ikke svare på, det ved jeg ikke. Det ved jeg ikke ( ) ( ) Havde det været i gamle dage, så ville jeg sige at det var sådan noget med flowerpower, det var sådan nogle ty-lejr mennesker eller sådan nogle, men det, det er det ikke i dag, det er det ikke. 85. CA: Nej? Hvorfor er det ikke det? 86. LE: Fordi dengang var det starten på øhh den slags, ikke. Der var det folk der var sådan lidt flippede i det hele taget, det er det jo ikke i dag, altså det har jo ændret sig fuldstændig, så jeg vil ikke//jeg ved det ikke//jeg ved ikke hvem det er 87. CA: Nej? 88. LE: ( ) Eller også er det folk der går meget op i om det er korrekt og vi skal passe på miljøet og vi skal det og det og det det kan godt være, jeg ved det ikke. Eller om det er specielt unge mennesker? Det ved jeg heller ikke. 89. CA: Nej? Jeg ved det heller ikke 90. LE: Fordi jeg lægger jo tit mærke til når folk lægger varer op på båndet og det er jo meget økologisk, det er det altså ikk.. 7 liter mælk der er økologisk, ikk. F.eks. Så tænker jeg, tak spids! Der lyder dyrt, ikk. Og ja, min søn, hver gang han køber en liter mælk, så køber han sgu en økologisk mælk til 8 kr, hvor jeg plejer at give 4, ikke altså (griner) 91. CA: (griner) ja.. Men hvorfor tror du at det er dyrere med de her økologiske// 92. LE: Ja, fordi, det er jo klart. Hvis man ikke kan bruge den sædvanlige produktionsmetode, så bliver det jo dyrere, det kan jeg godt se og man kan ikke fylde//det ved jeg så ikke. Jeg tror ikke at de økologiske svin f.eks. ikke bliver fyldt med medikamenter, det tror jeg ikke på. Det tror jeg simpelthen ikke på. Men hvis at man fulgte det, så kan jeg godt det er dyrere, det er jo klart. For det første presser man ikke produktionen ligeså meget og så bliver det dyrere. Man presser ikke jorden ligeså meget og får det samme udbytte, så sådan er det. Så det kan jeg godt forstå det er dyrere. 93. CA: Ja, så det er okay at det er det? 94. LE: ( ) Ja ( ) Hvis man kan stole på det ( ) og det ville da også være bedst at få æg fra høns der render rundt ude i marken, ikk ( ) Så taler man om den ene slags æg og den anden slags og jeg er ikke sikker på om der overhovedet er nogen æg fra rigtige høns der går rundt i en hønsegård. Det tror jeg ikke på. Så ville de være alt for dyre. Og det er kun landmanden selv der spiser de æg ( ) (griner) 95. CA: (griner) ( ) hvad ville du vælge hvis, lad os side at det kostede det samme// 96. LE: Hvis hvad? 97. CA: Hvis det kostede det samme, lad os sige pakke æg der ikke var økologisk og en pakke æg der var// 98. LE: Jamen så ville jeg nok vælge den økologiske. Hvis det kostede det samme. 99. CA: Ja? Hvorfor tror du at du ville det? 100. LE: Fordi ( ) tanken om at det måske kan være rigtigt, den er jo god, ikk. Nu er tanken jo mere om at det IKKE måske er rigtigt, fordi altså Ja Jeg tror man indretter det efter hvad man gerne vil have. Hvis nu at det er dyrere at købe økologisk, så siger jeg, jamen jeg har hørt nogle tilfælde hvor det var snyd ergo er det alt sammen snyd. Hvis nu det var omvendt, det var den samme pris, så har man jo håbet, det kunne være bedre ( ) Men aller helst, fordi vi kommer jo hos en bondegård oppe i Nordjylland og ved du hvad- det kød de spiser der, det er jo vidunderligt kød. Og det har vi også fået noget af og købt, det er jo ikke det samme som alt det andet kød. Så.. selvfølgelig får de det bedste af det bedste og det er ikke noget vi andte overhovedet kan nærme os, så 101. CA: Er det når I er på..// 102. LE: Når vi kører deropad. Vi har været inde på sådan et landbrug hvor de har haft åbent hus og så har vi set produktionen og det var rigtig rigtig dejligt 103. CA: Ja, er det så det samme sted I// 104. LE: Ja 105. CA: Har I sommerhus deroppe eller// 106. LE: Nej, vi lejer et sted deroppe. Helt oppe ved Jammerbugten 107. CA: Ja Dejligt Det er meget meget spændende at høre. 175

182 Appendix 18: Transcription of interview with Liselotte Demographic Data: A 21-year-old female living in Albertslund. She has a high school educational background and is currently a student/trainee. She earns less than DKR a year Interviewer: OMG (OM) Interviewee: Liselotte (LI) Transcribed by: Johanne Eriksen (JE) Length of interview: Interview regarding food labels Pause: ( ) Interruptions: // Action: (xx) Falter: 1. OM: Hvad med Nu har jeg nogle mærker her jeg lige kunne tænke mig at præsentere dig for. Ved du hvad de betyder? 2. LI: Hmm ( ) det er at det er statskontrolleret økologisk og så er der det der Nøglehul, det skulle være sundt. Og så er der det med Fuldkorn, jeg ved ikke helt præcist hvad det betyder. Så er der vist, der er et eller andet fuldkorn eller også er der x-antal % fedt i højest, eller også er det kostfibre. 3. OM: Ja Økologi.. hvad tror du, hvad synes du er økologi? 4. LI: ( ) Hvis koen har været ude.. Det handler om hvordan dyrene er behandlet eller hvordan, hvad det er for noget gødning der er blevet brugt og 5. OM: Ja Er der nogle af mærkerne du sådan handler efter? 6. LI: Nej Jeg ville godt handle økologisk, fordi det synes jeg at det er en rigtig god ting, men jeg er også bare sådan.. ( ) jeg prioriterer ikke når prisen er så høj på de fleste varer.. Æg, der ville jeg godt prioritere lidt mere fordi jeg synes at det er ret ekstremt hvordan, med burhønsene, men øhm.. nej, det er ikke noget// jeg har ikke råd til at gå efter// altså mange af tingene er jo dobbelt så dyrt og det forstår jeg ikke hvorfor det skal være, så 7. OM: Hvad med sådan noget sundhed, er det, hvis du ser to forskellige slags müsli, ville du så vælge noget med det her mærke på eller ville vi vælge den du bedst kunne lide? 8. LI: Øhm.. Jeg ville tage den jeg bedst kunne lide, eller også hvis jeg står med.. og skal købe noget nyt rugbrød eller noget nyt müsli, så kigger jeg bare bagpå med næringsindholdene, så kigger jeg ikke efter det der// 9. OM: Ja, gør du tit det, kigger på næringsindholdet? 10. LI: Ja, på rugbrød gør jeg det rigtig meget. 11. OM: Ja. Er der andre varer hvor du også sådan tænker at det er vigtigt? 12. LI: Jamen, müsli.. Hvis jeg skal købe noget nyt müsli, hvis de ikke lige har den jeg plejer 13. OM: Hvad for en plejer du? 14. LI: Det er den// 15. OM: er det den der, var den det lyserøde der, hvor det.. fibermüslien// 16. LI: Ja.. men det er jo ikke så tit at jeg skal købe den så.. Men hvis jeg skal købe noget nyt som jeg ikke kender i forvejen, så kigger jeg i hvert fald bagpå aj, så tager vi den her for der er flere kostfibre i, så føler jeg at den er mere pengene værd. 17. OM: Er det rigtigt? Du får mere for pengene fordi den mætter mere, du er mæt i lang tid? 18. LI: Ja 19. OM: Så behøver du ikke at spise så meget af den 20. LI: Ja. 21. OM: Det er jo fantastisk 22. LI: Jeg kigger faktisk også på.. hvis jeg skal købe yoghurt. Så tager jeg den med mindst fedt i// 23. OM: Så er du sundhedsbevidst når du handler ind? 24. LI: ( ) øhm med nogle ting ( ) ja jeg ville godt købe.. men mange af tingene sådan ligesom hvis vi har købt kød og ( ) og pålæg og sådan noget som min kæreste spiser rigtig meget af, så må vi bare tage det der billigst, for hvis vi tager det der er mindst fedt i, så er det oftest dyrere end 176

183 omvendt. Så vil man bare tage det hvor man kan få mest for pengene fordi ellers så kan vi ikke få det til at hænge sammen i sidste ende// 25. OM: Hvis I kun skal købe det der er lækkert, ja ja Hvorfor tror du at de her ernæringsmærker eksisterer, eller mærkningsordninger 26. LI: Jamen jeg tror der er rigtig mange der ikke kan overskue at stå og kigge bagpå og sådan noget, så de tænker at så er det meget nemmere bare at have noget at gå efter. Det er måske heller ikke alle der lige tager sig tiden til fordi de skal hjem og lave mad til børnene. Vi har tit meget god tid når det er, fordi det er kun os selv der bestemmer. 27. OM: Ja det tror jeg du har ret i. ( ) Jeg har et par udsagn her. Hvad siger du til den her ( ) 28. LI: Ja 29. OM: Tror du det? At når man køber ind efter mærkningsordninger så er man en særlig person? Er det særlige typer der køber ind efter de her mærkningsordninger? 30. LI: Ja 31. OM: Ja.. Hvad tror du? 32. LI: ( ) Jamen jeg tænker ( ) øhm folk der køber ind efter økologi det er også fordi at de går op i det. Man køber jo ikke bare, hvis man ikke tænker over det så tror jeg ikke at man ville købe// hvis ikke man tænker over det så tror jeg// 33. OM: Fordi man har en interesse for mad og fødevarer eller en interesse for noget andet? 34. LI: Det kan også være at man vil se godt ud overfor andre fordi det giver status at købe økologi, og så er der nogen der måske køber det fordi at det give status. Så er der nogen der måske køber det fordi de ved, de går ind for hvad det betyder og så er der andre som tror at det er sundere at købe økologisk. 35. OM: Ja.. Hvad tror du? 36. LI: Og så f.eks. med nøglehulsmærket, så er det folk der vil leve sundere, som måske ikke kan overskue at sætte sig rigtigt ind i det og som bare tror at så kan man spise nøglehulsmærkede produkter og så er det det// 37. OM: Ja, så er det det// 38. LI: Så ja det siger da lidt om folk. Men det siger jo ikke alt. 39. OM: Nej, men en lille smule? 40. LI: Ja. 41. OM: Her når du en gang kommer ud og får job? 42. LI: Ja altså hvis jeg havde flere penge så ville jeg helt klart købe mere økologisk. Øhm 43. OM: Ja. Hvad ville du købe af økologi? Hvor, hvornår vælger du det fra nu fordi du simpelthen ikke har råd? 44. LI: Mælk og kød 45. OM: Ja. Der ville du købe økologi? 46. LI: Ja. 47. OM: Hvorfor lige de produkter? 48. LI: ( ) jamen pga. dyrene, fordi der skulle være bedre dyrevelfærd. 49. OM: Ja. Hvad med sådan noget som nødder, ville du købe det eller grøntsager? 50. LI: ( ) Jeg kunne godt finde på at købe grøntsager, nogen gange køber jeg også økologiske gulerødder øhm.. ja, men det er også bare fordi det ikke holder sig ligeså længe så bliver man også irriteret når det er.. så.. Nogen gange, hvis (mumler) 51. OM: Nej.. Hvad med den her? 52. LI: Nej, jeg bruger dem ikke rigtigt. Jo det er da rart at vide hvad der er økologisk og hvad der ikke er økologisk, men// 53. OM: Men du handler ikke efter dem, men du lægger mærke til det alligevel? 54. LI: Ja. 55. OM: Tror du at der kommer flere mærkningsordninger i Danmark i fremtiden? 56. LI: Ja. 57. OM: Ja. Hvad tror du// Synes du der er nogen der mangler på markedet, hvor du tænker, ej jeg kunne godt tænke mig det og det mærke? 177

184 58. LI: Nej, det er der ikke. Jeg bruger det jo ikke rigtigt. Men det er meget populært tror jeg med de der mærker. Så jeg tror da at der kommer flere, det er en god måde at sælge varer på. Hvis man kan sige, nu har vi også Nøglehulsmærket så kan man sige, nå nu er de blevet sunde, så køber vi det. 59. OM: Skal der noget for at du vil købe efter dem? 60. LI: Nej, jeg ville ikke købe blindt efter mærket, jeg ved jeg kigger efter næringsindholdet, hvad der er sundere. Så vil jeg hellere se hvad der er i den i stedet for at se på mærket. 61. OM: Ja. 178

185 Appendix 19: Transcription of interview with Morten Demographic Data: A 29-year-old male living at Amager in Copenhagen. He is a student, studying a higher education. He earns between DKR a year Interviewer: Johanne Eriksen (JE) Interviewee: Morten (MO) Transcribed by: Camilla Schytte Andersen (CA) Length of interview: (1) og (2) Interview regarding food labels: (2) Pause: ( ) Interruptions: // Action: (xx) Falter: 1. JE: Nå, men du kommer jo og har fortalt mig om dem. 2. MO: Ja 3. JE: Lidt om dem i hvert fald (øhhh). Kan du ikke fortælle mig lidt om hvad ideen bag hvert mærke er? Og jeg vil selvfølgelig spørge om du kender dem først? 4. MO: Jeg kender dem godt. (øhhh) Nøglehulsmærket, fuldkornsmærket og øko-mærket. (Øhhh) Hvad hedder det nu // Fuldkornsmærket er, sådan som jeg husker det, går bare på om hvorvidt der er noget // altså om der er en vis bestanddel af fuldkorn i det. (øhh) Og jeg tror, at det stammer fra oprindelig en kampagne, der blev kørt med det der fuldkorn, sådan som jeg lige husker det. Og så nøglehulsmærket er jo et eller andet med noget, sådan som jeg husker det, noget med nogle værdier der må være i eller et eller andet, men jeg kan ikke jo helt forstå det der med grøntsagerne egentligt. Der er noget (øhhh) // 5. JE: Nej. Værdier af hvad? 6. MO: Værdier af, hvad hedder sådan noget, (øhhh), energier og energiindhold og kalorier og hvad hedder det nu, og også det der med den sammensætning, der må være af kulhydrater og måske også noget // ja, det er jo noget med at det skal være sundt ik? Men jeg kan ikke helt huske de der parametre, hvis jeg skal være helt ærlig. Og så er der det der økologimærket, som er det der dogmatiske med at foderet skal være økologisk og så skal de // det er jo sådan set // og så er der nogle andre retningslinjer. Det går jeg så langt uden om, som jeg overhovedet kan. 7. JE: Hvorfor gør du det? 8. MO: Jeg tror ikke på det. Jeg tror, at det er sundere ikke at spise det. Altså simpelthen ud fra at dem, som der ved noget om det, siger at det ikke er beviseligt, at det er sundere. 9. JE: Ok 10. MO: Og der er bare en masse andre naturligt // ja nu bliver det sådan en rigtig // det er også virkeligt mit ømme punkt kan man sige, så men hvad hedder det nu // der er en masse naturlige pesticider og sådan noget i, som bliver fjernet i den konventionelle landbrug, som faktisk ikke er sundt (øhhh). Det fokuserer man slet ikke på. Og så synes jeg også bare tit at // altså jeg vil sige, jeg kan godt nogle gange finde på at købe noget, hvis jeg synes, at der et eller andet, der er bedre. For eksempel mel kan jeg godt finde på at købe økologisk, fordi at der er noget bedre bageevne i det. Så mere sådan religion (?) er det heller ikke for mig. Men altså jeg synes, at det er fuldstændig åndsvagt mange af de ting, der bliver solgt økologisk og så også bare fordi, at det er dyrere jo. Og der skal være en god grund til, at jeg gider købe noget, der er dyrere. 11. JE: Ja. 12. MO: Så altså ja, det er sådan jeg har det. Altså fuldkorn går jeg meget efter, men jeg synes faktisk ikke // siden (øhhh) // mærket i sig selv siger mig overhovedet ikke noget. Altså jeg vidste godt, at der var et mærke, men det er ikke sådan et jeg kan genkende. Det er ikke så fordi, at det ligefrem for mig er så velpositioneret eller hvad man kalder det. 13. JE: Nej, hvad forbinder du generelt med mærkningsordninger? Ikke sådan øko eller nøglehulsmærket // 14. MO: Konceptet i det? 179

186 15. JE: Ja, generelt med mærkning. 16. MO: Jeg skal lige // altså jeg føler ikke at jeg sådan har behov for dem nødvendigvis. Jeg synes godt, at jeg selv kan kigge ud fra en varedeklaration, hvad der er godt og sådan noget. Men (øhhh) det kan sikkert være meget fint. Men jeg synes nogen gange, at det har en tendens til at det også har nogle slagsider. Altså også med sådan nogle Max Havelaar-mærker og sådan noget. Altså dem er jeg meget imod fordi, at (øhhh) // altså det er jo politik lige pludselig ik (øhhh), men hvor at de vælger nogle landmænd ud fra nogle andre ude i Sydamerika og så videre og så sætter man den frie konkurrence ud af kraft og man kan sige, at det eneste man skaber er bare sådan en (øhhhh) // en ny situation, som bare gør, at der er nogle andre, der har svært ved at sælge deres varer. Og det er så bare ikke dem, der normalt er bedst til at sælge deres varer, som så kan komme af med dem, fordi nu har man bare valgt nogle ud fra nogen arbitrære betingelser, fordi normalt der fungerer det frie marked jo sådan, at det er dem med de bedste varer, der får solgt deres varer til den højeste pris ik. Og det er den måde, at jeg bedst kan lide det, så derfor sådan nogle Max Havelaar går jeg også meget langt uden om. 17. JE: Ok ja. Hvad køber du så i stedet? 18. MO: Jeg (øhhh) køber, som du også kunne se, da vi var ude og handle, de ting, som er billigst og de ting, som (øhhh) // det er ikke fordi, at jeg nødvendigvis går på kompromis med kvaliteten, altså stadig så kan jeg godt lide, at det er god kvalitet og sådan noget, men jeg synes generelt, at de steder, jeg handler, der har de ikke decideret dårlige ting, så det er pris primært. 19. JE: Hænger pris og kvalitet sammen? 20. MO: Ikke nødvendigvis. Man betaler meget for mærkerne (øhhh). Altså også på sådan noget som ketchup, der køber jeg også altid deres egne mærker, fordi jeg ved jo også godt, at det er nærmest, hvis ikke at det er det samme, der er på flaskerne, så er det noget af det samme. 21. JE: Er der nogle særlige personer, der køber efter de her mærker her? 22. MO: Jeg synes faktisk // jeg læste sådan en meget sjov artikel // ja det var sådan lidt åndsvagt, men stadig meget sjovt omkring de der øko-mærker, fordi at (øhhh) // hvor de havde lavet sådan noget undersøgelse på, at det var meget var folk, der // folk der typisk købte, de også havde meget sådan selvretfærdighed og så følte de, at de så i øvrigt kunne opføre sig dårligere på alle mulige andre områder. Det er sådan min // det bekræfter meget mine fordomme omkring sådan noget øko-halløj. Jeg synes, at det er meget frelst og jeg synes på en eller anden måde, at man fralægger sig sit eget ansvar for at tage stilling, fordi man tror, at bare fordi at der er den der på (økologimærket, red.), så er det godt. Og det er jo, for eksempel, bestemt heller ikke nødvendigvis sundt at spise det, fordi der jo stadig rigtig mange produkter, der er fede og sådan noget, som stadig er økologiske. Så det er ikke fordi, at det partout er godt. 23. JE: Nej. Kan du prøve at beskrive sådan en person, der køber ind efter økologimærket? 24. MO: (Øhhh) Det er jo selvfølgelig // det kan ikke undgås at blive stereotypt, men // 25. JE: Men det er også helt fint. 26. MO: Men typisk sådan nogle folk, hvor så foregår det også i Irma ik og (øhhh) gerne sådan nogle, der bor på Østerbro og kører Christania-cykler og sådan noget. Og har børn måske, typisk. 27. JE: Hvorfor køber de lige dem? 28. MO: Hvorfor de lige køber økologisk? 29. JE: Ja. 30. MO: Fordi de rigtig godt kan lide at kunne sige til deres venner, at køber økologisk. Ej, jeg ved det ikke. Det er igen bare sådan nogle grove fordomme, jeg har altså. Fordi jeg bare synes, at det er åndsvagt, men det er jo bare mig. Ej, det er jo ikke fordi at // jeg kan jo sagtens godt forstå, at der er nogle ting, der kan være gode nok og købe økologisk, men det er mere den der fuldstændig hovedløse (øhh) køb af det, som jeg synes nogen gange er åndsvagt altså. 31. JE: Ok. 32. MO: For eksempel, når man køber kød og sådan noget altså. Der tror jeg bare meget mere, at man skal gå efter noget kvalitet altså (øhhh). Det der med // der kan jeg godt finde på, at så er det mere sådan nogle fritgående og sådan noget, så er det nok mere sådan, at jeg ville gå efter ik. Eller rent faktisk tage ud // man kan jo typisk // nu er det jo også fordi, at min far har selv sådan noget mini- 180

187 landbrug, så jeg får meget af mit kød derfra, men altså dem er der jo mange af, så man kan // så folk kan finde og købe noget af. Det ville jeg meget hellere gøre, hvis det var mig i hvert fald. 33. JE: Ja. 34. MO: Eller gå til en slagter. 35. JE: Synes du, at der nogen ulemper eller fordele ved de her mærker her? 36. MO: Det synes jeg egentlig lidt, at jeg var inde på. Altså det er jo nok det, jeg var inde på før, at med ulemperne, at de er meget sådan // ja det er nok især øko-mærket, fordi jeg synes, at de andre (fuldkornsmærket og nøglehulsmærket, red.) er relativt uskyldige (øhhh), især fuldkornsmærket. Fordi at fuldkornsmærket synes jeg egentlig er fint, men det er jo også meget simpelt kan man sige, fordi det handler bare om, hvorvidt der er fuldkorn i eller ej jo. Nøglehulsmærket ved jeg faktisk umiddelbart ikke rigtig så meget om, fordi jeg blev overrasket over det med grøntsagerne, at der var nogen, der var og nogle andre, der ikke var mærket. For eksempel eller ikke for eksempel, men ( ) // det er mere det der meget dogmatiske, som ligger i øko-mærket, som jeg ikke bryder mig om. 37. JE: Ja, kunne du forestille dig sådan en situation, hvor du ville købe ind efter et af de her mærker? 38. MO: Nej, det kan jeg ikke. Det er snarere, at jeg bruger dem til ikke at købe, så ved jeg, at jeg kan undgå, at købe økologi på den måde. 39. JE: Ok, hvad skulle der til for at du ville købe flere eller færre produkter med// det behøver ikke være økologi, det kan også være de andre? 40. MO: Det tror jeg ikke er muligt altså. Altså det ved jeg sgu ikke, fordi jeg ved ikke hvad det skulle være for et mærke, man så skulle lave, fordi der er alle mulige forskellige parametre // det er jo det, der er problemet med de mærker der, at (øhhh) // hvis der var et eller andet mærke, der lige passede på det, jeg lige ledte efter, så ville jeg selvfølgelig bruge det, men det tror jeg ikke at der er // 41. JE: Hvad kunne det være? 42. MO: Så skulle det være på sådan noget med lavt energiindhold og sådan noget. 43. JE: Ok 44. MO: Ja, altså sådan så at jeg kunne se at // men altså (øhhh) // som måske afspejlede varedeklarationen på de punkter, jeg kigger ik, som er meget sådan kalorieindhold og // 45. JE: Ja. Jeg præsenterer dig lige for et par statements. 46. MO: Yes. 47. JE: Som vi lige kan (øhh). Lad os starte med den her (Mærkningsordninger er en hjælp for mig, når jeg handler ind, red). 48. MO: Nej, det tror jeg allerede, at vi har fået dækket. 49. JE: Det hjælper dig ikke rigtig? 50. MO: Overhovedet ikke. 51. JE: Nej. Hvad så med den her? (Jeg vil købe mere ind efter mærkningsordninger i fremtiden, red.) 52. MO: Nej. 53. JE: Hvis du fik et mærke, som // 54. MO: Nååh 55. JE: Som kunne hjælpe dig med mindre kalorier for eksempel? 56. MO: Ja, men jeg har det stadig bare stadigvæk sådan, at hvis det så bare var nogle af de lidt billigere varer, som måske så ikke havde det, fordi det så kostede et eller andet at være med eller // så ville jeg stadigvæk købe dem. 57. JE: Ja. 58. MO: Men altså hvis det var sådan, at det var på alt kan man sige eller alt det, der nu var, som kunne være relevant for mig at købe, så ville jeg måske bruge det, men ja jeg synes, at det virker sådan lidt illusorisk for mig, umiddelbart, at lave sådan et. 59. JE: Ja, og så den sidste (At handle ind efter mærkningsordninger siger noget om, hvem du er som person, red.) 60. MO: At købe ind efter mærkningsordninger fortæller noget om ( ) ja det // det er meget sjovt, fordi det er jo lige det, at jeg har siddet og // ja det synes jeg i den grad (øhhh) // 61. JE: Ja (haha) 181

188 62. MO: For mig viser det meget sådan uselvstændighed og // at man fralægger sig ansvaret for sit eget liv // eller det lyder sådan lidt store ord, men altså det er jo det der med, at folk ikke bare sådan selv kan tage stilling til // 63. JE: Så er det vigtigt, at man selv tager stilling selv og // 64. MO: Ja, det synes jeg. Jeg synes, at man har meget ansvar selv for det man køber og det man kommer i munden. 65. JE: Ville du helst have, at der slet ikke var nogen mærker? 66. MO: Nææ, jeg ville helst have, at der ikke blev brugt så mange statskroner på at støtte øko-mærket. Jeg synes, at det skulle være et mærke, der bar sig selv. Jeg synes lidt // jeg kan godt være lidt harm over, at jeg går og betaler indirekte til øko-mærket. Det er igen politik jo, men (øhhh) 67. JE: Ja, det er det hele jo nærmest (haha). 68. MO: Ja, det er det. Det er bare politik med fødderne. 182

189 Appendix 20: Transcription of interview with Sune Demographic Data: A 28-year-old male living in Odense. He has a short higher education and currently works as an office worker. He earns between DKR a year. Interviewer: OMG (OM) Interviewee: Sune (SU) Transcribed by: Camilla Schytte Andersen (CA) Length of interview: Interview regarding food labels: Pause: ( ) Interruptions: // Action: (xx) Falter: 1. OM: Nå, vi skal tale lidt om ernæringsmærker. Handler du efter sådan nogen? 2. SU: ja, både og. Nøglehulsmærket og det her fuldkornsmærke prøver jeg da så vidt muligt at kigge efter. 3. OM: Nogen af de her? 4. SU: Ja. Jeg køber ikke så meget økologisk vil jeg sige. Det gør jeg ikke. 5. OM: Hvad er årsagen til det? 6. SU: Uhmm det ved jeg ikke. Det har jeg faktisk ikke // det har jeg ikke spekuleret over. Mælk og sådan noget kan jeg godt købe økologisk og nogle enkelte grøntsager og sådan noget. 7. OM: Men du har ikke købt ind på konceptet økologi? 8. SU: Jeg står ikke over på den økologisk hylde og nej, det gør jeg ikke. Men de to andre her, fuldkornsmærket og nøglehulsmærket prøver jeg da at kigge efter i hvert fald. 9. OM: Du kigger efter det når du handler? 10. SU: Ja, det synes jeg. På brød og sådan noget og andre produkter, der kigger jeg efter fuldkornsmærket. Det gør jeg. 11. OM: Er der nogen steder, hvor du tænker at det er en hjælp til dig? Nu sagde du brød, hvor ellers? 12. SU: (øhhhh) ja, det ved jeg ikke. Det er primært der jeg kigger efter det, vil jeg sige. Det er det altså. Og selvfølgelig hvis der er // hvis der er nogle morgenmadsprodukter // nu spiser jeg ikke så meget morgenmadsprodukter af de her ( ) hvad hedder det? Cornflakes og sådan noget, det spiser jeg ikke generelt. Så det er mest på brødprodukter. Det er det. 13. OM: Ved du hvad de står for de forskellige mærker? 14. SU: Altså det her nøglehulsmærke ved jeg faktisk ikke helt hvad står for. Men jeg har det nok også bare sådan lidt med de her mærker, at de må jo betyde et eller andet // har det fået det så er det jo ( ) // man sætter i hvert fald ikke en sur smiley på sine produkter vel? 15. OM: Så mærkerne er lidt en kvalitetsstempling af en slags? 16. SU: Ja. Det synes jeg. Men fuldkornsmærket det er jo bare, at det indeholder bare ( ) meget mere grov korn og altså det er måske ikke lige det rene hvide hvede, der er i. Det er // noget andet end bare lige hvedemel. 17. OM: Hvorfor tror du at de er lavet? SU: For at gøre det nemt og overskueligt, tror jeg. Og så selvfølgelig igen det her med, jamen kan man mærke sine produkter med et eller andet, så er det vel også et kvalitetsstempel af en eller anden art. Det tænker jeg da. 18. OM: Så der er et eller andet // tror du at der er et eller andet med at gøre det nemt for forbrugerne og for at kvalitetsstemple nogle gode varer? 19. SU: Ja, jeg tror da at det er for at gøre det nemt, men selvfølgelig også for at kunne sætte et mærke på og sige vi er faktisk // vi har faktisk et ok produkt her som // og i kan se at det er nemt. Altså at se at det er et godt produkt ved at kigge på det mærke der. 20. OM: Køber du nogensinde sådan noget som færdigretter? 21. SU: Ja, altså sådan noget grøntsagsblandinger mest, hvor der er alle mulige grøntsager i bare lige til at putte på panden. Og ellers så går jeg ned til slagteren og køber // han har også en masse forskellige af sådan noget han har lavet. Det kan jeg faktisk også godt finde på at gøre, hvis jeg har gæster eller 183

190 kommer sent hjem. Eller ved at jeg kommer sent hjem og så gå derned og købe et eller andet, der er nemt lige at // 22. OM: få på panden. 23. SU: Ja, lige præcis. Men ikke sådan noget frossent noget nede fra supermarkedet. Det køber jeg ikke. 24. OM: Tror du at der er nogle særlige personer, der køber de her mærker? Du siger, at du kigger lidt efter dem på brød. 25. SU: Nå ja, de her mærker her eller hvad? Nå, det er vel, hvis man er lidt bevidst omkring hvad man putter indenfor havde jeg nær sagt, tror jeg. Og har sat sig lidt ind i hvad de forskellige mærker betyder. Og selvfølgelig er nogle af produkterne også dyrere end andre produkter. Det kan da også godt have noget at gøre på hvem der køber dem. 26. OM: Tror du, at det er derfor, at du fravælger meget det her økologi, fordi det bare er dyrere? Og du ikke oplever, at du får en højere værdi af det? 27. SU: Jeg ved faktisk ikke hvorfor. Altså det har da nok noget med prisen at gøre og så har jeg det sådan lidt at til hverdag, der behøves jeg ikke død pine at have økologisk, men altså får jeg gæster eller i weekenden, der kan jeg godt finde på at købe det. Så det er ikke // jeg går ikke målrettet efter det, overhovedet ikke. Det gør jeg ikke. 28. OM: Jeg har lige et par udsagn, som jeg gerne vil præsentere dig for. Jeg vil handle mere ind efter mærkningsordninger i fremtiden. Er du enig i den? 29. SU: Jeg tror ikke, at jeg vil handle mere ind. Jeg tror, at jeg vil holde det på samme niveau. 30. OM: Tror du, at der kommer flere mærkningsordninger i fremtiden? 31. SU: Det håber jeg ikke! (haha) 32. OM: (haha) 33. SU: Jeg synes at der så mange. 34. OM: Vi har nået grænsen nu? 35. SU: Ja. Og så er der Svanemærket og et eller andet EU-mærke og man kan også mærke sig ihjel, havde jeg nær sagt. Så hellere nogle få, man ved hvad betyder og som man kan stå inde for i stedet for at man bare kaster mærker på det hele. 36. OM: Synes du allerede nu, at det er ved at blive lidt mudret billede mærkningsordningsbilledet? 37. SU: Ja, for så er der jo 3 eller 4 forskellige slags på en vare, det er måske lige i overkanten. 38. OM: Lidt for meget? 39. SU: ja. 40. OM: Hvad hvis du var chef for mærkningsordningerne i Danmark og kunne få lov at lave det. Var der et du sagde ej, det her, det synes jeg at det skulle være? 41. SU: Puuhh det har jeg sgu ikke lige // altså økologi det kender alle jo i hvert fald og hvis der kun måtte være et, så er det da helt klart det, tror jeg. Det er nemt og overskueligt at kigge efter. 42. OM: Det er måske også et af de mærker, der kom først ik? 43. SU: Jo, lige præcis. 44. OM: Mærkningsordninger er en hjælp for mig, når jeg handler ind? 45. SU: Der er jeg rimelig meget enig, vil jeg sige. Også netop fordi jeg går efter de her ( ) ja. 46. OM: Du går lidt efter dem // du ser at der står de her 48 forskellige slags remolade og du skal vælge en og ser en med // 47. SU: Ja, det kunne jeg godt finde på at tage efter det. 48. OM: Og så at handle ind efter mærkningsordninger fortæller noget om, hvem man er som person? Tror du, at der er nogle øko-mennesker og nogle nøglehulsmennesker? 49. SU: Ja, det tror jeg da bestemt, at der er. Men om de lige går i Netto og Fakta og handler ind, det er jeg ikke sikker på. Øhmm men ja, jeg tror det viser, at man har sat sig lidt ind i hvad det er man putter indenbords eller køber ind i hvert fald. Det tror jeg. 50. OM: Tror du, at det er bedre kvalitetsprodukter, der har sådan et mærke på sig? 51. SU: Det håber jeg da, vil jeg sige. Jeg håber da, at der er nogle krav for at man kan få sådan et mærke, vil jeg sige. At det ikke bare er alle og enhver, der kan kaste det på. Så det jeg da en forventning om. 52. OM: Har du tillid til at dem, der er ansvarlige for det også giver de rigtige // 184

191 53. SU: Altså jeg har ikke tænkt over, at det ikke skulle passe. Det har jeg ikke. Det forventer jeg da helt klart ( ) at det passer. 185