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1 Fremtidens danske indholdsproduktion Udvalget om finansiering af dansk digital indholdsproduktion Bilag 228 November 2017 December 2017

2 INDHOLD 1. Kommissorium for udvalget om den fremtidige finansiering af dansk, digital indholdsproduktion, marts Notat fra udvalget om den fremtidige finansiering af dansk, digital indholdsproduktion vedrørende operationalisering og fokusering af kommissoriet, maj Kortlægning af udviklingen af TV ved Kantar Gallup, september Mediernes udvikling i Danmark. Globaliseringen af den danske mediebranche. Sammenfatning af analyse udført for Slots- og Kulturstyrelsen, september Finansieringsgrundlag for dansk, digital indholdsproduktion ved Deloitte, september Financing of National Digital Creative Content. A European mapping of initiatives and perspectives ved Wagner Hatfield, august Analyse af filmbranchens nye forretningsmodeller Sammenfatning af analyse ved DFI, december 2017

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4 1. Kommissorium for udvalget om den fremtidige finansiering af dansk, digital indholdsproduktion. Marts 2017

5 Notat Kommissorium for udvalg om den fremtidige finansiering af dansk, digital indholdsproduktion Problemstilling Den teknologiske udvikling og globaliseringen har stor indflydelse på medieudviklingen i Danmark og har blandt andet givet mulighed for grænseoverskridende medieudbud og forbrug i en helt anden målestok end tidligere og på helt andre teknologiske platforme end tidligere. De internationale medievirksomheders tilbud indgår i dag i danskernes medieforbrug i væsentlig større omfang end tidligere med den konsekvens, at danske medievirksomheder ud over den indbyrdes konkurrence også konkurrerer med internationale medieaktører om forbrugernes (og annoncørernes) tid og penge med forskellige typer af indhold og tjenester på en række platforme. Tv-forbruget flytter sig i disse år fra sening af traditionelt flow-tv via kabel-tv til online-sening (live-streaming eller on-demand), herunder via apps. En af konsekvenserne er et muligt faldende provenu fra retransmissionsvederlaget på sigt, og at modtagerne af retransmissionsvederlaget dvs. de ophavsmænd mv., hvis værker indgår i radio- og tv-udsendelser derfor på sigt får færre midler til rådighed. Dertil kommer, at annoncekronerne i forlængelse af den teknologiske udvikling og globaliseringen bliver brugt på andre medietyper end tidligere, og at en større og større andel af den annonceomsætning, der er rettet mod det danske marked, går til udenlandske virksomheder. Konsekvensen heraf er, at det bliver vanskeligere at finansiere, producere og distribuere medieindhold i Danmark. Ikke mindst i lyset af at det danske marked er lille, medens de globale aktører baserer deres forretningsmodel på relativt små indtægter, men fra mange markeder. Originalt dansk produceret indhold (tv, film, musik, nyhedsproduktion osv.) er en afgørende faktor for at opretholde dansk kultur og sprog. Det er derfor nødvendigt at sikre det økonomiske grundlag for dansk kulturproduktion på mellemlangt og langt sigt og i forlængelse heraf sikre mere ensartede konkurrencevilkår på tværs af de forskellige platforme. Afgrænsning af udvalgsarbejdet Baggrunden for nedsættelsen af udvalget er som nævnt ønsket om at sikre den fremtidige finansiering af dansk indholdsproduktion i form af radio- og tvudsendelser, herunder film og musik. Formålet med nedsættelsen af udvalget er således at undersøge den fremtidige finansiering af dansk indholdsproduktion til radio og tv samt film mv. og i den 4

6 forbindelse overveje, om der kan findes løsningsmodeller, som - i lyset af udviklingen på markedet - kan sikre finansieringen af dansk digital indholdsproduktion, herunder kompensere for det mulige fald i retransmissionsvederlaget på en sådan måde, at danske aktører ikke stilles ringere sammenlignet med internationale aktører. Den offentlige finansiering, herunder licens, af radio- og tv-virksomhed samt filmproduktion indgår ikke i undersøgelsen. Udvalgets drøftelser og løsningsmodeller skal være i overensstemmelse med regeringens skatte- og byrdestop. Det forventes, at udvalget overvejer en række forskellige løsningsmodeller på såvel kort som langt sigt, herunder forslag til, hvordan det kan sikres, at udenlandske tjenester og virksomheder bidrager til dansk indholdsproduktion på samme måde, som danske foretagender gør det i dag. I den forbindelse bør værdien af det danske indhold, som udenlandske tjenester og virksomheder gør brug af, søges kortlagt. De løsningsmodeller, som udvalget foreslår, skal så vidt muligt være teknologineutrale og sikre lige konkurrencevilkår på markedet. Det forventes endvidere, at udvalget inddrager udenlandske erfaringer med konkrete ordninger, som har til formål at sikre, at ikke-nationale tjenester og virksomheder bidrager til national indholdsproduktion i sine overvejelser. Der er tale om en generel udfordring for finansieringen af national indholdsproduktion ikke bare i Danmark, men også i andre europæiske lande. Det forventes på denne baggrund, at udvalget overvejer fordele og ulemper ved fælleseuropæiske løsninger på EU-niveau, jf. også initiativerne i forbindelse med EU-ophavsretspakken og revisionen af direktivet om audiovisuelle medietjenester (AVMS-direktivet). Det faktuelle grundlag for udvalgets overvejelser udgøres af tre analyser/undersøgelser. Det forudsættes, at der under udvalgsarbejdet er løbende kontakt til de ansvarlige for analyserne/undersøgelserne med henblik på at resultaterne heraf kan indgå bedst muligt i udvalgets arbejde Kortlægning af udviklingen i tv-sening mv. Medens de traditionelle kabel-tv-distributører i kraft af retransmissionsvederlaget har bidraget til finansieringen af dansk kulturindhold, bidrager de udenlandske aktører som ikke betaler retransmissionsvederlag, fordi deres virksomhed ikke er baseret på videreudsendelse af tv-udsendelser ikke på samme måde, idet de alene betaler rettighedshaverne for den primære udsendelse af det digitale indhold, eller slet ikke betaler, fordi de ikke foretager sig en ophavsretlig relevant handling. 5

7 Det bemærkes, at der i den seneste 10-årsperiode er sket en markant stigning i provenuet fra retransmissionsvederlaget som følge af dels antallet af husstande, som modtager tv via kabel-tv-anlæg, dels antallet af tv-kanaler, som fordeles i anlæggene til de tilsluttede husstande. Stigningen er vist i nedenstående figur. Provenuet fra retransmissionsvederlaget fordeles til rettighedshaverne af CopyDan, Verdens TV på baggrund af en voldgiftsafgørelse fra Lidt under halvdelen af provenuet videresendes til udenlandske rettighedshavere. CopyDan, Verdens TV er godkendt af Kulturministeriet til at administrere ordningen, der er baseret på en aftalelicensbestemmelse i ophavsretsloven. Til brug for udvalgsarbejdet gennemføres en kortlægning af udviklingen i tvforbruget med henblik på vurdering af den fremtidige udvikling af dels provenuet fra videreudsendelsesvederlaget, dels provenu fra andre (nye) indtægtskilder (rettighedsbetaling fra VOD-tjenester mv.) til de rettighedshavergrupper, som får del i retransmissionsvederlaget. Vurderingen der også skal inddrage den teknologiske udvikling - kan evt. ske i form af opstilling af en række scenarier. Kortlægningen gennemføres af et eksternt konsulentfirma i samarbejde med udvalgets sekretariat og kan sandsynligvis i vidt omfang bestå af sammenstilling af allerede eksisterende viden og undersøgelser. Denne kortlægning forventes afsluttet inden 1. maj Slots- og Kulturstyrelsens undersøgelse af internationale aktører Styrelsen har på baggrund af et offentligt udbud den 12. februar 2016 igangsat en undersøgelse med følgende overskrift: De internationale aktørers betydning for 6

8 det danske mediemarked, medieudbyderne og medieudbuddet, herunder særligt medievirksomhedernes muligheder for fortsat at finansiere og producere dansk medieindhold. Undersøgelsen gennemføres af Mandag Morgen Danmark i samarbejde med Aalborg Universitet København og CBS. Undersøgelsen skal forventes at være afsluttet sommeren Nye forretningsmodeller i filmbranchen Det fremgår af filmaftalen for , at den digitale udvikling har skabt et behov for nye forretningsmodeller for indtjening i filmbranchen. Det fremgår videre af aftalen, at det er aftalekredsens forventning, at markedet selv udvikler nye forretningsmodeller, der imødekommer den digitale udvikling og medvirker til at skabe et bæredygtigt fundament for produktion af danske film. Endelig fremgår det, at der ultimo 2016 gennemføres en analyse af filmbranchens nye forretningsmodeller for at vurdere, om filmstøtten fortsat er tidssvarende indrettet, og om den anvendes bedst muligt. Analysen gennemføres af Filminstituttet og forventes afsluttet med udgangen af Udvalgets sammensætning Udvalget består af en række eksperter, som er uafhængige i forhold til aktørerne på det danske tv-marked, med økonomisk, teknologisk, juridisk, forskningsmæssig og kulturpolitisk sagkundskab. Udvalget forventes at bestå af 5 7 medlemmer. Udvalgets medlemmer herunder formanden - udpeges af ministeren efter drøftelse med partierne bag medieaftalen for Der nedsættes evt. en følgegruppe med repræsentanter for branchen, dvs. tvselskaber, tv-distributører, uafhængige film- og tv-produktionsselskaber og rettighedshaverorganisationer, som har til opgave at bidrage til og følge udvalgets virksomhed. Organisering af arbejdet Med henblik på at sikre størst mulig uafhængighed varetages sekretariatsbetjeningen af udvalget eksternt. Den nærmere tilrettelæggelse heraf fastsættes efter drøftelse med udvalgets formand. Udgifter til sekretariatsbetjening og udarbejdelse af analyser afholdes inden for rammerne af licensprovenuet og Kulturministeriets bevillinger. Der afsættes 2 mio.kr. af licensmerprovenuet fra 2015 til udvalgets virksomhed, herunder vederlæggelse af udvalgets medlemmer. Den ovennævnte kortlægning af udviklingen i tv-sening mv. påbegyndes januar

9 Udvalgsarbejdet påbegyndes januar 2017 og afsluttes november Udvalget afrapporterer til partierne bag medieaftalen

10 2. Notat fra udvalget om den fremtidige finansiering af dansk, digital indholdsproduktion vedrørende operationalisering og fokusering af kommissoriet. Maj

11 KØBENHAVNS UNIVERSITET DET JURIDISKE FAKULTET Bidrag til operationalisering og fokusering af kommissorium for udvalg om den fremtidige finansiering af dansk digital indholdsproduktion Udvalget nedsat i medfør af Kommissorium for udvalg om den fremtidige finansiering af dansk, digital indholdsproduktion er enigt om nedenstående med henblik på operationalisering og fokusering af kommissoriet. KAREN BLIXENS PLADS KØBENHAVN S DIR MOB Kommissoriet beskriver de problemstillinger, udvalget skal undersøge og finde løsningsmodeller for. Kommissoriet beskriver endvidere rammerne for udvalgets arbejde og skitserer det faktuelle grundlag. Der henvises derfor til det gældende kommissorium. Dette notat søger at fokusere og afgrænse udvalgets arbejde yderligere. thomas.riis@jur.ku.dk REF: TR Kommissoriet omfatter to delvis overlappende problemstillinger: 1. Dansk digital indholdsproduktion Den teknologiske udvikling og globaliseringen har stor indflydelse på medieudviklingen i Danmark og har blandt andet givet mulighed for grænseoverskridende medieudbud og medieforbrug i en helt anden målestok og på andre teknologiske platforme og distributionskanaler end tidligere. Forbrugerne flytter sig fra nationale udbydere, med stor andel af dansk tvindhold, til internationale udbydere med en mindre andel af dansk indhold. Abonnementsindtægterne og reklamepengene flyttes tilsvarende, og den afledte effekt er færre midler til produktion af dansk indhold. Konsekvensen kan bl.a. være, at danske rettighedshavere modtager lavere rettighedsbetaling end tidligere. Disse forhold kan udfordre finansieringen af og indtægter for dansk medieindhold. 10

12 Udvalget skal beskrive og belyse særlige problemstillinger og udfordringer for finansiering af og indtægter for henholdsvis film-, tvog musikområdet, herunder pege på tendenser og konsekvenser for de forskellige danske aktører i lyset af den teknologiske udvikling og globaliseringen. Udvalget opstiller følgende 4 fokuspunkter: - Erfaringer og initiativer fra andre lande i forhold til bl.a. regulering af online-tjenester i relation til bidrag til national indholdsproduktion. - Globale aktørers bidrag til national indholdsproduktion. - Regulatoriske begrænsninger for finansiering af indholdsproduktion. - Samspillet mellem offentligt støttet indholdsproduktion og de kommercielle rammevilkår. På baggrund af de 4 fokuspunkter skal udvalget overveje løsningsmodeller på såvel kort som langt sigt med henblik på at sikre den fremtidige finansiering af dansk indholdsproduktion. 2. Fra betalings-tv-pakker til on-line tjenester Kommissoriet betoner i særlig grad et muligt fremtidigt fald i retransmissionsvederlaget. Tv-forbruget flytter sig i disse år fra traditionelle betalings-tv-pakker hos betalings-tv-udbydere til online tjenester (live-streaming eller on-demand), herunder via apps. Dette indebærer faldende abonnementsindtægter hos tvdistributørerne. Parallelt flyttes reklamekronerne fra tv-pakker og tv-kanaler over til online-tjenesterne. En af konsekvenserne er et muligt faldende provenu fra retransmissionsvederlaget på sigt, og at modtagerne af retransmissionsvederlaget dvs. de ophavsmænd m.v., hvis værker indgår i radio- og tv-udsendelser derfor på sigt får færre midler til rådighed. Udvalget skal beskrive og belyse konsekvenserne af et muligt fald i retransmissionsvederlaget for finansiering af dansk indhold. Udvalget skal overveje løsningsmodeller - på såvel kort som langt sigt med henblik på at sikre den fremtidige finansiering af dansk indholdsproduktion i tilfælde af en væsentlig reduktion i retransmissionsvederlaget. Udvalget vil i sit arbejde fokusere på betydningen for brancherne og de professionelle aktører som sådan og ikke i særlig grad på en mulig omfordeling af midler mellem branchernes forskellige aktører. De relevante brancher udgør tilsammen et omfattende og komplekst område. Udvalgets målsætning er at komme med ideer til løsninger af de problemer, der knytter sig til fremtidig finansiering af dansk digital indholdsproduktion, snarere end udtømmende og gennemanalyserede analyser af samtlige delproblemer 11

13 inden for det pågældende område. S Udvalget er opmærksomt på, at udvalget forventes at fremkomme med forslag, som skal være teknologineutrale og være med til at sikre lige konkurrencevilkår på markedet, og at udvalget som en del af sine afsluttende konklusioner og kommentarer vil fremkomme med en samlet oversigt over, hvorledes de enkelte forslag forventes at bidrage hertil. 27. april 2017 Professor, dr.jur. Thomas Riis Formand 12

14 3. Kortlægning af udviklingen af TV ved Kantar Gallup. September

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16 Indholdsfortegnelse 1 Indledning Baggrund Udarbejdelse af datagrundlag og rapport Arbejdsgruppens arbejdsmetode Rapportens udformning Definition af streaming Sammenfatning Traditionelt tv har det svært i det danske tv marked Fremtidens forbrug af audiovisuelt indhold Kortlægning af udviklingen i tv sening Traditionelt tv Traditionelt tv på tværs af målgrupper Danskernes brug af streaming Streaming og sammenhængen med traditionelt tv Streaming og brug af data Programkategorier og sening Udvikling i befolkningen 3 år Udviklingen i sening af programkategorier fordelt på aldersgrupper Bilagsoversigt

17 1 Indledning 1.1 Baggrund Kulturministeriet har ønsket en skriftlig redegørelse over udviklingen af danskernes forbrug af tvindhold. Redegørelsen skal indeholde en afrapportering af befolkningens forbrug på de mest gængse parametre (herunder reach og share) fordelt på såvel målgrupper (aldersgrupper) samt kanaler og kanalgrupper. I denne sammenhæng skal der desuden indgå overvejelser om forbrugets fordeling og de indbyrdes forhold imellem de forskellige platforme, som f.eks. traditionelt tv, digitale tjenester og streamingtjenester. 1.2 Udarbejdelse af datagrundlag og rapport Kantar Gallups arbejdsgruppe har bestået af: Underdirektør Berit Juul Puggaard, ansvar for kørselsstruktur TV Meter, kørsler fra Annual Survey, Index Danmark/Gallup, Digital Life & Mobile Life samt rapportskrivning Underdirektør Frank Klausen, faglig ansvarlig for TV Meter data Underdirektør Birgitte Høg, ansvarlig for kvalitet af kørsler fra TV Meter Research Executive Nick Hansen, udarbejdelse af kørsler fra TV Meter Research Executive Lotte Jakobsen, fremskaffelse af mobil og mobildata statistik 1.3 Arbejdsgruppens arbejdsmetode Arbejdsgruppen har på baggrund af Kulturministeriets brief den 10. maj 2017 samt uddybende og afklarende dokumenter af 16. maj 2017 tilrettelagt en række datakørsler fra hhv. TV Meteret samt Digital Life, Mobile Life og Index Danmark/Gallup. De pågældende datakørsler er udarbejdet for en årrække gående tilbage til Herudover er der inddraget data fra år til dato (maj 2017) for at yderligere belyse særlige problemstillinger vedr. fordelingen af sening fra forskellige platforme en mulighed der alene foreligger fra og med januar 2017 ved ikrafttrædelsen af en ny målemetode for TV Meteret. Der i rapportens inddraget en række øvrige eksterne kilder, hvilke der henvises til i selve rapporten. Dette sker af hensyn til at supportere, de fænomener som Kantar Gallup mener at kunne påvise via de ovennævnte af Kantar Gallups kilder. 16

18 De anvendte datasæt fra TV Meter er udarbejdet på definitionen om 5 minutters kontinuert sening. Denne definition er det ikke muligt at anvende på de øvrige datakilder idet disse er indsamlet baseret på claimed adfærd. For streaming anvendte data fra Digital Life er der alene anvendt brugens opfattelse af, om de har streamet navnegivne service i går og hvor lang tid. Der er ikke en minimums opfattelse for mindst 5 minutter kontinuet brug af en given streaming service for at denne tæller med i den samlede streamingtid eller dækning. 1.4 Rapportens udformning Rapporten er leveret som en skriftlig rapport inklusiv visning af centrale datasæt i form af tabeller/grafikker som dokumentation for de angivne konklusioner. Grafikkerne og datagrundlaget er herudover leveret i deres rå form til Kulturministeriet. Dette gælder ligeledes de data der refereres til i rapporten, men ikke vises i grafisk fremstillet form. Kantar Gallup har i sin udarbejdelse og anvendelse af data, udvalg af tabeller/grafikker/figurer til rapporten samt konkluderende bemærkninger haft frie hænder til sammensætningen af materialet. 1.5 Definition af streaming I rapporten anvendes to begreber vedr. streaming: a. Streamet live tv: streamet indhold som er tilsvarende det indhold, der sendes live på det klassiske tv. Sening af dette indhold på andre platforme, herunder computer, tablet og smartphone, indsamles i dag i lighed med indhold set på det klassiske tv i Kantar Gallup TV Meter. Indholdet er inkluderet i TV Meter tallene efter samme måleprincipper som den klassiske tv sening på en almindelig tv skærm. Det betyder, at flow tv set på f.eks. TV 2 Play eller DR TV medregnes i TV Meter data. Dette sket i etaper henover de seneste år, hvorfor 2017 tallene er de første som formelt set inkluderer størstedelen af live tv streamet indhold. Målingerne af dette indhold er en del af TV Meteret og dermed en passiv dataindsamlingsform, hvor respondenten ikke besvarer spørgsmål vedr. forbruget, men anvender de teknologier hvorpå TV Meter målingerne hviler. b. Streamet indhold: indhold som streames og som ikke er live tv indhold eller hvor brugeren ikke er blevet bedt om at forholde sig til om indholdet set har været live tv eller andet (arkiv) indhold. Data der anvendes til at beskrive forbruget i denne kategori er indsamlet som survey data, det vil sige, at respondenten selv tilkendegiver sit forbrug (Digital Life). Der kan således være et delvist overlap af tid forbrugt i denne kategori og streamet live tv, der måles som en del af TV Meteret. Ser man på dækning og antal minutter forbrug på streamet live tv fra TV Meteret så anslås det, at overlappet pt. er relativt ubetydeligt ift. de størrelser af streamet indhold survey data angiver (se i øvrigt bilag F). Hvor intet andet er angivet indgår YouTube i de total tal for denne kategori af streaming. 17

19 2 Sammenfatning 2.1 Traditionelt tv har det svært i det danske tv marked Traditionelt tv i det danske marked befinder sig midt i en brydningstid. På den ene side er der en stor andel af befolkningen, der stadig benytter relativt meget indhold og på den anden side en mindre, men dog voksende andel, som benytter mindre eller intet indhold. Udbuddet af kanaler og antal sendetimer på disse kanaler har samlet set aldrig været større, og alligevel er seningen af denne type visuelt indhold fortsat faldende. Rapporten viser overordnet set en accelererende udvikling i faldet af tv sening på den klassiske tvplatform. Dette ses ved ændringer i adfærden i forbrugerudviklingen kombineret med den teknologiske udvikling. Forbrugeradfærden er karakteriseret ved: 1. Danskernes daglige brug af klassisk live tv og daglige tidsforbrug er faldet markant over de seneste 5 år. Dette gælder på tværs af alle aldersgrupper, men er langt mere udpræget jo yngre danskere der er er tale om. Det betyder, at i 2016 var der dagligt færre danskere som så tv på en gennemsnitlig hverdag ift. i Faldet fra 2012 til 2016 (og fortsat i 2017) er ikke fra et all time high niveau i 2012, da tv forbruget både på daglig dækning og dagligt antal minutter toppede i 2010 (se Bilag G). 2. Faldet i såvel den daglige dækning og seertid af klassisk tv startede før de udenlandske streamingtjenesters introduktion i Danmark, men er herefter accelereret som konsekvens heraf. Allerede i 2010 begyndte danske husstande at afskaffe det klassiske tv apparat i husstanden, således at der i perioden fra 2009 til 2016 er sket i firdobling i antallet af danske husstande, der slet ikke har et tv. I 2016 var der et estimeret antal på husstanden uden tv. Foreløbige tal for 2017 viser at denne udvikling fortsætter. 3. Yngre målgrupper og særligt børn og unge 3 29 år streamer markant mere indhold end øvrige målgrupper og fravælger i stigende grad live tv til fordel for streamet indhold. 60% af de årige streamer på en gennemsnitlig dag overfore 16% af de årige årige ser hyppigere streamet indhold end live tv og bruger ligeledes mere af deres seertid på streamet indhold end på live tv. I 2015 tippede den daglige dækning for hhv. klassisk tv og streamet indhold så flere dagligt ser streamet indhold end live tv. I 2016 er den daglige dækning for klassisk tv 43% overfor 60% for streamet indhold. Den gennemsnitlige daglige seertid på streaming er 121 minutter overfor 90 minutters live tv. 5. Andelen af de åriges sening af live tv af kategorien dramatik & fiktion er faldende, hvorimod sport synes at være svagt stigende. Spørgsmålet er, hvad der vil ske med sening af sport på live tv hvis rettighederne til denne kategori begynder at bevæge sig til online platforme, og hvordan dette vil påvirke live tv generelt. Ser man på dramatik & fiktions andel den totale sening var denne i % og i 2016 faldet til 26%. Selvom disse indberetninger på programtyper fra tv stationerne ikke nødvendigvis er fyldestgørende, så indikerer de et anderledes resultat for årige end de øvrige aldersgrupper. 18

20 6. Der ses stadig store seertal på live tv for udvalgte danskproducerede programmer samt sportsbegivenheder med dansk deltagelse. Men antallet af udsendelser/programmer med over 1 million seere er et sjældnere fænomen end tidligere. 7. Det streamede indhold kommer i høj grad fra udenlandske udbydere og er således i mindre grad dansk indhold. Yngre streamere ser langt mere udenlandsk streamet indhold en ældre seere, hvilket skyldes, at de unge målgrupper i højere grad vælger at benytte udenlandske streamingtjenester. Dette skyldes ikke et fravalg af dansk indhold generelt, da disse målgrupper stadig ser dansk indhold som live tv, men mere et tilvalg af udenlandske streamingtjenester til streaming af indhold. Den teknologiske udvikling er karakteriseret ved: 1. Antallet af danskere med adgang til smartphones og tablets er steget eksplosivt i perioden Personlige tablets er firedoblet og smartphones er steget med 39% point i befolkningen. 2. Infrastrukturen i adgangen til mobilt internet og wifi er blevet forbedret tilpas meget til at forbrug af audiovisuelt indhold og internet såvel indenfor hjemmet som udenfor er blevet en mulighed med god kvalitet. 3. Prisen på data er faldet betydeligt i perioden, hvilket giver flere danskere mulighed for at forbruge audiovisuelt indhold via peronlige devices og i særlig grad smartphones. Sammenfaldet af ovennævnte begivenheder; forbedret adgang til online infrastruktur, flere personlige connectede devices og introduktionen af udenlandske streamingtjenester har samlet set forstærket og accelereret en tendens, der allerede var påbegyndt. 19

21 Groft skitseret er der i 2017 tale om tre grupper af tv seere i Danmark 1 : Traditionelle tv seere, der kun ser denne type tv kaldet flow only Traditionelle tv seere, der også benytter streamingtjenester kaldet kombiseere Seere som i dag kun benytter streamingtjenester kaldet stream only Sammenholder man denne inddeling men denne rapports resultater, så finder man at gruppe 1 flowonly fortrinsvis består af personer over 50 år. Danskere over 50 år, som udgør 2,2 mio af befolkningen svarende til 38%, har ligeledes som gruppe et faldende forbrug af flow tv, men det falder betragteligt langsommere end blandt resten af danskerne. Kendetegnende for gruppen er, at de foretrækker at se tv som flow tv. Gruppen vil med tiden blive mindre, men vurderes for nuværende at være stabil i sin andel af befolkningen. Kombiseerne er fortrinsvis personer under 50 år og, som rapporten viser, langt hyppigere mellem år. De ser stadig flow tv, men de har adgang til og benytter regelmæssigt streamingtjenester. De ser præcist ligeså meget visuelt indhold i 2016 som de gjorde i Det interessant er bare, at shopper mærkbart imellem flow tv og streaming indhold. Kombiseere er klar den største af de tre grupper, dog må der understreges, at kombiseere tilsammen ser mere flow tv målt i antal minutter end de anvender streamet indhold. Stream only er et fænomen der præges af personer under 30 år. De fleste er unge danskere som er flyttet hjemmefra og ikke har fundet det værd at have en klassiske tv skærm og dermed en eller anden tv pakke. Der findes også stream only ere som er børn og hjemmeboende. De har således ikke valgt flow tv fra som sådan, de benytter det bare ikke. Stream only og flow only estimeres til at være nogenlunde lige store, men sådan forventer vi ikke det vil være i fremtiden. Vi forventer på baggrund af denne rapports resultater, at antallet af kombiseere vil falde og forkaste flow tv for at blive stream only. Dette betyder ikke, at stream only ikke vil se indhold fra de traditionelle tv udbydere, men de vil benytte indholdet via en anden platform og sandsynligvis vil andelen af visuelt indhold fra disse udbydere fortsat være faldende. Dette fænomen vil yderligere underbygge den generationskløft mellem onlinebrugere og ældre borgere, der fortrinsvis anvender de traditionelle medier 2. I starten af perioden (2012), hvor denne rapport har sit udgangspunkt, var streaming et ungdommeligt nichefænomen præget primært af indhold fra YouTube for dem under 25 år. Sådan er det bestemt ikke længere. Som rapporten viser, findes der nu streamere på tværs af alle aldersgrupper. Advarselslamperne om traditionelt tvs forfald startede allerede inden de store streamingtjenesters indtog i Danmark, men deres tilstedeværelse har uden tvivl accelereret denne tendens til at danskerne ser mindre og mindre traditionelt tv. Desuden anvendes f.eks. YouTube i dag blandt langt de fleste aldersgrupper, dog med forskelligt forbrug i andel af sening og forskellige behov ift. det anvendte indhold. 1 Se DRs Redegørelse vedr. befolkningens brug af on demand samt erfaringer med DRs tilrådighedsstillelse af tvprogrammer on demand fra Se Public Service Udvalgets rapport Public service de næste 10 år fra 2016, hvor denne generationskløft er yderligere beskrevet. 20

22 Andre faktorer spiller dog en væsentlig rolle i dette økosystem imellem det stigende forbrug af streamet indhold og faldet af sening på den traditionelle platform. Blandt de mest fremtrædende af disse faktorer er følgende: Danskernes hastige anskaffelse af smartphones og tablets særligt præget af Apple produkter. Adgangen til online connectede devices lige ved hånden 24 timer i døgnet og med indbyggede wifi forbindelser er eksploderet i samme periode, hvilket giver mulighed for at få adgang til langt mere indhold nemmere end via tv skærmen og hvor og hvornår man har lyst til at anvende indholdet. Kvaliteten og størrelsen af skærmene af de senere generationer af især smartphones har ligeledes indflydelse på forbruget af streamet indhold. Online infrastrukturen og prissætningen på datatrafik (fald i priser) er blevet markant bedre i perioden. Der er langt flere adgangspunkter (wifi) og langt bedre og billigere forbindelser til internettet såvel indenfor som udenfor de danske husstande. Dette betyder samlet set, at kvaliteten og mulighederne for at streame indhold er væsentligt forbedret. Europa Parlamentets aftale om at fjerne roaming afgifter per 15. juni 2017 vil bestemt også have betydning for forbruget af data på sigt. Så hid står blot, at streamingtjenester man abonnerer på i sit hjemland også kan tilgås via udenlandske IP adresser, som er den sidste hindring for at kunne stream gnidningsfrit hvor som helst i verdenen. Den opfattede (betragtelige) stigning af prisen på klassiske tv pakker blandt danskerne har ført til, at mange husstande har foretaget en cable shaving, hvilket betyder, at de er gået fra en større tv pakke til en mindre og i stedet investeret i en eller flere streamingtjenester som supplement til den reducerede tv pakke. Risikoen ved dette er naturligvis, at de på et tidspunkt helt opgiver tv pakken fordi de finder anvendeligheden af streamingtjenesterne tilstrækkeligt til deres behov 3. Således ses der et sammenfald af begivenheder, der ledes os hen til forandringen af streaming fra en sekundær niche brugsform til en primær måde at forbruge audiovisuelt indhold. 2.2 Fremtidens forbrug af audiovisuelt indhold Fremskriver man denne rapports resultater med f.eks. bare 5 år, så vil andelen af danskere der kun streamer være steget anseeligt. Vi tror, at deres behov og ønsker til, hvordan en tv kanal skal være, kan være væsentligt anderledes end det vi kender i dag. Vores bud på en bedre løsning til brugernes fremtidige behov kan være muligheden for at kunne lave sin egen tv kanal i et online univers. Denne kanal skal kunne foreslå flere sendeplaner/programflader med forskellig varighed afhængigt af hvor meget tid man har til rådighed. Sendeplanerne skal være baseret på indhold med udgangspunkt primært i programmer/serier/temaer man tilkendegivet man gerne vil se, når der kommer nyt indhold derfra og dernæst indhold baseret på ting man har set før (fremkommet ved målrettede algoritmer). 3 Cable shaving og cable cutting dækker ikke kun over kabeltilsluttede husstanden, men er betegnelser der anvendes for husstande, der enten vælger mindre betalte tv pakker end de tidligere har haft, eller helt fravælger deres tv pakke. 21

23 Kanalen, formoder vi, vil være mest relevant for langt de fleste danskere at bygge i en eller flere af de kommercielle streamingudbyderes univers. Årsagen til dette skal findes i behovet for kataloget af udenlandsk indhold primært serier. Vi mener fiktion vil give dansk indhold en bedre platform i streaminguniverset, men vi tror samtidigt på, at en indarbejdelse af dette og andet unikt dansk indhold i andre streamingplatforme kan være en nødvendighed for at opnå eksponering af indholdet i større omfang. Alene at sætte sin lid til, at dette indhold vil trække brugerne til at danne deres foretrukne indholdskanal på danske platforme kan være ønsketænkning. Især fordi vi formoder, at de udenlandske kommercielle tjenester i fremtiden vil producere lokalt/regionalt sproget indhold til deres platforme. Dette kombineret med stærke amerikanske fiktions produkter udgør en stærk position i markedet. Tages det med i betragtningen, at denne rapport viser en vigende tendens til, at det indhold årige danskere ser på traditionelt tv netop er drama og fiktion, som vi hidtil har formodet var netop det indhold der holdt dem på denne platform, så er det et tydeligt vink om, at dette indhold ikke er nok til at trække dem væk fra de kommercielle streamingtjenester de allerede nu er storforbrugere af. Måden streamet indhold forbruges og de anker brugerne typisk har til streamingtjenester viser, at tilgængelighed af serier/film og andet indhold over længere perioder netop er en væsentlig del af streamingtjenesterne styrke. Dette fordrer på sigt også behov for meget store bagkataloger af indhold og kapacitet til opbevaring af indholdet. Mulighederne for download af dette på devices til senere (offline brug) er ligeledes et behov brugerne har, hvilket kan forøge seningen yderligere. 22

24 3 Kortlægning af udviklingen i tv sening Traditionelt tv Uanset hvilken målemetode, måleenhed eller måleudgangspunkt Kantar Gallup har anvendt og betragtet under punktet traditionel tv taler tallene deres tydelige sprog den traditionelle tv sening har i en del år været og er fortsat faldende. Tv markedet har forandret sig væsentligt over den seneste 5 år. I 2016 så omkring færre danskere tv på en tilfældig dag end i Det svarer til et fald på 14% point over 5 år. Samtidig er det gennemsnitlige daglige antal minutter brugt på tv faldet med 19% point svarende til 37 minutter (se tabel 3.1). Tabel 3.1. Daglig dækning i % og gennemsnitligt antal minutter tv pr. dag Konsoliderede tal Total daglig dækning i % 3 år + 73,8 69,5 67,8 66,5 63,6 86 Gennemsnitlig daglig sening i minutter 3 år Index 2016 vs 2012 Balancen mellem tv kanalgrupperne har i perioden forrykket sig betydeligt. Kanalgrupperne har langt fra oplevet samme udvikling i perioden Dette til trods for, at samtlige kanalgrupper falder på såvel daglig dækning som seertid (det sidste nøgletal dog med undtagelse af DR kanalgruppen). Uden i dette kapitel at se nærmere på kanalgruppernes samlede sendetid og programindhold, så fremstår det tydeligt at de kommercielle kanalgrupper har været betragtelig hårdere ramt end DR kanalgruppen 4. Nøgletallene daglig dækning, gennemsnitlig daglig minuttal og share viser udviklingstendenser i perioden, hvor kanalgruppernes indbyrdes styrkeforhold er kraftigt forandret. Som figur 3.2. viser, er det i høj grad kanalgrupperne DR og TV 2 Danmark som danskerne dagligt ser, men på de viste 5 år er disse faldet med hhv. 11% og 16% i den daglige dækning (den sekundære akse indekseret udvikling i dækning fra ), hvorfor disse to kanalgrupper grundet deres massive andel af den daglige dækning står for de største fald i den samlede daglige dækning. Selvom alle kanalgrupperne er påvirket af markedets samlede udvikling er der stort variation i betydningen af påvirkningen for den enkelte kanalgruppen. 4 I denne sammenhæng er der alene set på DR kanalgruppen som reference, idet en public service kanalgruppe vil udvande linjen imellem indhold med kommerciel berøringsflade i form af sponsorater og reklamer i tæt nærhed til det bragte programindhold og indhold bragt uden for kommercielle rammer. 23

25 Figur 3.2. Daglig dækning kanalgrupper DR TV 2 Danmark Viasat Discovery Networks Ukendt seening Index Ukendt sening er i denne sammenhæng alt det indhold, der er set på den traditionelle tv skærm, men som ikke er kodet som tilhørende de i TV Meteret målte tv kanaler. Denne sening vendes der tilbage til senere i rapporten. Figur 3.3. illustrerer udviklingen i share fordelt mellem de 4 kanalgrupper i perioden Det ses tydeligt, at DR har vundet stor andel i det ellers faldende marked. TV 2 gruppen har ligeledes vundet på share betragtningen, således at DR og TV 2 samlet set står for 74% af den samlede sening i 2016, overfor 64% i Stigning skyldes i højere grad DR end TV 2 det indbyrdes forhold imellem dem var i 2016 lige, mens TV 2 i 2012 og 2013 havde en markant større andel af seningen. Figur 3.3. Share for kanalgrupper samt indeks for 2016 sammenlignet med DR TV 2 Danmark Viasat Discovery Networks Index 0 En stor del af årsagen til, at såvel den daglige dækning og den gennemsnitlige daglige seertid (se i øvrigt tabel 3.1.) er faldet i den undersøgte periode er en strukturel forandring i de danske hjem. Uden at konkludere på årsagen til udviklingen, så er det en medvirkende årsag at langt færre danske husstande i dag har et traditionelt husalter i form af en tv skærm placeret på en central plads i stuen (se tabel 3.4.). Det er værd at bemærke, at accelerationen i antallet af husstanden uden fjernsyn først for alvor har krystalliseret sig i (se ligeledes tabel 3.4). Foreløbige tal for 1. kvartal 2017 indikerer en 24

26 stigning på yderligere ca. 2% i antallet af husstande uden fjernsyn. Denne udvikling betyder, at færre husstande i 2016 havde tv i husstanden. Dette svarer til næsten en firedobling på bare 7 år. Tabel 3.4. Andelen af husstande i Danmark uden tv Husstande uden tv , , , , , , , , Der er ingen tvivl om, at introduktionen af udenlandske streamingtjenester 6 på det danske marked herunder i særlig grad Netflix har haft en betydning for faldet af tv sening i klassisk forstand, men det er ikke alene årsagen til, at danskerne har droppet tv et i husstanden, selvom streamingtjenesterne i høj grad har accelereret fænomenet. Det var en tendens, som allerede var påbegyndt forud for Netflix s indtog på det danske marked i efteråret Den daglige dækning og den gennemsnitlige daglige seertid toppede i hvert fald foreløbigt i år Såvel 2011 og 2012 viste tilbagegang i tv markedet. Der hersker imidlertid ingen tvivl om, at samspillet mellem faktorerne er af betydning: fald i antal tvhusstande fald i daglig dækning stigning i antal streamere stigning i adgang til devices velegnede til streaming. 5 Kilde Annual Survey Når streamingtjenester omtales i denne rapport er der fortrinsvist tale om udenlandske betalte tjenester. Når indhold der kan streames er omtalt er der tale langt flere udbydere, som medtages i betragtningerne herunder ligeledes YouTube, DR TV og TV 2 Play 25

27 Danskernes køb af devices med stadig forbedret adgang til enten mobilt internet eller wifi har medvirket til en styrket infrastruktur for anvendelse af indhold, hvilket medvirker til at skabe forudsætningen for overgang til øget digital forbrug. I denne kontekst er det værd at indskyde, at det samlede daglige tidsforbrug på indhold, hvis man kombinerer klassisk tv sening og streaming, rent faktisk er stigende. En forbedring af IT infrastrukturen vurderes at kunne øge dette forbrug yderligere. Seertid og daglig dækning var allerede faldendende ved streamingtjenesternes introduktion, men accelerationen i faldet siden da er helt sikkert forårsaget af de til rådighedsværende streamingtjenester, deres indholdsudbud og tilhørende prisniveau, stigningen i betaling til distributører for tv pakker samt væksten i antallet af danskere med personlig smartphone og tablet. Dette uddybes senere i rapporten. Herudover henvises til Bilag A som viser udviklingen i tv sening i årene op til den undersøgte periode, hvornår de nye versioner af smartphones og tablets kom på markedet i Danmark, samt væksten i mobildatatrafik i samme periode. Årsagen til, at antallet af tv apparater var faldende forud for streaming tjenesternes introduktion i Danmark om end med lavere hastighed end efter introduktionen skal formentlig findes i danskernes stigende brug af internettet i denne periode. Som figur viser, så steg danskernes internetforbrug væsentligt i perioden Samtidigt må det tages med i betragtningen, at YouTube ligeledes for tilsvarende tidsperiode har været en medvirkende faktor for udvalgte målgruppers fravalg af klassiske tv tjenester (se figur 3.6.). YouTubes daglige og ugentlige brug var allerede højt i 2012 og selvom der frem til og med 2017 ses stigning i anvendelsen af YouTube, så var danskernes brug omfattende også i Markedet var således allerede modnet ift. platforme og brugernes forståelse af interfaces og dermed klar til et accelererende forbrug da nye streamingtjenester blev introducerede. Tabel 3.5. Claimed minutbrug af internettet en gennemsnitlig dag via computer i befolkningen Kilde Index Danmark/Gallup Marketing

28 Tabel 3.6. Claimed brug af YouTube i % af befolkningen (Digital Life år) Min. næsten dagligt Ugentligt Kigger man lidt frem ad ift. tiden der forbruges på devices (computer, mobiltelefon og tablet), så ser forbruget i antal minutter ikke ud til at have nået sit peak endnu (se figur 3.7.). Og trods det ikke kan afskrives, at de pågældende devices anvendes til at se klassisk tv live via internettet (se senere i rapporten), så må man formode, at det audiovisuelle indhold danskerne forbruger på disse devices primært er nøje udvalgt streamet indhold selvom algoritmer i tjenesterne guider brugerne til bestemt indhold. Tabel 3.7. Claimed minutbrug af devices en gennemsnitlig dag i befolkningen Internet via computer Mobiltelefon Tablet Total alle devices Sociale medier Kilde Index Danmark/Gallup Marketing

29 3.2 Traditionelt tv på tværs af målgrupper Lige meget hvilken aldersgruppe de traditionelle tv data nedbrydes på, afslører tallene fald over hele linjen også blandt målgrupper, hvor der ikke forventes at finde omfattende streaming sted. I tabel 3.8., som viser den indekserede udvikling i såvel daglig dækning som antal minutter set på en gennemsnitlig dag, fremstår det faktum at sening falder markant jo yngre personerne er. Særligt de 3 29 årige har ændret adfærd siden Den daglige dækning for denne gruppe er faldet mere end 30% point og det gennemsnitlige antal minutter er faldet med mere end 40% point. Samtidigt ses en stabilitet for 60 år + og et betydeligt mindre fald samlet for alle danskere over 50 år. Dette er bemærkelsesværdigt idet denne platform allerede nu således har et væsentligt ældre publikum. Se desuden Bilag B for yderligere information om udviklingen i daglig dækning og seertid på aldersgrupper. Tabel 3.8. Indekserede tal baseret på daglig dækning og gennemsnitlig sening i minutter i 2016 vs fordelt på aldersgrupper Indeks 2016 vs år år år år år år 70 år+ Daglig dækning Antal minutter I tabel 3.9. er vist den indekserede udvikling af den daglige dækning for de fire kanalgrupper fordelt på syv aldersgrupper og ingen af dem viser fremgang undtagen Viasat i aldersgruppen år. Heraf fremgår det tydeligt, at tv forbruget generelt er faldet, i nogle målgrupper markant mere end andre samt at samtlige kanalgrupper er berørt uagtet hvilket indhold de tilbyder seerne. Generelt er DR som samlet kanalgruppe kommet bedst igennem de seneste fem år, men må ligeledes notere markante skift i profilen af seerskaren over tid. Tabel 3.9. Indekserede tal baseret på daglig dækning i 2016 vs på fire kanalgrupper 3 14 år år år år år år 70 år+ DR TV 2 Danmark Viasat Discovery Networks Bemærk at der i TV Meter målingen indgår en række kanaler som ikke tilhører disse fire kanalgrupper, hvorfor der i disse kan optræde såvel vækst som tab i de samme målgrupper. Der ses videre på dette senere under share betragtningerne. Som opstillet tidligere i dette kapitel er DR kanalgruppen den mindst ramte på tværs af målgrupper, men selv DR har markant tilbagegang blandt de unge. Dette til trods for en lang række særlige tiltag i perioden for at tiltrække de unge aldersgrupper. Ser man bort fra den yngste aldersgruppe 3 14 år, så ligner DR og TV 2 kanalgruppernes udvikling i den daglige dækning meget hinanden (se figur og 3.11.) 28

30 Figur Indekserede daglige dækningstal fordelt på målgrupper DR år år år år år år 70 år Figur Indekserede daglige dækningstal fordelt på målgrupper TV år år år år år år 70 år Ses der mere detaljeret på nøgletallet share, så skifter billedet lidt, for heraf kan det tydeligt ses, at den væsentligste del af den tid hver aldersgruppe rent faktisk ser tv, synes mere end tidligere at trække hen mod netop disse fire kanalgrupper (se tabel 3.12.) Med undtagelse af Discovery Networks, så har samtlige kanalgrupper fremgang på share i alle målgrupper. Tabel Indekseret share i aldersgrupper på de fire kanalgrupper år år år år år år 70 år+ DR TV 2 Danmark Viasat Discovery Networks

31 3.3 Danskernes brug af streaming Fra januar 2017 trådte en ny tv måling i kraft i Danmark, hvilket giver mulighed for at se langt mere detaljeret på udvalgte nøgletal for hhv. tv set live eller tidsforskudt samme dag på traditionelt tv samt streamet tv på samme parametre. Senere i dette kapitel ses videre på historiske data fra to forskellige kilder, men for at vise et øjebliksbillede af traditionelt tv kombineret med streaming af samme indhold samt ligheder og forskelle på målgrupper, har vi valgt at inddrage dette i denne sammenhæng selvom det er data fra Først og fremmest er det interessant at se på hvordan daglig dækning måned for måned ser ud, nu hvor der ikke er data for flere år tilbage. Som figur viser, så ser den daglige dækning for streamet tv ud til at være langt mere stabil end traditionelt tv set på tv skærmen. Om streamingen i sig selv er stabil fordi dem som streamer ikke skifter vane omkring dette fra dag til dag eller om dem som ellers ville se tv på fjernsynet skifter til streaming er ikke til at spå om. Det fremstår i hvert fald klart, at fjernsynet hyppigere vælges fra når foråret og sommeren nærmer sig, mens andelen af befolkningen 3 år + som streamer live tv indhold er stabil henover perioden. Figur Daglig dækning i % måned for måned på hhv. traditionelt tv og streamet tv (begge dele indhold der er sendt live eller tidsforskudt samme dag) Jan Feb Mar Apr Maj Traditionelt Streamet Dette mønster samme andel der streamer henover de forskellige måneder er præcist det samme, uanset hvilken af de fire kanalgrupper der analyseres (se figur 3.14.). Det i sig selv er yderst interessant, hvorfor det i en anden sammenhæng vil være relevant at se nærmere på, hvorvidt der er tale om en flytning af seningen fra traditionelt tv til streaming og en dermed et generelt frafald af seere fra begge platforme eller om streamere er mere loyale trods sæsonudsving. Det er desværre ikke muligt at se, ud af det tilgængelige data materiale, om begge platformes seere, som følge af sæsonmæssige udsving ser lidt sjældnere såvel klassisk tv som streaming, om der er tale om et generelt frafald af sening af klassisk tv, eller om seerne af klassisk tv siver til streaming sening, hvorved streamingen ser ud til at være stabil over tid. 30

32 Figur Daglig dækning i % januar maj 2017 for de fire kanalgrupper Når man taler streaming så er det en generel antagelse af nogle (yngre) målgrupper streamer mere end andre. Dette er ifølge Gallups datakilder en korrekt antagelse set i forhold til såvel daglige vaner som andelen af audiovisuelt indhold som kommer fra streaming (se afsnit 3.4.) Men når det gælder streamet indhold i form af live indhold eller tidsforskudt indhold set samme dag, så tegner der sig et anderledes og langt mere nuanceret billede af denne type af streamere. For tv indhold set de første 5 måneder af 2017 viser dokumentationen for denne type af streaming et andet billede end man måske ville have forventet. Som figur viser, så streamer alle målgrupper generelt stort set lige hyppigt denne type indhold med undtagelse af den yngste grupper 3 14 årige. Set i sammenhæng med data for antal minutter set på de to platforme er det bemærkelsesværdigt hvor lille en del den ellers store dækning står for ift. det gennemsnitlige antal minutter set på en dag (se figur 3.16.). Det er således ikke relevant at nedbryde disse data på kanalgrupper idet der alene er tale om 5 minutters sening per dag. 31

33 Figur Daglig dækning i % jan maj 2017 for udvalgte aldersgrupper for live tv på de to platforme år år år år år år 70 år+ Traditionelt Streamet Figur 3.16 Dagligt antal minutter set i gennemsnit jan maj 2017 for alle danskere 3 år+ for live tv på de to platforme jan feb mar apr maj Traditionelt Streamet Opdeles den daglige gennemsnitlige sening fordelt på traditionelt tv set på fjernsynet over for det tilsvarende streamede indhold fordelt på en række aldersgrupper, så giver det et indtryk af at de unges streaming i meget lille grad rent faktisk udgøres af audiovisuelt indhold fra de traditionelle tvkanalgrupper/distributører (se figur 3.17.). Det streamede indhold de yngre målgrupperne konsumerer er således ikke live indhold eller tidsforskudt indhold fra de i TV Meteret målte tv kanaler de ser samme dag bare via en anden platform. Figur Dagligt antal minutter set hhv. traditionelt/streamet tv i gennemsnit jan maj 2017 fordelt på målgrupper år år år år år år 70 år+ Traditionelt Streamet 32

34 3.4 Streaming og sammenhængen med traditionelt tv Som tidligere konkluderet, var den klassiske tv sening allerede på vej nedad, da de udenlandske streamingtjenester for alvor blev introduceret på det danske marked. Trods YouTubes tidligere introduktion ift. f.eks. HBO og Netflix, så mener vi, at kombinationen af udbredelsen af mobile devices og streaming i samme tidsvindue har gjort en lang større forskel for tv markedet end en af de to fænomener i sig selv ville have gjort alene (se Bilag C udbredelsen af personlige smartphones og tablet i perioden ). Rigtigt meget af det streamede indhold kunne i teorien blive vist på den klassiske tv skærm idet udbredelsen af Apple tv og Chromecast er steget i Danmark de seneste år (se bilag D), men det er forholdsvist lidt indhold som TV Metermålingen samler op (se figur 3.2. udviklingen i Ukendt sening). Således har danskernes forbrug på hardware (og særligt smartphones) kombineret med forbedre mobil infrastruktur såvel mobilt internet og wifi, skabt grundforudsætningerne for et accelereret forbrug af streamet indhold. Denne hastige udvikling er særligt udbredt blandt børn og unge under 30 år, men også årige udviser tendenser, der peger i samme retning. At måle streamet indhold i TV Metermålingen er et forholdsvist nyt tiltag, og det er i denne forbindelse vigtigt at gentage, at det der måles i det nuværende system alene omhandler indhold fra de medvirkende tv kanaler og kun det indhold de har tagget med det nødvendige måletag. Alt andet streamet indhold uanset hvilket device dette måtte være set på samles ikke op af de pågældende målinger. Således er det relevant at inddrage andre kilder til at anskueliggøre streamingforbruget blandt danskerne. Gallup har siden 2013 årligt gennemført en undersøgelsen om danskernes brug af en lang række digitale tjenester herunder ligeledes brugen af streamet indhold. I de følgende sammenligninger er det vigtigt at understrege, at Digital Life er indsamlet som en spørgeskemaundersøgelse og derfor en teknisk helt anden løsning end TV Meterets dataindsamling. I denne rapport inddrages disse tal alene for at tilvejebringe udviklingstendenser for at kunne se hvilken vej streaming generelt har bevæget sig sammenlignet med tv og for at kunne sandsynliggøre udvalgte aldersgruppers anvendelse. Da Digital Life beskæftiger sig med danskere i alderen år anvendes samme aldersgruppe i dette kapitel for begge datasæt. Samlet set over perioden 2012 til 2016 tegner der sig et billede af et audiovisuelt marked, der i teorien når flere danskere på en given dag (se figur 3.18.). Overordnet set synes den store stigning i andelen af danskere år som streamer en gennemsnitlig dag imidlertid ikke at påvirke den daglige tv dækning synderligt meget. Ud fra dette kunne man nemt drage den konklusion, at det alene kunne handle om interne problemstillinger blandt de klassiske tv kanaler, der ligger til grund for mediegruppens samlede tilbagegang. Kigger man derimod på den gennemsnitlige daglige tid i minutter danskerne benytter hhv. klassisk tv og streaming, så ses det tydeligt at streamet indhold i hvert fald et stykke af vejen stjæler tid fra tv (se figur 3.19.). Der ses samlet set med de to mediegrupper en udvidelse af det samlede forbrug af audiovisuelt indhold, men det er for tidligt at sige, om det på sigt vil være gældende for alle danskere. Vi formoder, at andelene af danskere, der dagligt kan nås med audiovisuelt indhold er større i 2017 end i tiden, hvor der kun var adgang til såvel klassisk tv som radio. Grundet begrænsninger i de nuværende 33

35 kilders datagrundlag kan vi ikke dokumentere denne teori baseret på én single source datakilde 9, hvorfor vi ikke præcist kan angive dobbeltbrugen af klassisk tv og streamingtjenester. Figur Daglig dækning i % af hhv. tv og streamet indhold blandt danskere år inkl. eventuel dobbeltdækning Live tv Streaming Figur Daglig sening i antal minutter af hhv. tv og streamet indhold blandt danskere år inkl. eventuel dobbeltdækning Live tv Streaming Foretages den identiske sammenligning over tid fordelt på aldersgrupper ses et mere fragmenteret billede (se figur 3.20.). Aldersgruppen år udviser en adfærd som tydeligt indikerer, at de har erstattet deres brug af tv kanaler med streaming i forhold til deres daglige vaner. Det samlede forbrug er steget, hvilket fortæller, at falder i forbruget af klassisk tv indhold er mere end rigeligt fyldt ud med streamet indhold (se figur 3.21.). Dækningen for streamet indhold øges, mens den falder for live tv. Fra 2015 tippede kurven, så den daglige dækning for målgruppen år nu er større for streamet indhold end for live tv. Kurven for den daglige gennemsnitlige seertid tippede dog først i 2016, og vi forventer ikke at billedet vil ændres tilbage til fordel for klassisk tv. I forhold til de årige er udviklingen på vej i samme retning, men den daglige dækning for live tv er fortsat højere end for streamet og det samme er gældende for den daglige gennemsnitlige seertid. Vi forventer, at balancen mellem live tv og streamet indhold vil tippe for denne målgruppe inden for den kommende 5 årige periode. Som figur også illustrerer, kan det tyde på, at hvis man betragter forbruget af streamet indhold og klassisk tv indhold, så indikerer dette at det samlede forbrug af audiovisuelt indhold er stigende i den 9 Begrænsningerne opstår idet ingen af de udenlandske streamingudbydere/onlinetjenester medvirker i de etablerede nationale målinger af f.eks. tv og internetforbrug. 34

36 danske befolkning. Når tallene for år 2017 foreligger, hvori TV Meteret inkluderer bedre målinger flere platforme, vil det være muligt at dokumentere denne tendens yderligere. Figur Daglig dækning i % af hhv. tv og streamet indhold for udvalgte aldersgrupper inkl. eventuel dobbeltdækning år år år år Live tv Streaming Figur Daglig sening i antal minutter af hhv. tv og streamet indhold for udvalgte aldersgrupper inkl. eventuel dobbeltdækning år år år år Live tv Streaming Idet Digital Life alene omhandler claimed viewing, skal man være varsom med at sammenligne resultater fra denne undersøgelse med resultaterne fra TV Meter målingerne. Men tager man hvert sæt af data og ser på deres indbyrdes udvikling over tid ses der en række interessante sammenhænge som beskrevet ovenfor. Digital Life giver desuden mulighed for at analyse udviklingen inden for streaming, som pt. ikke er omfattet af TV Meter målingerne, og her er det særligt interessant at se nærmere på udviklingen for de forskellige streamingtjenester. Som figur 3.22 illustrerer ses der fortsat en stigning i antallet af minutter per dag der streames indhold. Her er kun vist de fire mest anvendte streamingtjenester (ekskl. YouTube). Idet tallene er beregnet på hele befolkningen år dækker den naturligvis over en lang række danskere, der streamer markant mere og en række danskere der slet ikke streamer. 35

37 Figur Daglig sening i antal minutter af streamingtjenester (Digital Life år) Netflix TV 2 Play Viaplay DR TV Hvis man skal begive sig ud i en forudsigelse om tv markedets udvikling for så vidt angår 2017, så viser figur 3.23 med alt tydelighed, at andelen af danskere der streamer indhold fra betalte tjenester fortsat er i stigning. Digital Life målingen foretaget i foråret 2017 er her medtaget for at illustrere, at såvel betalte streamingtjenester som gratis tjenester, tegner til at blive anvendt af flere danskere i 2017 end i Figur Procent andel af danskere, der tilkendegiver, at de har adgang til de nævnte streamingtjenester (Digital Life år) Netflix YouTube TV2 Play Viaplay DR TV HBO Det i sig selv betyder naturligvis ikke, at tiden forbrugt på streaming af indhold nødvendigvis skal fragå klassisk tv sening, men kombinerer man disse indikationer med data omkring, hvornår på dagen forskellige typer af indhold rent faktisk siges at blive streamet (se figur 3.24), så vil det være underligt, om ikke den største andel af den tid, der forbruges på streaming skulle komme fra undladelsen af andre aktiviteter end klassisk tv sening. Denne kurve ligner i meget høj grad den klassiske tv seningskurven brudt ned på dayparts (se figur 3.25). De mest væsentlige forskelle på kurven for streaming ift. klassisk tv er, at nyheder ser ud til blive streamet henover hele dagen, samt at streamingkurven starter tidligere på eftermiddagen end for tv. Dette må tilskrives, at der er mange unge, der starter med at se streamet indhold umiddelbart efter uddannelse/job. 36

38 Figur Hvornår på dagen ses forskellige typer af indhold fra streamingtjenester 2017 (Digital Life år) Film Serier (fiktion) Nyheder Mad /boligprogr. Realityprog. Figur Hvornår på dagen ser du tv 2017 (Digital Life år) 3.5 Streaming og brug af data Energistyrelsen opgør løbende sammen med mobilteleselskaberne en række nøgletal på mobilområdet ( paa teleomraadet). Blandt disse nøgletal finder man blandt andet to statistikker der er af væsentlig betydning for denne rapports emneområde idet en stor mængde audiovisuelt indhold konsumeres via mobiltelefoner. Først og fremmest er der i samme periode observeret en vækst på 34% i antallet af dataabonnementer til mobilt bredbånd (se figur 3.26.) 37

39 Figur Antallet af dedikerede dataabonnementer mobilt bredbånd (1. halvår) 1. H H H H H Det betyder først og fremmest, at der er væsentligt flere enheder i brug, som trækker data via mobile løsninger. Dernæst fortæller denne vækst om, at antallet dataabonnementer stiger, trods et mættet dansk internetmarked ift. udbredelse af adgang til internettet, fordi danskerne oplever et større behov for at have mobile løsninger med tilgang når som helst og hvor som helst. Det er en ændring, der bemærkes i gadebilledet, under transport og ikke mindst i de normer og regler som samfundet reflekterer. Dette ses blandt i befolkningen i brug af høretelefoner forbundet til mobiltelefoner, brug af mobiltelefoner i trafikken mv. samt i landets love omkring f.eks. brug af mobiltelefoner mens man kører bil. Danskerne streamer, som tidligere dokumenteret, rigtigt meget audiovisuelt indhold, og en stor del af dette indhold omfatter ligeledes videoindhold på det mest anvendte sociale medie i Danmark Facebook. Som figur 3.24 viser, så ser danskerne en stor del af de Facebook videoer de ser med lyd. Og højt blandt årsagerne til, at Facebook videoerne ses med lyd nævnes earplugs det vil sige at ingen andre kan høre eller bliver forstyrret af videoernes lyd. Det må derfor antages, at det samme gør sig gældende for streamet audiovisuelt indhold, der anvendes mens man er blandt andre mennesker, hvilket kan forklare de mange høretelefoner koblet til mobiltelefoner. Figur Andelen af Facebook videoer der ses med lyd (Social Media Life år) 27,1 42,2 15,7 9,6 5,5 Ja, langt de fleste jeg ser er med lyd Ja, ca. halvdelen af dem jeg ser er med lyd Ja, en gang i mellem ser jeg med lyd Nej, jeg ser alle er uden lyd Ved ikke 38

40 Figur Årsager til at Facebook videoer ses med lyd (Social Media Life år) Videoen giver mindre mening at se uden lyd Jeg er alene/derhjemme Jeg er personligt engageret/emnet virker interessant Jeg har mine earplugs Det er en video med venner/familie Jeg vil vise videoen til venner/familie Jeg hører ikke musik/anden lyd i forvejen Det er en video delt af mine venner/familie Videoen mangler undertekster Der står husk lyd i teksten/starten af videoen Det er en video delt af en kendt etc Et andet nøgletal som er særdeles interessant i denne kontekst er naturligvis mængden af data der uploades/downloades altså den samlede mængde af datatrafik disse mobile enheder samlet set genererer. Væksten har i perioden været næsten 900% (se figur 3.29.). Dette hænger naturligvis sammen med, at langt flere personer i 2016 sammenlignet med 2012 har en smartphone som rent teknisk kan benytte datatrafik (2012: 50%, 2016: 85% 10 ), at flere benytter messenging frem for sms/tekstbeskeder, at flere er på sociale medier osv. I denne lange række af medvirkende faktorer, må man antage, at streaming af audiovisuelt indhold er den mest betydende faktor for denne voldsomme vækst i datatrafik på mobilenheder idet streaming hurtigt trækker høje datamængder med sig. Har man prøvet at rejse i udlandet med sin mobiltelefon tændt og uden at have slået roaming fra, så har man sikkert erfaret, at dataforbruget hurtigt kan blive dyrt eller brugt op ved anvendelse af billeder og videoer. Figur Samlede datatrafik i TB fra mobiltelefoner (1. halvår) 1. H H H H H Det er naturligvis langt fra kun mobile enheder, der anvendes til streaming. Desværre findes der ikke en samlet opgørelse med danskernes samlede datatrafik via mobilt bredbånd, wifi og faste internetforbindelser, men i denne sammenhæng må vi antage, at datatrafikken danskerne anvender via mobile løsninger til streaming af audiovisuelt indhold alt andet lige udgør en mindre brøkdel ift. faste internetløsninger såvel på offentligt tilgængelige netværk (wifi), som wifi og faste forbindelser i hjemmene og på arbejdspladser. Afhængigheden af adgangen til internettet er stor i befolkningen, 10 Mobile Life målgrupper år 39

41 hvilket man også ser i reviderede udgaver af Maslows behovspyramide, hvor batteri og wifi (hastighed) i vores tidsalder er blevet de to grundlæggende blokke i pyramiden. 40

42 4 Programkategorier og sening Udvikling i befolkningen 3 år + Tv kanalerne indrapporterer løbende, hvilke kategorier det sendte indhold tilhører. Denne kategorisering er ene og alene op til den enkelte tv kanal, hvorfor denne ikke er valideret af Kantar Gallup. Der er desværre ikke etablerede standarder for kategoriseringen, hvorfor de anvendte data i dette kapitel af rapporten skal tolkes med et gran salt. Det gør det vanskeligt at konkludere noget generelt i dette kapitel, at de internationale tjenester ikke indgår og at aktørerne i markedet ikke efterlever en fast standard for levering af kategorisering. De bedste data ift. kategorisering på overordnet niveau samt stabilitet i indrapporteringerne over tid må antages at stamme fra kanalgruppen DR idet alt programmateriale fra DR er klassificeret i data, hvorfor disse specifikt anvendes i dette kapitel. Som vist i figur 4.1. er der utrolig lille variation i fordelingen af seertiden over de undersøgte 5 år ift. programkategorier. I denne forbindelse er det af særlig interesse at se nærmere på kategorien Drama & Fiktion idet denne kategori er nedbrudt specifikt på dansk/nordisk og udenlandsk indhold. Som vist i tabel 4.2. er der i andelen af den samlede sening ingen udvikling at spore. Figur 4.1. Fordelingen af den samlede seertid i % på programkategorier % 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Præs./Reklamer/Sponsor Ikke kategoriseret Dramatik og Fiktion (ej klasf.) Udenlandsk Fiktion. Dansk/Nordisk Fiktion. Underholdning. Aktualitet. Oplysning og Kultur. Sport. Nyheder. Regionalprogrammer. Undervisning. Musik. Tabel 4.2. Drama & Fiktion ift. oprindelseslande og andel af den samlede seertid i % på Dansk/Nordisk Fiktion Udenlandsk Fiktion Dramatik og Fiktion (ej klasf.)

43 Ser man derimod alene på DR, ses der over de samme 5 år flere udsving i fordelingen af seertid på programkategorier, men ikke rigtigt med en generel tendens, hvorfor det er svært at konkludere noget på baggrund af de pågældende data (se figur 4.3). Figur 4.3. Fordelingen af den samlede seertid på DR i % på programkategorier % 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Præs./Reklamer/Sponsor Udenlandsk Fiktion. Dansk/Nordisk Fiktion. Underholdning. Aktualitet. Oplysning og Kultur. Sport. Nyheder. Undervisning. Musik. Zoomes der mere ind på fordelingen imellem dansk/nordisk fiktion og udenlandsk fiktion er det tilsvarende ikke muligt at konkludere en generel tendens for udviklingen af deres andel af den samlede seertid på DR andet end at den er fuldstændig stabil i den pågældende periode. Tabel 4.4. Drama & Fiktion på DR ift. oprindelseslande og andel af den samlede seertid i % på Dansk/Nordisk Fiktion Udenlandsk Fiktion Udviklingen i sening af programkategorier fordelt på aldersgrupper I Bilag D er vist de udarbejdede figurer for udviklingen i syv aldersgrupper. Helt overordnet set synes der ikke at være kategorier af seningen som er valgt til/fra over den undersøgte 5 årige periode. Konklusionen for alle syv aldersgrupper er således, at de ser mindre af alle kategorier over tid, så det samlede fald i seningen er jævnt fordelt på alle programkategorier. Dykkes lidt længere ned i tallene ses et par interessante detaljer, som er væsentlige at frembringe. Særligt er det værd at bemærke, at de største forandringer rent faktisk er sket i fordelingen af sening på programkategorier for de årige, hvor andelen af sening for dramatik & fiktion har været for nedadgående uden at de andre kategorier i sig selv er vokset betydeligt kun sport er steget mere end 42

44 de øvrige i samme periode. Årsagen til at denne aldersgruppe er af særlig interesse i denne sammenhæng er netop, at den er den mest streamende og denne udviklingstendens kunne indikere, at det særligt er indhold fra klassisk tv de vælger fra og vælger til i deres forbrug af streaming. Den eneste anden aldersgruppe hvor der tegner sig en tendens til mindre sening af en kategori er ligeledes for dramatik & fiktion kategorien blandt de 70 år +. Ingen af de øvrige programkategorier stiger væsentligt som en konsekvens heraf. Dette er af interesse, idet denne aldersgruppe er den absolut mest tv forbrugende af alle aldersgrupper, og selvom der ikke er noget valideret bud på, hvorfor netop de skulle se mindre dramatik & fiktion, så fortæller det noget om, at de klassiske tvflagskibe for dansk indhold måske ikke står helt så stærkt som ellers forventet. Årsagen til at dette er i øjenfaldene er, at mange udtalelser i den danske mediedebat indeholder en antagelse om, at det som i høj grad stadig samler danskerne omkring det klassiske tv er store live begivenheder som f.eks. sport samt dansk drama og fiktion, som godt kunne ses forskudt uden at ødelægge indholdet men foretrækkes live. Dette er stadig sandt for så vidt angår de store danske tv satsninger 11, men omvendt ser det ikke ud til disse udgør en væsentlig større andel af det indhold danskerne rent faktisk stadig ser på den klassiske tv platform, hvilket man burde have forventet såfremt det primært var disse typer af programmer, der trækker danskerne til det klassiske tv (se Bilag D). Oplysning og kultur synes at stige for alle aldersgrupperne fra 2012 til 2013 og resten af perioden. Dette er et underligt sammenfald, hvorfor det antages at det er selve kategoriseringen af indholdet der er ændret fra 2012 til 2013 og ikke et udtryk for et hop i seningen fra det ene år til det efterfølgende. Kategorien sport udviser også den tendens man må forvente med betydelig mere sening i 2012 og 2016 pga. De Olympiske Lege og Fodbold VM, men ellers rimelig stabilt niveau for sening de øvrige år. 11 Blandt andre Badehotellet på TV 2, Borgen, Forbrydelsen og Broen på DR 1 samt Matador genudsendelser på DR 1, X Faktor på DR 1 og en lang række andre programmer med høje seertal 43

45 5 Bilagsoversigt Bilag A: Udviklingen i tv sening og mobildataforbrug i perioden samt introduktionstidspunkter for udvalgte mobile devices Bilag B: Udviklingen i tv sening fordelt på målgrupper i daglig dækning og antal minutter gennemsnitlig dag Bilag C: Udviklingen i andelen af danskere år med personlig smartphone og tablet Bilag D: Udviklingen i andelen af danskere år med Apple tv og Chromecast i husstanden Bilag E: Udviklingen i sening af programtyper fordelt på aldersgrupper Bilag F: Udviklingen i sening af streamingtjenester i antal minutter per dag fordelt på udvalgte streamingtjenester Danskere år. Bilag G: Udviklingen i daglig dækning og antal minutter set tv samt 1H Danskere 3 år+. 44

46 Bilag A Udviklingen i tv sening og mobildataforbrug i perioden samt introduktionstidspunkter for udvalgte mobile devices 45

47 Bilag B Udviklingen i tv sening fordelt på målgrupper i daglig dækning og antal minutter gennemsnitlig dag Daglig dækning år år år år år år 70 år Gennemsnitlig daglig sening år år år år år år 70 år

48 Bilag C Udviklingen i andelen af danskere år med personlig smartphone og tablet Personlig smartphone , , , , , , ,9 Personlig tablet Kilde Mobile Life Kilde Mobile Life

49 Bilag D Udviklingen i andelen af danskere år med Apple tv og Chromecast i husstanden Apple tv Chromecast Kilde Digital Life Kilde Digital Life

50 Bilag E Udviklingen i sening af programtyper fordelt på aldersgrupper år 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Præs./Reklamer/Sponsor Ikke kategoriseret Undervisning Regionalprogrammer Nyheder Sport Aktualitet Underholdning Oplysning og Kultur Dramatik og Fiktion Musik år 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% år Præs./Reklamer/Sponsor Ikke kategoriseret Undervisning Regionalprogrammer Nyheder Sport Aktualitet Underholdning Oplysning og Kultur Dramatik og Fiktion Musik 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Præs./Reklamer/Sponsor Ikke kategoriseret Undervisning Regionalprogrammer Nyheder Sport Aktualitet Underholdning Oplysning og Kultur Dramatik og Fiktion Musik 49

51 40 49 år 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% år Præs./Reklamer/Sponsor Ikke kategoriseret Undervisning Regionalprogrammer Nyheder Sport Aktualitet Underholdning Oplysning og Kultur Dramatik og Fiktion Musik 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Præs./Reklamer/Sponsor Ikke kategoriseret Undervisning Regionalprogrammer Nyheder Sport Aktualitet Underholdning Oplysning og Kultur Dramatik og Fiktion Musik år 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Præs./Reklamer/Sponsor Ikke kategoriseret Undervisning Regionalprogrammer Nyheder Sport Aktualitet Underholdning Oplysning og Kultur Dramatik og Fiktion Musik 50

52 70 år + 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Præs./Reklamer/Sponsor Ikke kategoriseret Undervisning Regionalprogrammer Nyheder Sport Aktualitet Underholdning Oplysning og Kultur Dramatik og Fiktion Musik 51

53 Bilag F Udviklingen i sening af streamingtjenester i antal minutter per dag fordelt på udvalgte streamingtjenester for danskere år. Tidsforbruget er kendetegnet af streaming af indhold der ikke tilhører udbydere, der tilbyder live tv det vil sige flow tv set via en anden platform. Dette stemmer godt overens med tallene i figur 3.16 som viser det samlede gennemsnitlige minuttal af streamet live tv indhold målt i TV Meteret samt figur 3.17 ift. målgruppers anvendelse af streamet live tv. Regnes alt DR TV, TV 2 Play og Viaplay forbrugt indhold som live tv vil dette højest udgøre 14 minutter i 2017, svarende til højest 29% af den samlede streaming. Dette antages imidlertid at være endog meget optimistisk ift. den andel af f.eks. DR TVs samlede streaming der formodes at være streamet live tv. Kilde: Digital Life HBO Nordic Netflix TV 2 Play Viaplay DR TV YouTube Total 6 streaming tjenester Højeste live tv andel Spotify Tidal

54 Bilag G Udviklingen i daglig dækning og antal minutter set tv samt 1H Danskere 3 år H Dagligt antal minutter Daglig dækning 53

55 54

56 4. Mediernes udvikling i Danmark. Globaliseringen af den danske mediebranche. Sammenfatning af analyse udført for Slots- og Kulturstyrelsen. September

57 GLOBALISERINGEN AF DEN DANSKE MEDIEBRANCHE Analyser af internationale aktørers betydning for det danske mediemarked, danske medieudbydere og dansk medieindhold 56

58 Sammenfatning Denne rapport belyser, hvordan det danske mediemarked gennem de seneste årtier er blevet stadig mere grundlæggende påvirket og afhængigt af udenlandske teknologivirksomheders ageren. Rapporten fokuserer på de udenlandske aktører, der siden årtusindskiftet i stigende grad har defineret vilkårene for, hvordan de danske medievirksomheder kan producere og distribuere indhold til de danske mediebrugere, hvordan dette indhold kan kommercialiseres, og hvad disse medievirksomheder er oppe imod af konkurrence hos de danske forbrugere. Rapportens overordnede konklusion er, at danske medievirksomheder i 2017 i markant grad ikke længere selv har kapacitet til at definere de teknologiske, distributionsmæssige eller forretningsmæssige standarder, de benytter sig af, når de leverer dansk indhold til de danske mediebrugere. Disse standarder defineres og forandres kontinuerligt nu af globale spillere. De danske medievirksomheder har mistet den bestemmende indflydelse på væsentlige dele af deres forretningsmæssige værdikæde. Globaliseringen påvirker såvel private som statsejede medier. Rapporten er inddelt i fire dele, der fra forskellige vinkler belyser, hvordan de udenlandske aktører påvirker den danske mediebranche henholdsvis et teknologisk, et forretningsmæssigt, et journalistisk og et bredere samfundsmæssigt og kulturelt perspektiv. Del I, Teknologiske opbrud og nye aktører, konkluderer, at det danske mediemarked inden for de seneste 30 år er forandret til uigenkendelighed. Det er sket gennem tre ryk eller paradigmer, som tilsammen har betydet en dybtgående forandring af de danske medievirksomheders kommercielle muligheder og en markant svækkelse af deres muligheder for at påvirke egne markedsvilkår: En globalisering af markedet, en internetbaseret digitalisering af indholdsdistributionen til brugerne samt en dataficering af relationerne mellem brugere og virksomheder på markedet. Hvad der indtil slutningen af 1980 erne var et nationalt afskærmet marked for danske print-, tv- og radiomedier, baseret på velkendte teknologier, hundrede år gamle værdikæder og forretningsmodeller, er i dag et globalt og grænseløst marked. De forretningsmodeller og værdikæder, de danske medievirksomheder hvilede på op gennem det 20. århundrede, er i dag opløst, fordi både mediebrugere og annoncører i kraft af de nye teknologier søger andre steder hen end til de danske mediers platforme og indhold. Udviklingen er drevet af en snæver kreds af globale virksomheder med Facebook, Google, Netflix og Apple i spidsen. Disse aktører har på kun godt 10 år erobret en så dominerende position i den danske mediebrugers hverdag, at de reelt dikterer både den teknologiske infrastruktur, de kommercielle standarder og de markedsvilkår, danske medievirksomheder må agere ud fra, hvis de vil i kontakt med de danske borgere. Aktørerne har hver især mange aktiviteter, services og forretningsområder, som konstant udvikles og udvides. Det sker med en hastighed og en kreativitet, som ingen danske medievirksomheder har kapacitet til at konkurrere med. 57

59 Aktørerne kan inddeles i tre helt overordnede kategorier: Sociale medier som Snapchat, Instagram, LinkedIn, Twitter og ikke mindst Facebook. 56 pct. af alle danskere brugte i 2016 sociale medier til at få nyheder. I 2013 var andelen 31 pct. Blandt de årige anser 30 pct. de sociale medier, især Facebook, for at være deres vigtigste nyhedskilde. De sociale medier udvider samtidig i disse år med en række nye tv- og live-formater, som lægger yderligere beslag på danskernes medieforbrug: Snapchat Discover, Instagram Stories, Twitter Live, Facebook Live m.fl. Streaming-tjenester, hvor særligt Netflix er stor i Danmark og bruges af 32 pct. af alle danskere ugentligt. Men også TV 2 Play, Viaplay, HBO Nordic, YouSee Play og de nye streaming-aktører Amazon Prime Video, Snapchat Discover og YouTube Red samt YouTube TV. Tilsammen ændrer disse aktører og tjenester så massivt på tv-vanerne, at traditionelt flow-tv allerede nu er sekundært i en stor del af befolkningen. Netflix og YouTube er i dag de største tv-kanaler i Danmark blandt de årige målt på tidsforbrug. Det vil sige større end DR og alle andre kanaler. Teknologi-konglomerater som Apple, Google og MSN/Microsoft, som i kraft af f.eks. software, styresystemer, browsere, platforme, søgemaskiner og i Apples tilfælde ikke mindst også fysiske produkter direkte og indirekte leverer den basale infrastruktur til danskernes brug af medier i hverdagen. En af konsekvenserne af teknologivirksomhedernes indflydelse på det danske mediemarked er, at medievirksomhedernes værdikæde opløses. Den online-baserede relation mellem et dansk medie og en dansk mediebruger er koloniseret af et væld af andre aktører, der med Google og Facebook som de dominerende lægger sig imellem og kapitaliserer på brugerens møde med mediet. Analysen i kapitel 3 viser bl.a.: At nyhedsproduktion involverer komplekse og usynlige netværk af aktører, der kobles på nyhederne i form af analyseværktøjer, forbindelser til sociale medieplatforme og hjælpemidler til reklamesalg. For de private danske medievirksomheder involverer hvert enkelt nyhedsprodukt i gennemsnit 102 partnere, der alle tilfører og udtrækker ressourcer. At én aktør Google er særdeles dominerende i de skjulte datastrømme omkring de danske mediers hjemmesider. Gennem en lang række specifikke tjenester og redskaber f.eks. Google Analytics, Google Display Network, Google DoubleClick og Google Tag Manager spiller virksomheden den ubestridte hovedrolle i de netværk, som danske nyhedsmedier producerer, distribuerer og kommercialiserer deres indhold i. At netværkene svækker nyhedsmediernes mulighed for kontrol over produktionen og distributionen af nyheder. De mange forskellige aktører i de overlappende produktionsnetværk påvirker i kraft af deres uddrag eller tilførsel af data medievirksomhedernes mulighed for at styre det direkte møde med brugeren. At data bliver videregivet til en række andre aktører end det mediehus, der har stået for den oprindelige produktion af indholdet. Rapportens Del II, Økonomisk opbrud og jagten på nye forretningsmodeller, belyser de internationale aktørers betydning for danske mediers forretningsmuligheder med fokus på tendenserne inden for annoncemarkedet og markedet for brugerbetalt medieindhold. Hovedkonklusionen i denne del af rapporten er, at de danske medievirksomheder på 10 år er havnet i et stadig dybere afhængighedsforhold til 58

60 udenlandske teknologivirksomheder, først og fremmest Google og Facebook. Disse to aktører dikterer i høj grad de danske medievirksomheders interaktionsformer med både brugere og annoncører og definerer dermed på mange måder medievirksomhedernes muligheder for at generere omsætning via deres to væsentligste indtægtskilder: annoncer og brugerbetaling. Hvad angår tendenserne på annoncemarkedet, konkluderer rapporten overordnet: At det digitale annoncemarked i dag er et duopol det vil sige et marked domineret af to aktører, Google og Facebook, som har dominerende indflydelse på både online-markedernes prisniveau, tekniske standarder og formater. De to selskaber sidder på rundt regnet 85 øre af hver krone, der bliver brugt på online-annoncering i USA, og 90 øre ud af hver krone brugt på online-annoncering i Storbritannien. At online-annonceringen er i kraftig vækst, mens printannoncemarkedet fortsat mindskes, og tv-reklamemarkedet vil svinge op og ned i takt med de økonomiske konjunkturer. At stort set al vækst på online-markedet vil tilfalde Google og Facebook estimeret pct. i et globalt perspektiv. At Googles og Facebooks nye redskaber, teknologier og opkøbte selskaber øger danske mediers og distributørers afhængighed af de to virksomheder, fordi ingen har kapacitet til at tage konkurrencen op med de tos innovationskraft og kapitalberedskab til at investere massivt i udvikling. At programmatiske annoncer computerstyret salg til udvalgte målgrupper i stort omfang afløser den traditionelle kundekontakt mellem mediet og annoncøren eller reklamebureauet/mediebureauet. Dermed brydes mediernes kontrol med egen værdikæde også på dette område. At medievirksomhedernes tro på native advertising som en redningskrans på annoncemarkedet er tvivlsom. Facebook og andre har opdaget dette marked, så de professionelle medier bliver langtfra ene om at få gavn af de nye annonceformer, som samtidig risikerer at svække brugernes mulighed for at kende forskel på uafhængig og sponsoreret information. At en disruption af markedet for tv-reklamer er i gang, på samme måde som det tidligere er oplevet i andre dele af mediebranchen. Facebook, Google, Amazon, Netflix, HBO og mange andre globale aktører har blikket rettet mod reklamepotentialet i streaming-tv og delingstjenester med video som f.eks. YouTube. Hvad angår tendenserne inden for markedet for brugerbetalt medieindhold, konkluderer rapporten overordnet: At væksten i brugerbetalt medieindhold er markant inden for tv- og video-streaming, men begrænset inden for journalistisk indhold. At danske mediebrugere i højere grad vælger at bruge deres penge på internationale tjenester og internationalt indhold end på tjenester og indhold fra Danmark. At Facebook og Google, suppleret af Amazon, Snapchat m.fl., via deres ejerskab af forskellige tjenester forventes at gøre kraftigt indhug i abonnementsmarkedet. 59

61 At de traditionelle mediehuse er ved at finde digitale betalingsmodeller, prisniveauer og teknologiske løsninger, som dog i overvejende grad ser ud til at være tilfredsstillende for de kunder, man i forvejen har fat i. At mediehusene er tvunget til at tiltrække nye brugere via gratis indhold, som lægges ud på sociale medier for at skabe opmærksomhed, generere trafik og komme bredere ud. Derved øges afhængigheden af Google og Facebook. At medievirksomhederne i Danmark i modsætning til f.eks. i Holland og USA ikke er begyndt at samarbejde om at sælge indhold gennem fællesportaler. Rapportens Del III, Distributionsopbrud og nye journalistiske processer, belyser, hvordan de udenlandske teknologivirksomheder og ikke mindst de sociale medier med Facebook som den dominerende påvirker indholdet i danske nyhedsmedier, måderne, hvorpå journalisterne producerer dette indhold, samt hvordan indholdet fra henholdsvis nyhedsmedier og sociale medier distribueres og spiller sammen i et nyt dansk nyhedskredsløb. Hovedkonklusionen i denne del er, at de sociale medier både har forandret nyhedsmediernes distribution af indhold, har forandret deres arbejdsprocesser og skabt et kraftigt udviklingspres i de danske mediehuse. Denne del af rapporten konkluderer bl.a.: At danske nyhedsmedier gør massivt brug af Facebook som distributionskanal. De lægger selv 92 pct. af deres historier ud på det sociale medie. At der er et stadig stærkere kredsløb af nyheder til, fra og imellem de danske nyhedsmedier og de sociale medier. 14 pct. af al trafik til de danske nyhedsmediers hjemmesider kommer fra de sociale medier. At indhold fra de sociale medier fylder stadig mere som referencer, citater eller kilder i nyhedsmediernes online-journalistik. 10 pct. af alle nyhedshistorier på nettet rummer en reference til en kilde, et udsagn eller en debat på sociale medier. At klassisk debatstof er det stof, der flyder stærkest gennem hele kredsløbet mellem nyhedsmedier og sociale medier. Flere og flere nyheder henviser til begivenheder eller debatter på sociale medier. At Facebook er det altdominerende sociale medie omkring trafikken til og fra de danske nyhedsmedier. Tjenesten genererer 378 gange flere sociale interaktioner på de analyserede nyhedsartikler end Twitter, ligesom Facebook står for godt 95 pct. af al trafik, som kommer ind på et redaktionelt nyhedssite via de sociale medier. At de sociale medier indgår både direkte og indirekte i nyhedsmediernes journalistiske processer gennem både overvågning af aktiviteter på sociale medier, research, idéudvikling, produktion og distributionen af indhold. At Facebook er det altdominerende sociale medie for journalisterne. 48 pct. af dem bruger det i produktionsfasen, og 83 pct. i distributionsfasen. 20 pct. af journalisterne bruger Twitter i produktionsfasen, og 25 pct. bruger Twitter til at distribuere deres journalistiske produkter. 60

62 At algoritmens usynlige hånd er blevet et nyt produktionskriterium. Digital målbarhed af nyhedshistoriers performance både på sociale medier og egne platforme spiller en stærk rolle på redaktionerne. Performancetal er blevet et nyt fikspunkt for relevans og væsentlighed i journalistisk praksis. Del IV, Tendenser og perspektiver, beskriver de teknologiske brud og tendenser, som kan forventes at ville påvirke den danske mediebranche om få år bl.a. kunstig intelligens, robotter og virtual reality. Herefter tegnes i rapportens afsluttende kapitel de udfordringer og dilemmaer, som aktørerne i og omkring branchen må forholde sig til, hvis de vil sikre en levedygtig produktion af dansksproget medieindhold på kort og mellemlangt sigt. Rapportens afsluttende kapitel konkluderer, at opbruddet i og globaliseringen af den danske mediebranche er disse års mest presserende kulturpolitiske udfordring. Kapitlet belyser de overordnede konsekvenser af den udvikling, rapporten har kortlagt, og skitserer seks problemfelter: 1. De danske mediers udviklingskraft er svækket. De færreste danske medievirksomheder har i dag størrelse, ressourcer eller kapacitet til at forny sig ved egen kraft eller gøre deres afhængighed af de internationale medievirksomheder mindre. 2. Svækkede led i den publicistiske fødekæde. Især det publicistiske mellemmarked selvstændige regionale, lokale og mellemstore udgivelser med et generelt nyhedsmæssigt sigte risikerer at tabe journalistisk kraft for gradvis helt at miste betydning og forsvinde over en årrække. 3. Indskrænkning af den publicistiske mangfoldighed. Konsolideringen og den svækkede publicistiske fødekæde kan indebære, at særlige geografiske områder og stofområder som ikke har den store kommercielle værdi risikerer helt at miste journalistisk opmærksomhed og dækning. 4. Svækkelse af pressens rolle som demokratiets vagthund. Et af nyhedsmediernes mest ressourcekrævende og demokratisk set vigtigste områder, den selvstændigt undersøgende journalistik, risikerer at blive svækket i takt med konsolideringen i og det økonomiske pres på mediebranchen. 5. Mediernes svækkede troværdighed. Befolkningens tillid til nyhedsmedierne og til journalistikken er kraftigt dalende i disse år. Denne tillid og journalistikkens troværdighed er altafgørende for, at nyhedsmedierne fortsat kan udfylde en vigtig og legitim publicistisk opgave i demokratiet. 6. Forskydninger mellem det kommercielle og publicistiske indhold. Nye annonceformer risikerer at svække de vigtige skotter mellem mediernes redaktionelle og kommercielle indhold og dermed svække deres troværdighed yderligere. Disse seks problemfelter bør stå øverst på dagsordenen, når Danmarks kultur- og mediepolitik er på tegnebrættet. Men kapitlet problematiserer, hvordan man kan arbejde med en national mediepolitik i et land som Danmark: Når mediemarkedet er blevet globalt og grænseløst, får den nationale mediepolitik og mediestøtte den fundamentale udfordring, at den ikke kan påvirke udbuddet i samme udstrækning som tidligere. Og slet ikke rammerne for det marked, de danske medievirksomheder agerer på. Som afslutning opstilles otte grundlæggende spørgsmål, som politikere og brancheaktører bør forholde sig til i de kommende forhandlinger om den danske mediestøtte: 1. Hvis brugerne foretrækker at bruge pengene på internationale streamingkanaler og tiden på interna- 61

63 tionale sociale medier og videotjenester, skal man så overhovedet fortsat understøtte en særlig dansk medieproduktion med statsstøtte? 2. Er det overhovedet muligt at fastholde en mediestøtte på de nuværende kriterier med det dybt fragmenterede mediebillede, vi kan se foran os, og med den økonomiske svækkelse af den danske mediebranche? 3. Vil det nuværende støtteniveau være nok til at sikre et mangfoldigt, geografisk spredt og alsidigt sammensat udbud af danske medier af høj kvalitet i den fremtid, vi har foran os på overskueligt sigt? 4. Hvordan undgår man, at kvalitetsjournalistik og kulturformidling af høj kvalitet bliver for eliten, der gerne vil betale for den, mens bredden nøjes med det gratis og de sociale medier som kilde til samfundsdebatten og udviklingen af den danske kultur og identitet? 5. Hvad skal være rollen for public service i den fremtid, som tegnes med denne rapport? 6. Hvordan undgår man, at dele af Danmark mister den lokale nyhedsdækning og det lokale fællesskab forankret i lokale medier, mens de nationale medier mister den brede forankring i befolkningen i stedet får fokus på udvalgte segmenter og målgrupper? 7. Hvordan kan man med andre tiltage end mediestøtte understøtte en levedygtig mediebranche i Danmark og et stærkt kreativt produktionsmiljø? 8. Hvordan sikrer man i mediepolitikken en basis af digital dannelse hos den brede befolkning, så alle borgere kan navigere kompetent og oplyst i den medievirkelighed, som er skildret i denne rapport? 62

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66 5. Finansieringsgrundlag for dansk, digital indholdsproduktion ved Deloitte. September

67 Finansieringsgrundlag for dansk, digital indholdsproduktion Finansieringsgrundlag for dansk, digital indholdsproduktion september

68 Kontakt Denne rapport er udarbejdet af Deloitte Consulting for Udvalget om den fremtidige finansiering af dansk, digital indholdsproduktion. Spørgsmål til rapporten kan stilles til: Thomas Riisom Partner Tlf Ole Højlund Olesen Senior Manager Tlf

69 Indhold 1 Indledning Ledelsesresume Afgrænsning Metode Prognose for finansieringsgrundlaget Udviklingstendenser Prognosens usikkerhed

70 1 Indledning Deloitte har udarbejdet en prognose for, hvordan den digitale transformation af tv- og radiomarkedet påvirker finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk, digital indholdsproduktion. Udvalget om den fremtidige finansiering af dansk, digital indholdsproduktion har bedt Deloitte estimere udviklingen i finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk, digital indholdsproduktion i perioden Formålet er at belyse, hvordan den aktuelle digitale transformation af tv- og radiomarkedet påvirker grundlaget for at opretholde en produktion af danske, audiovisuelle kulturprodukter. Den digitale transformation er drevet af fremkomsten af nye platforme og leveranceformer, for eksempel on-demand-tv over internettet, og den påvirker især tv-markedet, hvor distributionsformer, forretningsmodeller og forbrugeradfærd aktuelt ændrer sig betydeligt, jævnfør figur 1.1. Figur 1.1. Digital transformation af tv-markedet Udbredelse Traditionelt flow-tv Der er usikkerhed om, hvor vi er i den digitale transformation Forbrugeradfærd Individuel forbruger Individuelt målrettet indhold Teknologi Multiple platforme/devices Unicast På farten Hyppige teknologiske skift Forretningsmodel Direkte til forbruger Databeriget reklame Konvergens af aktører og platforme Nye digitale distributionsformer Husstand som forbruger Pakkeindhold TV og radio som platform Multicast Stationær Sjældne teknologiske skift Fragmenteret værdikæde (producent, programselskab, distributør) Segmentbaseret reklame Én aktør, én platform Kilde: Deloitte. Tid De nye digitale platforme og distributionsformer muliggør fremkomsten af individualiserede forbrugsformer og forretningsmodeller baseret på direkte distribution til kunden. Udviklingen svækker det forretningsmæssige grundlag for aktører, som primært baserer sig på traditionelle distributionsformer, for eksempel flow-tv gennem kabel-tv. Det åbner for nye aktører som Netflix og HBO, samtidig med at det presser de eksisterende aktører til at gentænke deres forretningsmodeller. Denne rapport præsenterer Deloittes estimat af, hvordan den digitale transformation påvirker tv- og radiomarkedet frem mod 2025 med særlig fokus på, hvor mange penge der er til at producere dansk indhold. Læsevejledning Udover indledningen indeholder rapporten seks kapitler, som samlet opridser metode og resultater: 69

71 Kapitel 2 Ledelsesresume opsummerer rapportens hovedresultater. Kapitel 3 Afgrænsning præciserer analysens genstandsfelt ved at definere, hvad finansieringsgrundlag for dansk, digital indholdsproduktion dækker over. Kapitel 4 Metode opridser metoden for dataindsamling og estimering af den fremadrettede udvikling. Kapitel 5 Prognose for finansieringsgrundlaget indeholder rapportens hovedresultater og præsenterer udviklingen i tv- og radiomarkedets samlede størrelse samt udviklingen i finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion i perioden Kapitel 6 Udviklingstendenser beskriver de fire hovedtendenser, som de deltagende aktører på det danske tv- og radiomarked angiver som styrende for udviklingen. Kapitel 7 Prognosens usikkerhed illustrerer den betydelige usikkerhed, der hersker om udviklingen frem til 2025 ved hjælp af over- og underkantsskøn baseret på aktørernes input. Rapporten er primært baseret på oplysninger fra aktørerne på det danske radio- og tv-marked. De beskrevne udviklingstrends og betragtninger gengivet i rapporten er med andre ord baseret på udtalelser fra markedets aktører, men fortolket af Deloitte. 70

72 2 Ledelsesresume Finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion forventes at falde fra cirka 6,3 mia. kr. i 2016 til cirka 6 mia. kr. i Det skyldes blandt andet en forskydning fra traditionelt flowtv til video-on-demand, hvor dansk indhold fylder mindre. Udvalget om den fremtidige finansiering af dansk, digital indholdsproduktion har bedt Deloitte estimere udviklingen i finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk, digital indholdsproduktion i perioden Fokus er på tv- og radiomarkedet, som i denne sammenhæng er afgrænset til tv, radio, fysiske medier (dvd/blu-ray) og video-on-demand (VOD). De afgørende aktører på det danske tv- og radiomarked er tv-selskaber og -distributører, der stod for cirka 80 procent af den samlede omsætning i Prognosen for det fremtidige finansieringsgrundlag for dansk indholdsproduktion er primært baseret på input fra de centrale aktører på tv- og radiomarkedet. Udviklingen Perioden har været præget af vækst i det danske tv- og radiomarked som helhed og især i finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion. Deloitte vurderer, at omsætningen på det danske tv- og radiomarked er vokset med cirka 17 procent fra cirka 15,2 mia. kr. i 2010 til cirka 17,8 mia. kr. i Væksten i det samlede marked kan blandt andet henføres til flere kanaler i distributørernes pakker, stigende priser på hovedkanalerne fra TV 2, MTG og Discovery, og til at subscription video-on-demand (SVOD) er lanceret på markedet. Delmarkedet for SVOD-tjenester vurderes i 2016 at have en omsætning på knap 1 mia. kr., hvor det i praksis var ikkeeksisterende før lanceringen af Netflix og HBO Nordic i slutningen af Det samlede finansieringsgrundlag for indholdsproduktion er steget med knap 30 procent fra cirka 6,6 mia. kr. i 2010 til cirka 8,4 mia. kr. i 2016, og finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indhold er vokset tilsvarende fra cirka 4,9 mia. kr. til cirka 6,3 mia. kr. Stigningen i finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion kan i vid udstrækning henføres til den generelle omsætningsstigning, hvor en stor del af de ekstra ressourcer er kanaliseret ind i indholdsproduktion. Derudover har DR formået at frigøre en større del af omsætningen til indhold i løbet af perioden, og distributørerne er begyndt at tilbyde deres kunder en række digitale tjenester, som har affødt ekstra rettighedsbetalinger til Copydan Verdens TV. 71

73 I 2016 udgjorde retransmissionsvederlaget, inklusive rettigheder for digitale tjenester, cirka 1,1 mia. kr. Det svarer til cirka 6 procent af den samlede omsætning på tv- og radiomarkedet og cirka 18 procent af finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion. Udviklingen Den digitale transformation af tv- og radiomarkedet pågår lige nu, og der er betydelig usikkerhed om den videre udvikling i teknologi, forbrugeradfærd og forretningsmodeller. Derfor har Deloitte opstillet både et bedste skøn og over- og underkantsskøn. Det bedste skøn afspejler mest retvisende de indsamlede data og interview med markedsaktører og eksperter. Over- og underkantsskønnene afspejler det udfaldsrum, der fremkommer ved at justere de centrale forudsætninger for prognosen, herunder hastighed og omfang af overgangen fra traditionelt flow-tv til VOD. Det bedste skøn er, at markedet fremadrettet stabiliserer sig på en omsætning på cirka 17,6 mia. kr., hvoraf cirka 8,5 mia. kr. går til køb og produktion af indhold. Det bedste skøn indebærer, at finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion falder med cirka 4 procent fra cirka 6,3 mia. kr. i 2016 til cirka 6 mia. kr. i Faldet er primært udtryk for, at VOD i stigende grad erstatter traditionelt flow-tv, og at VOD har en lavere andel dansk indhold. Udviklingen påvirker især tv-distributørerne, hvor en del kunder vil vælge mindre tv-pakker (cable shaving) eller opsige deres abonnement (cable cutting). Underkantsskønnet for udviklingen er, at den samlede omsætning på tv- og radiomarkedet falder med cirka 2,4 mia. kr. fra 17,8 mia. kr. i 2016 til cirka 15,4 mia. kr. i Det samlede finansieringsgrundlag for indholdsproduktion falder med cirka 0,9 mia. kr. fra cirka 8,4 mia. kr. til cirka 7,5 mia. kr., hvilket udelukkende sker på bekostning af finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion, der falder fra cirka 6,3 mia. kr. til cirka 5,4 mia. kr. Underkantsskønnet afspejler en hastigere og mere radikal overgang fra traditionelt flow-tv til direkte, digital distribution. Antallet af abonnenter hos tv-distributørerne og det afledte kanalsalg hos tv-selskaberne falder betydeligt, og omsætningstabet erstattes ikke fuldt af nye distributionsformer. Overkantsskønnet indebærer, at den samlede omsætning stiger med knap 1,2 mia. kr. fra 17,8 mia. kr. i 2016 til 18,9 mia. kr. i Det samlede finansieringsgrundlag stiger med cirka 0,7 mia. kr. fra cirka 8,4 mia. kr. til 9,1 mia. kr., men finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion stiger cirka 0,2 mia. kr. fra cirka 6,3 mia. kr. til cirka 6,5 mia. kr. Overkantsskønnet er udtryk for en udvikling, hvor forbrugerne i højere grad fastholder traditionelle tv-pakker, samtidig med at VOD-tjenester opnår større udbredelse, blandt andet som et supplement til fremfor en erstatning for traditionelt tv. DR udgør en stabiliserende faktor i prognosen i kraft af den betydelige størrelse, den politisk fastsatte finansiering samt den store andel dansk indhold cirka 95 procent af DR s indholdsomkostninger går til køb og produktion af dansk indhold. Det kræver politisk beslutning at ændre DR s finansiering, som derfor er antaget at være uændret frem mod 2025 i prognosen. I overkantskønnet for finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion står DR for cirka 45 procent af omkostningerne til dansk indhold i 2025, mens det i underkantskønnet er cirka 55 procent. 72

74 3 Afgrænsning Rapporten fokuserer på det danske tv- og radiomarked, og finansieringsgrundlaget for indholdsproduktion er defineret som omkostninger til køb og produktion af indhold hos programselskaber og distributører. Dette kapitel redegør for de centrale definitioner, der afgrænser rapportens genstandsfelt. Det drejer sig væsentligst om definitionerne af tv- og radiomarkedet, af finansieringsgrundlaget for indholdsproduktion og af, hvad der konstituerer dansk indhold. Afgrænsning af tv- og radiomarkedet Analysen og rapporten dækker det danske tv- og radiomarked, hvilket i denne sammenhæng er defineret som: Tv-markedet (programselskaber og distributører) Radiomarkedet Markedet for fysiske medier (dvd/blu-ray) Markedet for subscription video on demand (SVOD) Markedet for advertising video on demand (AVOD) Markedet for transactional video on demand (TVOD). Det er væsentligt at være opmærksom på, at det alene er de tv-rettede aktiviteter hos tv-distributørerne (YouSee, Waoo, Boxer m.fl.), der er medtaget i analysen. Tv-distributørerne har væsentlige forretningsområder, der ligger udenfor tv-området, og det kan være vanskeligt for aktørerne at afgrænse omsætningen på de enkelte forretningsområder præcist fra hinanden. Især bredbåndsforretningen er vanskelig at afgrænse økonomisk og forretningsmæssigt fra tv-aktiviteterne, da distributørerne typisk sælger både bredbånd og tv-pakker til kunderne. Distributørerne tilbyder i nogle tilfælde bredbånd og tv-indhold som en samlet pakke, og bredbånd er for nogle distributører den primære indtægtskilde, hvor tv-distribution alene er en sekundær aktivitet. På baggrund af telestatistikken er det anslået, at tvdistributørerne har en samlet omsætning på salg af bredbånd i størrelsesordenen cirka 5 mia. kr. i 2016, som ikke indgår i analysen. Definition af finansieringsgrundlag for indholdsproduktion Finansieringsgrundlaget for indholdsproduktion er defineret som de omkostninger, som program- og distributionsselskaber i tv- og radiomarkedet har til at købe og producere indhold, jævnfør figur

75 Figur 3.1. Eksempler på program- og distributionsselskaber i analysen Tv-seer Internetstreamer Produktionsselskaber Aktørerne er bedt om alene at medregne indholdsomkostninger. Det betyder, at de er bedt om ikke at medtage omkostninger til ledelse, administration, marketing og finansiering i omkostninger til køb og produktion af indhold. Radiolytter Kilde: Deloitte. Ved etableringen af det samlede økonomiske billede er der taget hensyn til eventuelle overlap. Det sker blandt andet ved, at de rene produktionsselskaber ikke er medtaget i analysen, og at der er taget højde for det økonomiske overlap ved tv-selskabernes salg af tv-kanaler til tv-distributører. Omkostningerne til køb og produktion af indhold omfatter: Intern produktion, for eksempel DR s interne produktion af nyheder Køb af bestilt produktion, for eksempel Netflix køb af den skandinaviske serie Rain hos Miso Film Køb af præproduceret indhold, for eksempel MTG s køb af The Simpsons til visning på TV3+ Yderligere rettighedsbetalinger, for eksempel tv-distributørernes betaling af vederlag for at sælge og distribuere tv-kanaler (retransmissionsvederlag), hvor hovedparten administreres af Copydan Verdens TV. Det er centralt at bemærke, at analysen fokuserer på audiovisuel indholdsproduktion, og at sports- og musikrettigheder ikke indgår i definition af indholdsproduktion. Betalinger til sportsrettigheder anslås at være i størrelsesordenen 1,5 mia. kr. i Derudover indgår udgifter til produktion af reklamer og promovering af egne produkter ikke. Definition af dansk indhold Analysen er baseret på en definition af dansk indhold som produkter, der i den oprindelige version er helt eller delvist dansksprogede. Det indebærer, at dansk versionering af produkter på andet sprog ikke er omfattet. 74

76 Definitionen er udtryk for en operationel forenkling med fokus på det kulturelle tilhørsforhold til det danske sprogområde. Især på tv-området er ejer-, finansierings- og produktionsforhold ofte tværnationale, hvilket komplicerer en entydig definition af dansk indhold. Definition af genre Analysen nedbryder finansieringsgrundlaget for indholdsproduktion på genre, hvor aktørerne er bedt om at skelne mellem følgende seks kategorier: 1. Nyhedsformidling 2. Oplysning og kultur 3. Underholdning 4. Fiktion 5. Sport 6. Andet. De bidragende aktører har selv foretaget den operationelle oversættelse af deres egne indholdskategorier til de anvendte kategorier i denne analyse. 75

77 4 Metode Den forventede økonomiske udvikling i det danske tv- og radiomarked er estimeret på baggrund af input fra aktører på markedet. Aktørernes input er suppleret og valideret ved hjælp af diverse markeds- og analyserapporter samt interview med udvalgte eksperter. Rapporten dækker udviklingen i tv- og radiomarkedet fra 2010 til Både den historiske udvikling til og med 2016 og den forventede udvikling frem til 2025 er hovedsagelig baseret på aktørernes oplysninger og skøn. Der er i vid udstrækning tale om forretningsfølsomme data, og aktørernes input er modtaget under forudsætning af, at de ikke deles, og at afrapporteringen foregår på et niveau, hvor det ikke er muligt at identificere den enkelte virksomhed. Derfor foregår afrapporteringen på et forholdsvis overordnet niveau. Dette kapitel redegør først for fremgangsmåden for dataindsamlingen, derefter for principper og forudsætninger for etableringen af prognosen frem mod Dataindsamling Deloitte har indsamlet de historiske oplysninger om udviklingen fra 2010 til 2016 ved hjælp af en prædefineret dataskabelon, som aktørerne har udfyldt. Dataskabelonen efterspørger oplysninger for årene 2010, 2013 og 2016 om: Omsætning nedbrudt på indtægtskilder Omkostninger til køb og produktion af indhold nedbrudt på omkostningstyper (egenproduktion, køb af bestilte produktioner, køb af præproduceret indhold mv.) Nedbrydning af omkostninger på køb og produktion af indhold på oprindelse (dansk/udenlandsk) og genre. Definitioner, kategorier mv. i denne analyse modsvarer typisk ikke aktørernes egen praksis, og der er derfor ofte tale om skøn. Deloitte har gennemført et eller to interview med de enkelte aktører med henblik på at validere de indsamlede data i dataskabelonen og afdække aktørernes forventninger til den fremadrettede udvikling frem mod Aktørerne er mere specifikt bedt om at tage stilling til udviklingen frem mod 2021 og videre frem mod Interviewet om den fremadrettede udvikling har både omfattet forventninger til aktørens egen udvikling og til markedsudviklingen generelt. Markederne for TVOD og for fysiske medier er meget fragmenterede, og det har ikke været muligt at dække markedet ved direkte interview med de 76

78 væsentligste aktører. Her er analysen baseret på samlede estimater fra centrale markedsaktører, analyserapporter og fra brancherepræsentanter, for eksempel Foreningen af danske videodistributører. De nye udenlandske aktører og enkelte eksisterende private aktører har ikke ønsket at medvirke, da de vurderer, at de efterspurgte data om især forretningsomfang og omkostninger til køb af indhold er forretningsfølsomme. Her er analysen baseret på tilgængelige kilder, for eksempel offentlige regnskaber, og opregning på baggrund af oplysninger om markedsandel med videre. Såvel det samlede billede som aktørernes oplysninger er valideret ved hjælp af diverse alternative kilder, for eksempel markeds- og analyserapporter, offentlige datakilder og interview med brancheforeninger og eksperter. Forudsætninger for prognosen I interviewet om den fremadrettede udvikling er aktørerne bedt om at tage stilling på baggrund af de aktuelt kendte vilkår og forhold. Det indebærer, at prognosen ikke inddrager konsekvenserne af udefrakommende politiske og forretningsmæssige beslutninger, herunder: Politisk beslutning om at ændre DR s størrelse og rolle Politisk beslutning om salg af TV 2 Forretningsmæssig beslutning hos store internationale aktører om at lancere nye tjenester på markedet, for eksempel YouTube Red, YouTube TV, Facebook Watch Forretningsmæssig beslutning om at tage tredjepartsindhold ind på webtjenester hos for eksempel TV 2 PLAY og Viaplay. Derudover kan der dukke nye teknologier og platforme op, som markant ændrer udviklingen i forhold til prognosen. Der lader til at have været en betydelig stigning i prisen på sportsrettigheder over de senere år. Sportsrettigheder indgår som nævnt ikke i definitionen af indholdsproduktion, men hvis prisstigningerne forsætter, kan det påvirke, hvor mange ressourcer der er til at producere indhold. I prognosen er det forudsat, at de samlede betalinger til sportsrettigheder følger den generelle udvikling i den samlede markedsomsætning. Prognosen er både i sin helhed og for de enkelte dele (delmarkeder, betalingsstrømme mv.) valideret ved hjælp af blandt andet markedsrapporter og input fra eksperter. 77

79 5 Prognose for finansieringsgrundlaget Finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion er steget fra cirka 4,9 mia. kr. i 2010 til 6,3 mia. kr. i Frem mod 2025 forventes finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indhold at falde til cirka 6 mia. kr. på baggrund af blandt andet en forskydning fra traditionelt tv til videoon-demand (VOD). Dette kapitel redegør for den estimerede udvikling i såvel omsætning som finansieringsgrundlag for indholdsproduktion på det danske tv- og radiomarked i perioden 2010 til Alle tal er opgjort i 2016-priser. Kapitlet omfatter fire afsnit. Første afsnit omhandler sammensætningen af det danske tv- og radiomarked i 2016 og viser, at tv-selskaber og -distributører er de altafgørende spillere. Andet afsnit gør rede for den samlede udvikling i omsætning og finansieringsgrundlaget for indholdsproduktion fra 2010 til Det fremgår, at omsætning og omkostninger til indhold er steget væsentligt fra 2010 til 2016, men forventes at stabilisere sig fremadrettet. Tredje afsnit behandler fordelingen af finansieringsgrundlaget på dansk og udenlandsk indhold. Prognosen viser, at der især på baggrund af et skifte fra traditionelt tv til VOD forventes en forskydning fra dansk til udenlandsk indhold. Finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion ventes at falde fra cirka 6,3 mia. kr. i 2016 til cirka 6 mia. kr. i 2025, hvilket svarer til et fald på cirka 4 procent. Der er dog betydelig usikkerhed om prognosen, hvilket konkretiseres i et usikkerhedsspænd i kapitel 7. Fjerde afsnit uddyber de forventede konsekvenser for genrefordelingen. Overordnet set forventes fordelingen af indholdsproduktionen på genrer at være nogenlunde konstant, men især udenlandsk fiktion kommer til at fylde mere. Det danske tv- og radiomarked Den samlede omsætning på tv- og radiomarkedet vurderes at være 17,8 mia. kr. i 2016, jævnfør figur 5.1. Tv-selskaber og -distributører er de altafgørende spillere, som står for mere end 80 procent af omsætningen på markedet. 78

80 Figur 5.1. Tv- og radiomarkedet i 2016 (PL2016) Mia. kr. 18 Eksklusive salg af tv-kanaler 16 6,5 14 4,5 12 1,4 0,7 0,7 0,3 0,1 0,2 0,9 0,7 0,2 0,2 0,2 0,1 0,3 0,3 0,0 17,8 9,4 Samlet omsætning Øvrige omkostninger mv ,2 5,5 6 3,5 Overlap på 3,5 mia. kr. som følge af tv-distributørers køb af tv-kanaler hos tv-selskaber 4 7,1 8,4 Omkostninger til indhold 2 0 1,1 Tvselskaber Tvdistributører Radio Fysiske medier SVOD TVOD AVOD Total Kilde: Deloitte. Opgørelsen tager højde for, at tv-distributørerne køber indhold hos tvselskaberne ved alene at tælle tv-distributørernes tilhørende omkostninger på cirka 3,5 mia. kr. i 2016 med én gang. Tv-selskabernes omsætning omfatter også deres indtjening på nye distributionsformer, for eksempel TV 2 PLAY og Viaplay. SVOD- og TVODkategorierne er begrænset til aktører, der er fokuseret på delmarkeder, for eksempel Netflix, HBO Nordic, Blockbuster, Dansk Filmskat, Plejmo. Finansieringsgrundlaget for indholdsproduktion består af omkostningerne til køb og produktion af indhold, som i 2016 beløber sig til i alt 8,4 mia. kr. Det svarer til, at cirka 47 procent af omsætningen på tv- og radiomarkedet går til indhold. Bemærk, at definitionen af omkostninger til køb og produktion af indhold ikke omfatter musik- og sportsrettigheder, jævnfør kapitel 3. Andelen af omsætningen, der går til indhold, varierer betydeligt på tværs af delmarkederne. Det er skønnet, at tv-selskaber og aktører på SVODmarkedet i gennemsnit anvender henholdsvis cirka 55 og cirka 80 procent af deres omsætning på indhold, mens andelen blot er i størrelsesordenen 5-10 procent på AVOD-markedet. Det skal bemærkes, at YouTube er den primære aktør på AVOD-markedet, og at de ikke har ønsket at deltage i analysen. Derfor er skønnet for omkostningerne til indhold på AVOD-markedet behæftet med betydelig usikkerhed. YouTube leverer i vid udstrækning brugergenereret indhold, hvilket forklarer de forholdsvis lave omkostninger til indhold. I 2016 udgør retransmissionsvederlaget inklusive rettigheder for digitale tjenester cirka 1,1 mia. kr. Det svarer til cirka 6 procent af den samlede omsætning på tv- og radiomarkedet og cirka 18 procent af finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion. DR er den største enkeltaktør, når det drejer sig om finansieringsgrundlaget for indholdsproduktion. DR står for over en tredjedel af de samlede omkostninger til køb og produktion af indhold på det danske tv- og radiomarked og næsten 50 procent af finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion. 79

81 Et stabilt fremadrettet finansieringsgrundlag Deloitte vurderer, at omsætningen på det danske tv- og radiomarked er vokset fra cirka 15,2 mia. kr. i 2010 til cirka 17,8 mia. kr. i 2016, hvilket svarer til en vækst på 17 procent, jævnfør figur 5.2. Fremadrettet forventes markedet at stabilisere sig på en omsætning på cirka 17,6 mia. kr., men det dækker over en udvikling med væsentlige ændringer i den underliggende sammensætning af markedet. Figur 5.2. Udvikling i tv- og radiomarkedet (PL2016) Mia. kr. 18 Samlet omsætning Øvrige omkostninger mv Omkostninger til indhold Kilde: Deloitte. Den øgede omsætning fra 2010 til 2016 er hovedsagelig et resultat af øgede abonnementsindtægter hos tv-distributørerne kombineret med en fremgang i radiomarkedet og de internationale VOD-tjenesters indtræden på markedet. SVOD-markedet eksisterede i praksis ikke i 2010, men er vokset til knap 1 mia. kr. i 2016 efter HBO Nordics og Netflix indtræden i Delmarkedet for fysiske medier (Blu-ray/dvd) er som det eneste i nedgang, hvilket er tæt knyttet til den voksende udbredelse og anvendelse af SVOD og TVOD. Omkostninger til køb og produktion af indhold er steget mere end den samlede omsætning. I 2010 udgjorde omkostninger til indhold cirka 43 procent af den samlede omsætning, hvilket var steget til cirka 47 procent i Det er primært drevet af, at tv-distributører og -selskaber anvender en relativt større del af deres omsætning på indhold. Antallet af kanaler har været stigende, priserne på hovedkanalerne fra TV 2, MTG og Discovery er steget, og distributørerne er begyndt at tilbyde deres kunder en række digitale tjenester, som har affødt ekstra rettighedsbetalinger til Copydan Verdens TV. Omsætningen på tv- og radiomarkedet forventes at stabilisere sig på niveauet fremadrettet. Det dækker dog over en underliggende forskydning mellem delmarkederne, hvor VOD vinder terræn på bekostning af især traditionelt flow-tv og markedet for fysiske medier. Baseret på oplysninger fra markedsaktører og -rapporter forventes de forskellige VOD-delmarkeder at vokse med høje en- eller tocifrede vækstrater frem mod Omvendt forventes omsætningen for tv-selskaber og især -distributører at falde fremadrettet. Delmarkedet for fysiske medier forventes at være forsvundet i senest Tv-selskabernes omsætning forventes fremadrettet at falde med lave encifrede rater, mens den nuværende udvikling med opsigelse af abonnementer 80

82 og overgang til mindre tv-pakker fortsætter hos distributørerne. Det betyder, at tv-selskaber og -distributører fortsat forventes at sidde på størstedelen af markedet i DR udgør med sin størrelse og politisk fastsatte finansiering en stabiliserende faktor i prognosen. Det gælder både for omsætning og finansieringsgrundlag for indholdsproduktion ikke mindst finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion, da cirka 95 procent af DR s omkostninger til indhold går til køb og produktion af dansk indhold. Hovedtendenserne i udviklingen bag prognosen er uddybet kvalitativt i kapitel 6. Udenlandsk indhold vinder frem Det samlede finansieringsgrundlag for indholdsproduktion er steget fra cirka 6,6 mia. kr. i 2010 til cirka 8,4 mia. kr. i 2016, jævnfør figur 5.3. Stigningen forventes at fortsætte mere afdæmpet frem mod 2025, hvor det samlede finansieringsgrundlag for indholdsproduktion er estimeret til cirka 8,9 mia. kr. Det dækker dog over en udvikling, hvor udenlandsk indhold kommer til at fylde mere. Figur 5.3. Udvikling i dansk og udenlandsk indhold (PL2016) Mia. kr Finansieringsgrundlag for indholdsproduktion Udenlandsk indhold Dansk indhold Kilde: Deloitte. Finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion er steget fra cirka 4,9 mia. kr. i 2010 til cirka 6,3 mia. kr. i Fra 2016 og frem mod 2025 forventes finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indhold at falde gradvist med i alt cirka ¼ mia. kr. til cirka 6 mia. kr., hvilket svarer til et fald på cirka 4 procent. Procentmæssigt udgør den danske andel af det samlede finansieringsgrundlag cirka 75 procent i 2016, hvilket ligger på cirka samme niveau som i 2010, mens den har været oppe på cirka 80 procent i Fremadrettet forventes den danske andel at falde yderligere frem mod 2025, hvor den er estimeret til cirka 68 procent. Det fremadrettede fald hænger sammen med, at de udenlandske tjenester forventes at fylde mere i det samlede marked. Udenlandsk indhold vinder med andre ord frem, og den udenlandske del af finansieringsgrundlaget for indholdsproduktion er estimeret til cirka 1,7 mia. kr. i 2010, 2,1 mia. kr. i 2016 og cirka 2,8 mia. kr. i

83 Mere dansk nyhedsformidling og udenlandsk fiktion Overordnet set har de senere år ikke vist afgørende ændringer i fordelingen af omkostningerne til køb og produktion af indhold på genre. Og aktørerne forventer heller ikke væsentlige ændringer fremadrettet. For den danske andel af omkostningerne til indhold har udviklingen fra 2010 til 2016 dog båret præg af, at der bruges flere ressourcer på nyhedsformidling på bekostning af primært underholdning og fiktion, jævnfør figur 5.4. Figur 5.4. Genrefordeling for dansk indhold (PL2016) Mia. kr Nyhedsformidling 3 Oplysning & kultur 2 Underholdning Fiktion 1 Sport Andet Kilde: Deloitte. For den udenlandske andel af omkostningerne til indhold er den væsentligste udvikling, at fiktion kommer til at fylde mere, da det er den primære genre leveret af de nye aktører på SVOD- og TVOD-markedet, jævnfør figur 5.5. Figur 5.5. Genrefordeling for udenlandsk indhold (PL2016) Mia. kr. 3 Oplysning & kultur 2 Underholdning 1 Fiktion Kilde: Deloitte. Sport Andet Der er ikke nogen entydig forklaring på den lavere andel udenlandske og højere andel danske indhold i 2013 andet end normale fluktuationer fra år til år. Andelen af udenlandsk sport er betydeligt højere i 2016 end i de øvrige år, da det var et år med forholdsvis mange store sportsbegivenheder, for eksempel OL, EM i fodbold for herrer og EM i håndbold for kvinder. 82

84 6 Udviklingstendenser Udviklingen i tv- og radiomarkedet kan i vid udstrækning forklares med fire hovedtendenser: tv-distributionen overgår i stigende grad til at foregå digitalt uden mellemled, nye internationale aktører træder ind på tv-markedet, teknologivirksomheder overtager reklamemarkedet, og radiomarkedet lukrerer på, at det er et nemt tilgængeligt medie, som er skabt til en mobil hverdag. Prognosen for udviklingen i finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion er som nævnt primært baseret på interview med markedsaktørerne. Interviewene har handlet om, hvordan udviklingen kommer til at se ud, og hvad der forårsager den. Dette kapitel redegør i fire separate afsnit for de fire tendenser, som aktørerne peger på som styrende for udviklingen: Tv-distributionen overgår til direkte, digital distribution baseret på blandt andet internetbaserede tjenester. En række nye, primært internationale aktører træder ind på det danske tv-marked med forretningsmodeller baseret på de nye digitale distributionsformer. Nogle få internationale teknologivirksomheder (primært Google og Facebook) overtager reklamemarkedet og erobrer en del af det hidtidige finansieringsgrundlag for tv. Radiomarkedet er inde i en gunstig udvikling, blandt andet fordi udbredelsen af mobiltelefoner og internetbaseret radio har gjort radio mere tilgængeligt for folk i transport- og ventesituationer. Fællestrækkene på tværs af de fire hovedtendenser, herunder individualiseringen af medieforbruget, er uddybet i et afsluttende afsnit. Direkte, digital tv-distribution Med de senere års digitale udvikling er der introduceret en række nye måder at få leveret tv-indhold på. To af de centrale elementer i udviklingen er udbredelsen af individuel streaming af indhold til den enkelte bruger over internettet og udbredelsen af mobile enheder koblet på internettet. Tvforbruget foregår i stigende grad on-demand og er ikke begrænset til tv et foran sofaen, men foregår også på tablets, mobiltelefoner, computere mv. De nye distributionsformer bryder med den traditionelle værdikæde på tvmarkedet, hvor der er en forholdsvis skarp opdeling mellem program-/tvselskaber og distributører, jævnfør figur 6.1 på næste side. I den traditionelle værdikæde leverer programselskaberne tv-kanaler til distributørerne, 83

85 som videredistribuerer indholdet til forbrugerne i form af kanalpakker. Med de nye distributionsformer kan indholdsleverandøren levere indhold direkte til forbrugeren, og der er mulighed for at tilpasse indholdet direkte til forbrugerens efterspørgsel i øjeblikket. Dermed adskiller den direkte, digitale distribution sig fra tidligere former for direkte distribution, hvor TV 2 for eksempel leverede et radiobåret tv-signal, der var fælles for alle. Figur 6.1. Fra traditionel til direkte distribution eksempler på aktører Angel Production Zentropa Production Miso Film TV 2 DR MTG Discovery YouSee Stofa Boxer Waoo Viasat Canal Digital Husstand Traditionel værdikæde Direkte distribution PRODUCENT TV-STATION INDHOLDSLEVERANDØR TV-DISTRIBUTØR SLUTBRUGER Kilde: Deloitte. Angel Production Zentropa Production Miso Film DR (DR TV) TV 2 (TV 2 Play) Netflix MTG (Viaplay/Viafree) HBO Nordic Nordisk Film (Dansk Filmskat) Apple (itunes) Disney (Disney Play) Individuel bruger Både de etablerede spillere på det danske tv-marked og en række nye aktører er i gang med at udnytte de nye distributionsmuligheder. DR, TV 2, MTG og Nordisk Film tilbyder alle apps med internetbaserede løsninger, og Netflix og HBO Nordic er de mest prominente udenlandske selskaber, som har bevæget sig ind på det danske marked for VOD. Den direkte, digitale distribution har betydelige forretningsmæssige konsekvenser for det danske tv-marked. Program-/tv-selskaberne har behov for at udvide deres kompetence- og forretningsområde til at omfatte digital distribution, hvilket kræver ressourcer til udvikling og drift af digitale platforme. Men udviklingen åbner også mulighed for at hæve indtjeningen per kunde ved direkte levering udenom distributionsleddet. Tv-distributørernes forretningsmodel er under pres, da forbrugerne i stigende grad kan sammensætte et individuelt tilpasset medietilbud. En del af kunderne vælger mindre tv-pakker (cable shaving) eller opsiger deres abonnement (cable cutting). De faste omkostninger er forholdsvis høje, og en mindre gruppes fravalg af traditionelt tv kan sætte gang i en nedadgående spiral, hvor distributørerne må hæve priserne, hvilket øger prisforskellen og motiverer flere kunder til at søge nye løsninger. Udviklingen åbner dog også mulighed for, at tv-distributørerne kan indtage en ny rolle på tv-markedet. Nogle begynder at levere egne tjenester, for eksempel TDC s Blockbuster, mens andre ser en mulighed for at indtage en rolle som integrator og kurator af indhold, hvor de leverer tjenester, kanaler mv. fra både etablerede og nye aktører i henhold til forbrugernes behov. Prognosen for det danske tv- og radiomarked, som formidlet i kapitel 5, hviler på en antagelse om, at cable cutting og cable shaving fortsætter i det nuværende tempo, dog i et let højere tempo frem til Når udviklingen 84

86 ikke går hurtigere, skyldes det primært, at især de ældre generationer er trygge ved og finder den traditionelle tv-løsning bekvem. Derudover stiger levealderen, og der kommer flere husstande. Over tid vil en stigende del af befolkningen dog være vokset op uden traditionelt tv, og den traditionelle tv-distribution vil formentlig helt forsvinde på et tidspunkt. Færre abonnenter og mindre pakker hos tv-distributørerne vil umiddelbart føre til et fald i vederlaget til Copydan Verdens TV for at videredistribuere tv-kanalerne (retransmissionsvederlaget). Det er dog forventningen, at faldet i det traditionelle retransmissionsvederlag i overvejende grad opvejes af nye rettighedsbetalinger for digitale tjenester i især den første del af prognoseperioden frem mod Overordnet set forventes grænserne mellem traditionel tv og nye tjenester/vod at blive udvisket over de kommende år. De tjenester, som vi i dag karakteriserer som SVOD-tjenester, vil fremstå som tv-kanaler, og slutbrugerne vil selv sammensætte et miks af tjenester med udgangspunkt i deres individuelle behov. Fra et forbrugerperspektiv er der dog en risiko for, at forbrugeren kan få behov for flere tjenester for at dække samme indhold som i dag. Flere tv-selskaber og -distributører peger på, at DR er afgørende for den videre udvikling i Danmark. Det grundlæggende argument er, at DR traditionelt har fungeret som lokomotiv for den samlede tv-branche i Danmark, og at etableringen af direkte distribution gennem DR TV risikerer at underminere grundlaget for de øvrige aktører på det danske marked. DR producerer store mængder dansk tv af høj kvalitet, som danskerne gerne vil have adgang til. I den traditionelle værdikæde har DR derfor trukket kunder til distributørernes pakker, hvor der også har været plads til kanaler fra private tv-selskaber, som kunne supplere DR s udbud, for eksempel med sportsog underholdningsindhold. Med etableringen af DR TV behøver forbrugerne ikke længere en distributør for at tilgå DR s indhold, og bekymringen går på, at en stor andel vil foretrække DR i kombination med en-to yderligere eventuelt udenlandske løsninger, for eksempel TV 2 PLAY eller Netflix, hvilket vil gå ud over især de eksisterende nichekanaler. Som modargument kan det fremhæves, at der er indikationer på, at tvforbrug ikke nødvendigvis er et nulsumspil, men at et stærkt samlet medieudbud fører til et stærkt samlet marked. Hvis forbrugerne først er lokket til skærmen af et godt program, vil de ofte blive fastholdt i det samlede tvunivers, da de ofte skifter til et andet program, når programmet, der gav anledning til at se tv, slutter. Derudover forventer mange forbrugere i dag, at tv-selskaberne har en digital tilstedeværelse. Nye aktører på tv-markedet Den teknologiske mulighed for forretningsmodeller baseret på direkte distribution har åbnet det danske tv-marked for nye aktører. En række nye internationale aktører er trådt ind på markedet og tilbyder film, serier og andet tv-indhold direkte til danske forbrugere. De mest synlige er amerikanske HBO Nordic og Netflix, som lancerede deres tjenester i Danmark i 2012, men lanceringen af Amazon Prime Video i 2016 er også væsentlig at bemærke. Derudover har en række aktører, der allerede var aktive på andre delmarkeder i Danmark, gjort deres entre på tv-markedet. Det gælder for eksempel Nordisk Film med Dansk Filmskat, SF Studios med Kids Play og Telia 85

87 med Play+. Omsætningsmæssigt fylder de etablerede aktørers tjenester dog meget lidt i forhold til tjenesterne fra de nye internationale aktører. Det er forventningen, at udviklingen vil fortsætte. Flere store internationale aktører har konkrete planer om at udbrede eksisterende tjenester til flere markeder, herunder formentlig Danmark, for eksempel YouTube Red og Disney Play. Og der er en række store teknologivirksomheder, som formentlig arbejder på at etablere eller udvide deres internationale video- og tv-tjenester, for eksempel Facebook og Apple. De nye aktører bruger en meget varierende andel af deres omsætning på indhold. Det er dog primært HBO Nordic og især Netflix, der har haft succes på markedet hidtil, og de anvender en meget høj andel af deres omsætning på indhold. Deres entré og delvise fortrængning af etablerede spillere indebærer dermed ikke, at det samlede finansieringsgrundlag for indholdsproduktion bliver mindre. Der er dog tale om internationale aktører, hvor en begrænset andel af indholdet er dansk. Det betyder, at deres erobring af markedsandele indebærer en forskydning fra dansk til udenlandsk indhold. Både HBO Nordic og Netflix har igangsat skandinaviske produktioner for også at kunne tilbyde originalt, lokalt indhold af høj kvalitet. Det vil dog formentlig være en mindre del af deres lokale omsætning, som de kanaliserer ind i lokalt indhold. Deres forretningsmodel hviler på, at de kan bruge det samme indhold på tværs af markeder, og trods den stærke lokale film-/ tv-branche forventes den internationale efterspørgsel efter dansk/skandinavisk indhold ikke at kunne bære en betydelig produktion. Teknologivirksomheder overtager reklamemarkedet Det samlede danske reklamemarked har omsætningsmæssigt været tilnærmelsesvis stabilt siden 2010, men der er foregået en betydelig forskydning fra især trykte medier til internetbaseret annoncering. Den internetbaserede annoncering vinder frem, fordi det er muligt at målrette annoncerne mere direkte mod potentielle forbrugere. Det er især Google og Facebook, der har formået at etablere sig som de afgørende spillere på det internetbaserede reklamemarked både internationalt og i Danmark. Deres styrke ligger i, at de når mange mennesker, og at deres kernevirksomhed (søgning og socialt netværk) giver dem en betydelig indsigt i brugernes adfærd og præferencer, som de kan bruge til at målrette reklamer. Radiomarkedet er i høj grad finansieret af reklameindtægter. Udviklingen i det tilhørende reklamemarked har været yderst gunstig i de senere år og har ikke oplevet et betydeligt pres fra den internetbaserede annoncering. Det samlede danske marked for radioreklamer er estimeret til at være steget med cirka 40 procent fra 2010 til 2016, og prognosen for finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion er baseret på et fortsat gunstigt radiomarked med vækst frem mod I tv-markedet udgør reklameindtægter en af tre primære indtægtskilder, hvor abonnementsindtægter og licens er de to andre. Det tv-baserede reklamemarked har med betydelige variationer fra år til år ligget nogenlunde konstant siden 2010, omend der har været et beskedent fald de seneste år. Markedseksperter vurderer, at det traditionelle tv-reklamemarked fortsat vil falde let i de kommende år, hvilket er indarbejdet som forudsætning i prog- 86

88 nosen for finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion. Faldet i reklameindtægter ventes at være mindre end faldet i abonnenter, da det primært er de yngre og mindre købestærke segmenter, der forlader traditionelt tv. Overgangen til direkte tv-distribution muliggør mere målrettede reklamer baseret på information om brugerens karakteristika og øvrige adfærd på nettet. Målrettede reklamer har en højere værdi for annoncøren, hvilket indebærer et potentiale for stigende reklameindtægter. I prognosen for tvog radiomarkedet er det forudsat, at reklameindtægterne for AVOD fremover stiger med tocifrede vækstrater. Et stærkt radiomarked Radioaktørerne har overordnet set formået at fastholde lytterne og styrke reklameindtægterne på trods af øget konkurrence fra andre medier og reklamemarkeder. Det hænger blandt andet sammen med, at radio er et nemt tilgængeligt medie, som passer godt til en moderne livsstil i bevægelse. Ikke mindst udbredelsen af smartphones har gjort det muligt at lytte til radio i en række nye sammenhænge, for eksempel under transport i andet end bil. Nogle aktører forventer, at markedet yderligere styrkes af udbredelsen af podcasts, hvor brugeren streamer et specifikt audioprodukt. Det er dog endnu ikke et vidt udbredt fænomen, og der er ikke indikationer på en betydelig vækst i udbredelsen. Podcasts kan finansieres ved hjælp af enten abonnementsbetaling eller målrettede reklamer. Prognosen for finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion forudsætter, at den positive udvikling med stigende reklameindtægter på radiomarkedet fortsætter fremover, men at væksten aftager i forhold til de senere års tocifrede vækstrater. Udviklingen forventes særligt at komme de landsdækkende radiokanaler til gode, mens de lokale er mere udsat for konkurrence fra målrettet internetbaseret reklame. Udviklingstendensernes fællestræk De fire styrende udviklingstendenser skal ikke ses som isolerede størrelser. De bærer nogle fællestræk, der gør, at de mest hensigtsmæssigt ses som en del af en større udvikling. Udviklingstendenserne er alle udtryk for, at medieforbruget i stigende grad inkorporeres i flere dagligdagsaktiviteter og situationer; mobiltelefonen og medieforbruget er med på cyklen, på løbeturen, i toget og i alle former for sociale sammenhænge. Derudover er udviklingstendenserne alle udtryk for en stigende individualisering af medieforbruget. Indholdet er i stigende grad skræddersyet til den enkeltes behov, og det samlede forbrugsbillede bliver mere fragmenteret. Samlet set peger det på, at mediemarkedet generelt, herunder også tv- og radiomarkedet, vil have en stor, hvis ikke større, rolle at spille fremadrettet. 87

89 7 Prognosens usikkerhed Den digitale transformation af tv- og radiomarkedet pågår lige nu, og der er betydelig usikkerhed om den videre udvikling i teknologi, forbrugeradfærd og forretningsmodeller. Det er afspejlet i prognosen for finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion som et usikkerhedsspænd for den fremtidige udvikling. Som del af interviewet om forventningerne til den fremadrettede udvikling har Deloitte talt med aktørerne om den tilknyttede usikkerhed. Dette kapitel redegør for det usikkerhedsspænd omkring det bedste skøn, der fremkommer ved at justere forudsætningerne for prognosen i henhold til aktører og eksperters vurdering af usikkerheden. Usikkerheden er fremstillet som et bedste skøn, der er redegjort for i kapitel 5, samt et overkants- og et underkantsskøn. Det bedste skøn afspejler mest retvisende de indsamlede data og interviewene med markedsaktører og eksperter. Overkants- og underkantsskønnene afspejler dét udfaldsrum, der fremkommer ved at justere de centrale forudsætninger for prognosen. Kapitlet består af tre afsnit, hvor det første redegør for nogle af de centrale forhold, som medfører en særlig usikkerhed for prognosen. Det andet afsnit redegør for usikkerhedsspændet for den samlede omsætning på det danske tv- og radiomarked, mens det tredje afsnit beskriver usikkerhedsspændet omkring finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk digital indholdsproduktion. Afslutningsvis rummer kapitlet en samlet vurdering af prognosens usikkerhed. Væsentlige usikkerhedsfaktorer I interviewene med aktører og eksperter har dialogen om usikkerheden om den fremtidige udvikling primært kredset om den generelle prognoseusikkerhed omkring kendte faktorer. For eksempel er det et væsentligt spørgsmål, hvor stor den årlige andel af cable cutters i det traditionelle tv-marked vil være. Dialogen har dog også berørt en række væsentlige forhold, som er i stand til at påvirke markedet radikalt, men hvor det er meget åbent, hvad der kommer til at ske, jævnfør figur 7.1. De væsentlige forhold omhandler den teknologiske udvikling, den fremtidige forbrugeradfærd og centrale forretningsbeslutninger, og de er i stand til både at accelerere den nuværende udvikling og ændre spillereglerne radikalt. 88

90 Figur 7.1. Væsentlige usikkerhedsfaktorer i prognosen Teknologisk udvikling Vil taleassistenter eller andre nye teknologier komme til at fungere som indgang til tv- og radio, hvilket kan styrke de store udenlandske teknologivirksomheders rolle på det danske marked? Vil der opstå nye, endnu ukendte leverance- og distributionsformer? Forbrugeradfærd Hvor hurtigt vil overgangen fra traditionelt flow-tv til direkte distributionsformer foregå? Vil der være en ketchupeffekt? Hvor stor er betalingsvilligheden ved personligt sammensatte tilbud af flere løsninger? Hvor mange løsninger er der plads til på det danske marked? Vil podcasts vinde bredt indpas? Forretningsmodeller og -beslutninger Vil fremtiden være præget af åben deling af indhold (for eksempel Netflix gennem YouSee) eller lukkede platforme (for eksempel at Disney alene stiller deres indhold til rådighed gennem egen platform)? Vil aktørerne indgå strategiske alliancer og konsolidere sig i få, store syndikater? Hvor mange store, internationale aktører ønsker at indtræde på det danske marked? Vil prisudviklingen på sportsrettigheder fortsætte og komme til at presse finansieringsgrundlaget for indhold? Vil nye, store udenlandske virksomheder forsøge at etablere sig på det danske marked ved hjælp af sportsrettigheder? Vil de store teknologivirksomheder, som dominerer internetreklamemarkedet, også være i stand til at dominere tv- og radio-reklamemarkedet ved hjælp af databerigelse af reklamer? Kilde: Deloitte. Derudover er der selvfølgelig en række politiske beslutninger om for eksempel DR s fremtidige rolle og et eventuelt salg af TV 2, som aktørerne er bedt om at se bort fra i vurderingen af den fremtidige udvikling, jævnfør kapitel 4. Deloitte har primært opstillet usikkerhedsspændet for den fremtidige udvikling ved hjælp af ændrede forudsætninger for kendte faktorer som for eksempel årlig andel cable cutters, udviklingen i reklamemarkederne, antal abonnenter hos SVOD-tjenester. Usikkerheden omkring den samlede markedsudvikling Det bedste skøn for udviklingen i omsætningen på det samlede tv- og radiomarked er, at det stabiliserer sig på niveauet for 2016 på cirka 17,6 mia. kr., jævnfør figur 7.2. Usikkerhedsspændet omkring bedste skøn går fra cirka 15,4 mia. kr. til 18,9 mia. kr. Figur 7.2. Usikkerhedsspænd for omsætning (PL2016) Mia. kr Overkantsskøn Bedste skøn Underkantsskøn Kilde: Deloitte. Tv-selskaber og -distributører udgør hovedparten af omsætningen på tv- og radiomarkedet, og derfor er usikkerhedsspændet defineret af udviklingen i tv-markedet. Underkantsskønnet er præget af et betydeligt fald i antallet af 89

91 abonnenter af traditionelt tv, hvor omsætningstabet ikke erstattes fuldt af nye distributionsformer. Omvendt udtrykker overkantsskønnet en situation, hvor forbrugerne i højere grad fastholder traditionelle tv-pakker, samtidig med at VOD-tjenester opnår større udbredelse, blandt andet som et supplement til fremfor en erstatning for traditionelt tv. Usikkerhed om finansieringsgrundlaget for indholdsproduktion Bedste skøn for det samlede finansieringsgrundlag for indholdsproduktion er, at det følger udviklingen i den samlede omsætning og stabiliserer sig på 2016-niveauet på cirka 8,5 mia. kr., jævnfør figur 7.3. Usikkerhedsspændet omkring bedste skøn i 2025 går fra cirka 7,5 mia. kr. til 9 mia. kr. Figur 7.3. Usikkerhedsspænd for finansieringsgrundlaget (PL2016) Mia. kr. Mia. kr Overkantsskøn 9 8 Bedste skøn 8 7 Underkantsskøn 7 Overkantsskøn 6 6 Bedste skøn 5 5 Underkantsskøn Samlet finansieringsgrundlag for indholdsproduktion 2 1 Finansieringsgrundlag for dansk indholdsproduktion Kilde: Deloitte Usikkerhedsspændet omkring prognosen for det samlede finansieringsgrundlag er drevet af de samme forudsætninger for udviklingen i traditionelt tv og VOD, som er gengivet i foregående afsnit om usikkerhedsspændet for den samlede omsætning i tv-markedet. Usikkerhedsspændet for finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion i 2025 går fra cirka 5,4 mia. kr. til cirka 6,5 mia. kr. med et bedste skøn på cirka 6 mia. kr. Usikkerhedsspændet er relativt større på den danske andel af finansieringsgrundlaget end på det samlede finansieringsgrundlag. Det skyldes primært, at underkantsskønnet er baseret på en forudsætning om, at VOD med primært udenlandsk indhold fortrænger traditionelt tv, som hovedsagelig har dansk indhold. Samlet vurdering af usikkerhed Prognoser vil altid være præget af usikkerhed ikke mindst en prognose for tv- og radiomarkedet, der aktuelt undergår en grundlæggende transformation af forbrugsmønstre, distributionsformer og forretningsmodeller. Prognosen for det fremtidige finansieringsgrundlag for dansk indholdsproduktion er primært baseret på input fra de centrale aktører på tv- og radiomarkedet, og prognosen afspejler dermed den viden, som aktørerne handler på baggrund af. Deloitte vurderer, at det udgør det mest solide grundlag for at opstille eventuelle politiske anbefalinger. Derudover giver det prognosen robusthed, at DR fylder så meget i det danske mediemarked og i udgangspunktet har en fast, politisk besluttet finansiering og et fokus på at producere dansk indhold. I overkantsskønnet for finansieringsgrundlaget for dansk indholdsproduktion står DR for cirka 45 90

92 procent af omkostningerne til dansk indhold i 2025, mens det i underkantsskønnet er cirka 55 procent. Om Deloitte Deloitte leverer ydelser indenfor revision, consulting, financial advisory, risikostyring, skat og dertil knyttede ydelser til både offentlige og private kunder i en lang række brancher. Deloitte betjener fire ud af fem virksomheder på listen over verdens største selskaber, Fortune Global 500, gennem et globalt forbundet netværk af medlemsfirmaer i over 150 lande, der leverer kompetencer og viden i verdensklasse og service af høj kvalitet til at håndtere kundernes mest komplekse forretningsmæssige udfordringer. Vil du vide mere om, hvordan Deloittes omkring medarbejdere gør en forskel, der betyder noget, så besøg os på Facebook, LinkedIn eller Twitter. Deloitte er en betegnelse for Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu Limited, der er et britisk selskab med begrænset ansvar (DTTL), dets netværk af medlemsfirmaer og deres tilknyttede virksomheder. DTTL og alle dets medlemsfirmaer udgør separate og uafhængige juridiske enheder. DTTL (der også betegnes Deloitte Global ) leverer ikke selv ydelser til kunderne. Vi henviser til for en udførlig beskrivelse af DTTL og dets medlemsfirmaer Deloitte Statsautoriseret Revisionspartnerselskab. Medlem af Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu Limited. 91

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94 6. Financing of National Digital Creative Content. A European mapping of initiatives and perspectives ved Wagner Hatfield. August

95 FINANCING OF NATIONAL DIGITAL CREATIVE CONTENT A European mapping of initiatives and perspectives August 2017 Commissioned by the Danish Ministry of Culture 94

96 This report has been produced and coordinated by Jean-François Furnémont, Founding Partner of Wagner-Hatfield (Brussels), with contributions from Marc Janssen (Wagner-Hatfield, Brussels) and Tanja Kerševan Smokvina, Founding Partner at MeGI (Ljubljana). 95

97 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction Context of the assignment Methodological approach Belgium FR Policy and market context Audiovisual funds Centre du Cinéma et de l Audiovisuel (CCA) Wallimage (regional fund Walloon Region) Screen.brussels (regional fund Brussels Region) Fiscal incentives Tax shelter Financing by market players Incentives for foreign investment Other schemes Copyright New policy initiatives discussed or foreseen Summary Belgium NL Policy and market context Audiovisual funds Flanders Audiovisual Fund (VAF) Screen Flanders (regional fund Flanders Region) Fiscal incentives Tax Shelter Financing by market players Incentives for foreign investment Other schemes New policy initiatives discussed or foreseen Summary Croatia Policy and market context Audiovisual funds The Croatian Audiovisual Centre (HAVC) The Fund for the Promotion of Pluralism and Diversity in Electronic Media Zadar Film Commission (regional fund Zadar County) Istrian Film Commission (regional fund Istria Peninsula) Other regional funds Fiscal incentives Film Production Incentive Financing by market players Incentives for foreign investment Other schemes Croatian Film Directors Guild (DHFR) Krsto Papić Screenwriting Programme RE-ACT ZagrebDox Pro

98 4.7. New policy initiatives discussed or foreseen Summary France Policy and market context Audiovisual funds Centre National du Cinéma et de l Image Animée (CNC) Directions régionales des affaires culturelles (DRAC) Regional and local funds Fiscal incentives SOFICA Crédit d impôt cinéma (cinema tax credit) Crédit d impôt audiovisuel (television tax credit) Crédit d impôt jeu vidéo (video game tax credit) Financing by market players Financing by national market players Financing by foreign market players Incentives for foreign investment Crédit d impôt international (tax rebate for international production) Aide aux cinemas du monde (support to cinemas of the world) Other schemes Institut pour le Financement du Cinéma et des Industries Culturelles (IFCIC) Société des Auteurs et Compositeurs Dramatiques (SACD) Fonds Web Séries (web series fund) Copyright New policy initiatives discussed or foreseen Summary Germany Policy and market context Audiovisual funds German Federal Film Board (FFA) The German Motion Picture Fund (GMPF) Das Kuratorium junger deutscher Film Regional funds Fiscal incentives The German Federal Film Fund (DFFF) Financing by market players Financing by national market players Financing by foreign market players Incentives for foreign investment German-French Minitraité German French Series Fund German-Italian co-production development fund German-Polish Film Fund Greater Region Co-Development Agreement Other schemes Hamburg Kreativ Gesellschaft NRW.Bank.Kreativwrtschaftsfonds VC Fonds Kreativwirtschaft II Berlin

99 German Films New policy initiatives discussed or foreseen Summary Ireland Policy and market context Audiovisual funds Irish Film Board (IFB) Broadcasting Authority of Ireland (BAI) The Arts Council Fiscal incentives Tax credit - Section Zero-rated VAT Financing by market players Incentives for foreign investment Other schemes Support to guilds Support to SMEs New policy initiatives discussed or foreseen Summary Netherlands Policy and market context Audiovisual funds Mediafonds (Media Fund) Filmfonds (Film Fund) The CoBO Fund Regional and local funds Fiscal incentives Film Production Incentive Financing by market players Incentives for foreign investment Other schemes Copyright New policy initiatives discussed or foreseen Summary Norway Policy and market context Audiovisual funds Norsk filminstitutt (Norwegian Film Institute NFI) Film & Kino Mediefondet Zefyr (regional fund) Film Camp (regional fund) Film Invest (regional fund) Filmfond Nord (regional fund) Regional film centres Fiscal incentives Norwegian Incentive Scheme Zero-rated VAT Financing by market players

100 9.5. Incentives for foreign investment Other schemes Kulturrådet (The Arts Council) New policy initiatives discussed or foreseen Summary Sweden Policy and market context Audiovisual funds Svenska Filminstitutet (Swedish Film Institute SFI) Konstnärsnämnden (Swedish Arts Grants Committee) Film Vast (regional fund) Film region Stockholm-Mälardalen (regional fund) Other regional funds Fiscal incentives Reduced VAT Financing by market players Incentives for foreign investment Other schemes Copyright New policy initiatives discussed or foreseen Summary Conclusions and perspectives Main trends and conclusions Potential ways forward for an amended Danish audiovisual policy Comparative data about funding Selected bibliography Cross-country Belgium FR (French-speaking Community FWB) Belgium NL (Dutch-speaking Community Flanders) Croatia France Germany Ireland Netherlands Norway Sweden

101 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1. CONTEXT OF THE ASSIGNMENT The Danish Ministry of Culture has appointed an independent committee with the task of examining the Danish audiovisual content production sector and considering the available options, which in light of developments on the market could safeguard the future of Danish digital content production and the private funding thereof, and could also ensure that Danish players are not disadvantaged compared to global services and platforms providers. Direct public subsidies are not included as a viable solution included in the mandate of the committee. One of the reasons for the investigation is that the current system of remuneration for rights holders, the so-called cable fees, are at risk in the current developments of the media sector. An increasing number of households either cancel their cable television subscription or opt for a reduced number of channels, as they tend to consume content on internet-based services such Netflix or iplayers. The task for the committee is to investigate potential new legislative means of securing the future financing of Danish digital creative content creation and to consider new approaches to the private funding of creative content. To provide the committee with relevant information, the Danish Ministry of Culture has commissioned Wagner-Hatfield a report mapping and describing legislations or planned initiatives in selected countries aiming to ensure the future financing of national digital creative content creation. The 9 case studies selected by the Ministry were the following: 1. Belgium FR (French-speaking Community); 2. Belgium NL (Dutch-speaking Community); 3. Croatia; 4. France; 5. Germany; 6. Ireland; 7. Netherlands; 8. Norway; 9. Sweden. The investigation had to focus on the solutions implemented by the selected countries, such as: specific legal models, e.g. for clearing of copyrights, for the support of weak stakeholder groups, introduction of new rights, inalienable rights, legal presumptions, etc.; mechanisms supporting weaker parties in negotiations, e.g. mediation, bringing the case before a tribunal if the parties cannot agree, requirements of disclosure and transparency; tax breaks or levies with the aim of securing national digital content; specific public funding mechanisms to secure production of digital content; specific incentive models with the aim of attracting international funding to national content production. 100

102 1.2. METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH Each of the nine case studies is analyzed according to the following structure: Policy and market context. This section presents the overall audiovisual policy and regulatory context, taking into consideration the audiovisual sector in its broad sense (feature films, shorts, documentaries, television programmes, radio, video games ). It also highlights the main trends and challenges on the market and, if any, the specific market dynamics or policy initiatives. Audiovisual funds. This section describes the various funding mechanisms, mainly public but sometimes coming from private initiatives. It provides the legal basis, the way it is funded and how the funds are distributed. If applicable, a difference is made between national, regional and local funds and when appropriate, a highlight is provided on specific initiatives which can be of interest for Denmark. Fiscal incentives. This section describes the various tax breaks, including policies regarding VAT for audiovisual goods and services. It provides the legal basis and a description of their functioning, differentiating between tax shelters, rebates and tax credits, and using the definitions adopted by Olsberg-SPI in their report on fiscal incentives for the European Audiovisual Observatory, which are the following: o Tax shelters are designed to attract investment from high net-worth individuals or high tax-paying firms who are permitted to deduct investments in qualifying production against their tax liabilities while still being able to realize any long-term profits arising from a project, although these would be subject to tax when received. o Rebates are driven by production spend rather than levels of investment repaying productions a percentage of their qualifying budget items according to a clear set of regulations and are funded directly from the state budget. The payment is normally made after the production expenditure has been completed and audited (although some systems accommodate partial earlier payments) and, of critical importance, typically some months after the nation s treasury has collected a range of taxes from the production activity itself. o Tax credits are similar to a rebate in that they are designed to repay a percentage of qualifying production costs based on a pre-determined formula. However, rather than being paid from a demarcated fund, the incentive is instead set against the producer s tax liabilities when a corporate annual return is filed. In doing so, the incentive will reduce the amount of tax due, and where an excess is still available after the liabilities are cleared, which normally is the case, this is paid in cash. 1 Financing by market players. This section details the different types of levies which are imposed on the various market players (cinemas, linear and non-linear service providers, platform providers ). It provides the legal basis and a description of how these levies are collected, differentiating between direct (pre-acquisition and coproduction of works) and indirect (contribution to an audiovisual fund) levies. 1 European Audiovisual Observatory (2014) Impact analysis of fiscal incentive schemes supporting film and audiovisual production in Europe, p

103 Incentives for foreign investment. This section deals with the different specific incentive models to attract international funding. It provides the legal basis and a description of their functioning. Other schemes. This section includes all the other systems or initiatives meant to support audiovisual creation. It focuses especially on copyright issues and on mechanisms which support audiovisual creators such as directors, screenwriters, creative technicians New policy initiatives discussed or foreseen, if any. Finally, a summary provides the list of (and links towards) all the schemes identified. When available, pages in English have been privileged. The report ends with a summary identifying the main trends and, based on these trends, with several suggestions about potential ways forward for Danish policy makers. A few comparative tables as well a bibliography (one for each country and one cross-country) is also provided. 102

104 2. BELGIUM FR (FRENCH-SPEAKING COMMUNITY FWB) 2.1. POLICY AND MARKET CONTEXT Like in other federal States in Europe, audiovisual and cultural policy in Belgium is an attribution of the federated territories (like the Lander in Germany, for instance), which can act and legislate in full autonomy and in sometimes very different ways from one another. The complex institutional situation in Belgium actually gives to two administrative types of jurisdictions important prerogatives in the creative industries sector: the Communities (language-based, for cultural policy) and the Regions (geography-based, for economic policy). Audiovisual policy being a mixture of both, the mechanisms detailed in this section will thus be implemented by one or the other: the French-speaking Community of Belgium (newly relabeled Fédération Wallonie-Bruxelles hereinafter FWB), on one hand, and the Wallonia and Brussels Regions, on the other. Flanders (which has merged both the Region and the Community) will be discussed in the next chapter because its policies, and their impact on its audiovisual sector, are strikingly different. The film industry in the FWB is doing reasonably well, economically speaking. There are enough coproductions with other countries and foreign shootings taking place locally to provide some jobs and revenues for the sector. FWB-made and -produced films, however, fare less well. While (mostly public) funding allows for a relatively healthy production, the FWB public does not seem to be keen on its own cinema. Belgium has one of the lowest market shares in admissions for domestic productions (10% in 2015). 2 And this figure is computed nationally. As we will see in the Flanders case study, the Flemish numbers are better than those for the FWB and drive the national average upward. In the top 25 of the most commercially successful movies in cinemas in 2014, only 2 were Belgian and both were Flemish. 3 And recently, the Ministry of Culture stated that the market share of films of the FWB was only of 1%. 4 Source: European Audiovisual Observatory ?redirect=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.obs.coe.int%2Fhome%3Fp_p_id%3D101_INSTANCE_Wm5VszjBBjEf%26p_p_lifecycle%3D0%26p_p_ state%3dnormal%26p_p_mode%3dview%26p_p_col_id%3dcolumn-10%26p_p_col_count%3d2 3 Ministère de la Fédération Wallonie-Bruxelles (2016) Annuaire de l audiovisuel

105 As for the audiovisual landscape in the FWB, it is structurally characterized by a very high penetration of cable and IPTV, with one dominant platform provider for each network, VOO and Proximus respectively. A new actor, Orange, is currently trying to take advantage of the recent regulation opening the cable infrastructure to competition by also providing a television offer. DTT is virtually non-existent as it is used only to broadcast the three PSM television channels (which are already comfortably received through the existing platforms). The television sector is not dynamic; it has suffered from the combination of various factors which have slowed its development in the last twenty years: The high penetration of French television channels, who make up together more than a quarter of audience ratings (up to a third in prime time). The recent announcement of TF1 s intentions to sell and air its own advertising (starting September 2017) has created additional anxiety and uncertainty. The main commercial TV group, RTL Belgium, a leader in ratings, has decided to relocate under the jurisdiction of Luxembourg in the mid-2000s. This has created difficulties to regulate effectively the TV landscape and to develop sector-wide policy initiatives, since the audiovisual sector in the FWB is thus, for all intent and purposes, composed of the PSM and of local public channels. Public policy in favor of the audiovisual sector has mostly been focused on promoting and supporting local cinema in the last twenty-five years. All financial contributions from broadcasters, distributors and platform operators were effectively geared towards a fund to finance films and documentaries. The FWB has taken a long time to realize the economic, cultural and creative potential of television formats or television fiction. It has recently showed willingness to correct its course. The PSM is poorly funded, comparatively speaking. It also has strict constrains in terms of internal management, including limits on its capacity to work with independent producers. As we will see in the chapter dedicated to Flanders, these characteristics are almost the opposite of those at play in the Flemish audiovisual landscape. Nevertheless, it is because the authorities have now taken better measure of the weaknesses of their market, that the FWB has been forced to reconsider and adjust its priorities and policies. Budgetary constraints have led to creativity and a few recent support mechanisms are worth taking notice of, which could be a source of inspiration for the Danish Ministry of Culture AUDIOVISUAL FUNDS CINÉMA ET DE L AUDIO The CCA is a division of the Ministry of Culture of the FWB. It was created in 1991 and has operated and implemented all mechanisms of support to the audiovisual sector until the more recent creation of regional funds (see below). In 2016, a budget of 27.4 M was allocated to the audiovisual sector. That budget is not made up entirely of public money: 35% come from contributions from service providers and distributors. These contributions have declined over the year, however, with some important consequences for the running of the CCA. These will be explained in a later section. 104

106 Revenues of the CCA in 2016 (M ) Source: CCA The revenues originated from private broadcasters is very small: as was explained earlier, the main commercial broadcasters watched by the FWB public are under the jurisdiction of Luxemburg (RTL group) or are French, and hence fall outside jurisdiction. TF1 s recent announcement that it will air its own Belgian advertising during its programmes has spurred the media authority (the Belgian CSA) to initiate talks with the broadcaster and the French CSA to gauge the possibility of TF1 making some kind of contribution to the CCA. The global budget of the CCA is distributed to a variety of projects, works and initiatives: un in the CCA in 2016 ( ) Source: CCA 105

107 Clearly, financial support for the cinema sector is still predominant. The CCA has boasted of success for their commitment to help Belgian cinema: while the number of productions is still small (yet on par with the small size of the FWB), it has garnered critical acclaim at home and internationally in Festivals. Various aspects of the process (selection procedures, committee membership, etc.) has geared film production towards an auteur or art house niche. French-speaking Belgian cinema has yet to meet its public, as local productions have generally not enjoyed public and commercial success and few films actually make a profit in a box office dominated by US and French productions. The CCA has made efforts to adjust its policies, investing more money in promotion for instance. It also decided to be more active and effective in supporting the development of TV fiction. Highlight: The Series Fund Faced with the obvious and increasing popularity and creativity of television fiction, the CCA initially decided to allocate a specific budget to support authors in the development of their series project. The sums involved were fairly small and the projects selected did not have the guaranteed support of a broadcaster. Most of the projects aided did not make it to production. The PSM (RTBF) was trying to develop TV series on its own as well. Here too, the limited budget available in-house made it difficult to efficiently produce quality television. As an original and pragmatic solution, the CCA and the RTBF decided in 2013 to raise slightly their financial commitment to television fiction and combine their contribution within a single Series Fund, to be jointly administered by both institutions. A commissioning jury was set up, made up of three members appointed by the CCA and three others by the RTBF. Its task is to receive, read and select projects, sent to the Fund by producers following a call for projects three times a year. Projects which show potential can receive a phase 1 support to develop the concept, write the pilot script and the outlines of the following nine episodes. Among those who have successfully completed these tasks, some are selected for a phase 2 financial commitment, a further development stage during which the authors and producers deliver a complete bible of the series, rewrite the pilot and start the work on the other episodes. They also shoot a fifteen minutes teaser to test the visual identity and the directing approach of the series. Eventually, the jury decides whether to greenlight the actual production. Once shot and edited, the series is broadcast on the RTBF. The level of available funding is the following: phase 1: ( for the authors, for the producer); phase 2: ( for the authors, for the producer and for the production of the teaser). The objective of the Fund is to stimulate the emergence of a TV fiction sub-sector, largely absent in the FWB, and to arrive at a point when four different series will be produced and broadcast every year. The first two were on the air in the spring of Innovative and addictive, they achieved ratings beyond expectations. They have since been sold to international buyers (including TF1 and France 2 for their prime time, Sky in the UK, Netflix in the US and the UK). Fewer series than expected have reached the final stages of development, however. It quickly became apparent that, even if the FWB can count on many authors and producers with talent and ambition, very few of these know how to master the specific skills needed to develop a TV series (which are very different than those at play for other audiovisual works). The Series Fund concluded that it needed to set up a training program, specifically tailored for aspiring TV-writers. It is now organizing workshop and masterclasses, seminars and script-doctoring sessions. The quality of the projects received and developed has significantly increased and more than 20 projects in various stages of development are now supported by the Fund. 106

108 It should be noted that the Series Fund develops only projects which fit within specific budgetary constraints and limits: each season must be 10 episodes; first season budget cannot exceed and the following seasons cannot exceed ; The Fund will bring ; the producer will seek other sources of funding: regional funds (see below), tax-shelter (see below), co-production by TV platforms in the framework on their obligations and product placement. Foreign co-producers cannot bring more than 20% of the budget. This business model is attracting attention in neighboring countries, both for the low costs involved and for the resulting quality. Wallimage, registered as a limited company, is an investment fund with the aim of developing and supporting the audiovisual sector in Wallonia. The fund was created in 2000 and is financed by the Walloon Region, with clear economic objectives: stimulating the audiovisual industry and generating economic activity and revenues in the Region through the production of films and television programs. Wallimage boasts of having invested 55 M in its first 15 years of existence and having generated 194 M worth of economic activity in Wallonia. This Fund acts according to a selective mechanism of conditional participation in the financing of audiovisual works, submitted by independent production companies. Wallimage analyses the submitted bids and decides on investments in loans and/or in participation, on the principle of the co-production. The expenditures made in order to gain Wallimage s support can be the same as those made to gain the Tax Shelter, meaning that, in the end, 66% of the expenditures can be covered. Wallimage has a staff of six people and does not only support productions which, in one way or another, will invest in Wallonia, but also takes shares in the capital of innovating enterprises in the audiovisual sector, which are being created, set up or developing in the Walloon region. In 2016, the budget made available by Wallimage for its support to audiovisual production is as follows (in M ): 107

109 Budget allocation of Wallimage in 2016 (M ) Source: Wallimage The invested amounts in audiovisual companies are distributed as follows: Sector Number of companies Total investment Average investment by company Cinema , ,90 Technologies , ,00 Digital creation , ,45 Learning clusters , ,20 Logistics , ,00 It should be noted that, since Wallimage pursues economic objectives, rather than cultural ones, the selection of productions it supports is not made strictly on quality-based criteria, nor geographical criteria. What matters most is the potential of the movie being filmed (which promises returns on investment) and the revenues and jobs it can generate in Wallonia. Part of its success was, for instance, due to making Wallonia an (economically) attractive place for movies to be shot: many French movies or international co-productions looked for a Belgian co-producer and were partly made in the Region in the last fifteen years. Highlight: support for TV formats The public authorities in the FWB have been slow to recognize the importance and potential of TV formats. Long considered a low form of audiovisual creation, it is now started to be seen as a promising activity essential to the audiovisual ecosystem. Broadcasters are increasingly in demand of local content and TV shows made locally are extremely popular. A strong format can also be sold abroad for adaptation, bringing revenues for local producers. 108

110 For a broadcaster to commit to and buy a TV format, however, a pilot is most often required and a pilot, while cheaper than an actual, ready-to-air episode of a show, still requires some funds and involves some risk: if no broadcaster buys the show, the pilot was made at loss. The Walloon Government has decided in 2016 to allocate to Wallimage an additional budget to test the feasibility of supporting this sector were made available to independent producers to develop and shoot a pilot of their format. Each selected project could receive up to 80% of its budget, with a cap at per project. All the money received must be spent in Wallonia. If the pilot is successful and the show is commissioned by a broadcaster, the producer must reimburse the full amount. Screen.brussels functions essentially the same way as Wallimage, which used to have jurisdiction on the Brussels Region before a distinct entity was created in 2013 on the model of Wallimage. Just as Wallimage, it acts as a co producer for audiovisual productions that use Brussels talent and technicians during the production or post production stages. Screen.brussels fund has an annual budget of 3 M. Belgian producers can apply with a co-producer to receive refundable advances by way of economic support to cover their audiovisual expenses in the Brussels Region. Productions receiving fund pledge to spend a set minimum as audiovisual expenditure in the Region. These expenditures can be the same as those made to gain the Tax Shelter, meaning that in the end 66 % of the expenditures can be covered. In order to qualify, the production of the audiovisual work must prove that 40% of the total funding for the production has already been acquired FISCAL INCENTIVES Fiscal matters are a federal attribution in Belgium. The fiscal incentives outlined here are thus applicable nation-wide. The Belgian Tax Shelter is a Government-approved tax incentive (Article 194ter of the Income Tax Code 1992) designed to encourage the production of audiovisual works in Belgium. The system is open to Belgian productions as well as international co-productions with Belgium that meet certain criteria. Based upon the amount of qualifying audiovisual costs the production will spend in the European Economic Area (EEA), and upon the amount of direct and indirect Belgian-eligible expenses, a certified Belgian producer can provide Tax Shelter certificates to local investors. The investor must make its full payment within three months of signing the framework agreement. Through the system, the investor pre-finances the production and/or post-production costs in return for tax benefits and a possible fixed return on investment. The Tax Shelter can provide additional funding up to 25-30% of the total qualifying expenses in the EEA. It allows the finance of up to 40-45% of the Belgian-eligible expenses. Various types of works qualify for the tax shelter: European audiovisual works such as a fiction film, documentary or animated film intended either for cinema or for television; 109

111 international productions such as a fiction film, documentary or animated film intended for cinema that is within the scope of a bilateral agreement as regards the co-production concluded by Belgium (or one of its Communities) with another State. Currently, such bilateral co-production agreements exist with Canada, China, Israel, Switzerland, Morocco and Tunisia. Others are being negotiated. The Belgian Government calls the system a win-win-win situation : the producer is offered a very attractive way to finance projects; the investor obtains tax exemption through a virtually risk-free investment (a return on tax saving of 5.37 p.c./year and a return on sum paid at Euribor 12 Months); the Belgian state benefits from increased economic activity and spend. The system has met great success. In 2003, its first year of inception, were invested in the FWB. In 2016, that amount has skyrocketed to , stable from 2015 where it stood at There have been few reliable studies to give an objective assessment of the impact of the tax shelter, but the most quoted one states that for each EUR 1 sheltered through the incentive, the Belgian Federal Government receives EUR 1.21 in tax revenues arising from the investment. These resulted in 77 M profit to the Belgian State between the introduction of the scheme in 2003 and The success has benefited all genres: Source: Wallimage Behind these numbers lie, however, an important truth about national funding mechanisms: they do not operate in a vacuum and their success is always contingent on the competition with other initiatives stemming from other countries. The reputation of the Belgian Tax Shelter had gradually spread internationally, especially to its neighboring countries. The increasing number of French productions, 5 European Audiovisual Observatory (2014) Impact analysis of fiscal incentive schemes supporting film and audiovisual production in Europe, p

112 for instance, partnering with Belgian productions companies to claim the benefit of the system (and choose many filming locations in Belgium) has forced the French Government to react and adjust its own fiscal incentives. This might, in the near future, result in a decline in investment in the FWB FINANCING BY MARKET PLAYERS The coordinated Law on Audiovisual Media Services gives to broadcasters and distributors the obligation to contribute to audiovisual production. 6 Two non-mutually exclusive options are given: indirect contribution through payment to the film fund of the CCA; direct contribution through the financing of audiovisual work (production, coproduction, preacquisition). The total contribution required is calculated as a proportion of their turnover: For broadcasters: o 0% between 0 and ; o 1,4% between and 5 M ; o 1,6% between 5 and 10 M ; o 1,8% between 10 and 15 M ; o 2% between 15 and 20 M ; o 2,2% above 20 M. For distributors: o either 2 euros per subscriber o or 2.5% of revenues generated by their audiovisual activities, excluding VAT and authors rights. Traditionally, cable operators (for decades monopolistic) had agreed to dispense of their obligations entirely as a contribution to the CCA, leaving the film fund free to decide how and where to spend the money, and which kind of cinema to support. Since the arrival of IPTV and of competition in the sector, however, distributors have gradually shifted their contributions towards co-productions and pre-acquisitions of their own choosing. This has led to a serious decrease in the CCA s funding, which the FWB Government agreed to compensate. 6 Décret coordonné sur les services de médias audiovisuels. No official English version available. Coordinated French version available at 111

113 Direct investments by market players (M ) Source: CCA 2.5. INCENTIVES FOR FOREIGN INVESTMENT All funding systems available in the FWB (the CCA of the FWB, the regional film funds of the Walloon and Brussels Regions, the national Tax Shelter) are devised in such way to be attractive to foreign production companies. To benefit, however, they must partner with a local production company (who often works as executive producer, with little involvement in the creative side of the projects) OTHER SCHEMES Authors (and, to some extent, directors) are represented in Belgium by the SACD (fiction) and the SCAM (documentaries and some TV shows). These two associations are run together, and have close links to their French counterparts. They are collecting societies but the legal landscape of authors rights in Belgium and France makes them particularly powerful and dynamic. Across the EU, collecting societies can collect rights from cable companies. In Belgium and France, however, they can also do so from every actor in the media sector: broadcasters, VOD and SVOD service providers, Pay TV, video lenders, etc. According to a benchmark conducted by the Society of Audiovisual Authors among its members, Belgium is the country where the collection of rights is the most efficient for audiovisual authors, especially thanks to the collection of broadcasting rights, which contributes to more than half of the revenues collected: 112

114 Source: SAA This is, of course, highly beneficial to authors and has significant macro-economic impact; it also gives authors, traditionally weaker stakeholders, a stronger standing. Public authorities have worked on consolidating the system: there are some provisions in the FWB media law, for instance, which compels every actor from the media sector to give proof to the regulatory authority that it has concluded the necessary agreement with the SACD/SCAM before launching its activities. In the Netherlands, for instance, the system of remuneration is based on copyrights, which gives producers power and prominence in the financial side of the creative process. Outside Belgium and France, thus, authors need to work on fair compensation through other means and negotiations, and it is often up to guilds and unions to work on sectorial agreements that offer minimal guarantees. The SACD/SCAM uses their financial resources to offer additional services to their members. They give grants and training for story development or pitching skills, for instance. But they also have formalized a very useful legal advice system: Every author who is starting to develop a TV series, for instance, can have the legal team of the SACD write up and negotiate their contract with the producer (a similar system is available in France, but only for authors without agent representation). All authors contracts (TV and film) drawn by the SACD always contain, as a rule, a mediation clause and, in case of conflict, the SACD is an active part of the mediation process. Today, in Belgium, conflicts between authors and producers almost never go to court and are arbitrated between the two parties, using soft law. This important and useful work of the SACD legal department is only possible thanks to the important revenues the Belgian system of authors rights generates. But this very useful legal aid should be possible in other countries, possibly with the support of public funding. A well thought-out and managed structure could be a cost-efficient contribution to a smoother running of the sector. 113

115 2.7. NEW POLICY INITIATIVES DISCUSSED OR FORESEEN N/A SUMMARY Audiovisual Funds CCA Wallimage Screen.brussels Fiscal incentives Tax Shelter Financing by market players CCA Incentives for foreign investment See above Other schemes Copyright 114

116 3. BELGIUM NL (DUTCH-SPEAKING COMMUNITY FLANDERS) 3.1. POLICY AND MARKET CONTEXT As mentioned in the FWB chapter, Flanders is characterized by a particularly dynamic media landscape, resulting in stark differences with its southern counterpart within the same country. A combination of policy choices and staunch cultural identity has led this small territory to develop not only media entrepreneurs who are commercially successful at home and, to an extent, abroad, but to ignite a positive dynamic within the cultural ecosystem as a whole. Local success in various disciplines (TV, films, music, even literature) feed off each other: actors who gain popularity in a successful TV series are appearing in game shows (making those more appealing) to promote their new films, guests who make a noticeable appearance in a popular talk-show boost the success of their personal creative career, successful TV producers invest their own money in movie projects, etc. Television has played a central and critical role in this dynamic. The Flemish music and movie industries have both seen their revenues and popularity increase drastically after the emergence of successful commercial channels in the 1990s and the renewed creativity of the PSM that ensued. Once the signs of the popularity of Flemish culture and artists were there, all broadcasters invested heavily, both financially and creatively, in local content. It is striking to notice, for instance, that prior to the arrival of private broadcasting in Flanders, the Dutch TV channels which were available garnered, as for French channels in the FWB, up to 30% of audience share. Today, this figure has dropped below 5%. American networks TV series or movies, the juggernauts of many prime-time schedule in many European countries, are aired in secondary channels. The flagship channels, public or private, air mostly Flemish content, including in prime time, and are doing extremely well. It is likely that this virtuous circle can be ascribed to policy choices made in the 1990s by the Flemish Government. One private broadcaster (VTM) was allowed initially, with certain obligations in terms of local production. One of its first success, for instance, was the introduction of a popular music programme, a weekly chart show with only local music productions, which is still credited today for having contributed to launching a vibrant Flemish music industry. But, more critically, the drastic reform of the PSM (the then-brtn, now VRT) of 1997 has had a major impact on the restructuring of the media sector. The Government then decided to force the BRTN to significantly downsize the number of its employees, judging the public institution to be counterproductively overstaffed. But, while doing so, it didn t similarly decrease the funding given to the PSM, it rather sent the clear signal that these internal reforms were not about budget cuts, but rather about internal management and creative processes. The BRTN was to spend the newly freed money in programmes bought from Flemish independent producers. Many creative talents left the institution to set up their own production company and submitted new ideas and new formats to the channel. The BRTN apparently made a wise selection of its commissions, because success quickly followed. Original game shows and talk shows appeared and received good ratings, prompting the competition to look for and buy programmes from this new pool of talent. Today, the independent TV production sector in Flanders is one of the most dynamic in the world. Some formats are sold abroad, but most of the revenues still come, in sufficient amounts, from the local market. The film industry is doing economically well too, even though Belgium has one of the lowest market shares in admissions for domestic productions (10% in 2015). 115

117 Source: European Audiovisual Observatory These figures are national, they include all movies made in Belgium, both in Flanders and in the FWB. As discussed previously, however, FWB-made movies rarely attract more than a modest audience. These are low, nonetheless, but are not atypical for a small territory and with a language barrier such as Flanders. Some Flemish movies are actually very successful in the box office. Two ranked among the top 25 in 2015 and it is interesting to note that one was a spin-off of a popular TV series and the other was made for the teenagers and children fan base of a Flemish pop music girl band. But many Flemish movies have also met with critical acclaim and some degree of international notoriety. A huge hit ( The Loft ) was remade in the US, with the same Flemish director. Rundskop was nominated for a Foreign Movie Oscar and has propelled the career of its star Matthias Schoenaerts in America and Europe. Likewise, the domestic success of Flemish TV series has attracted attention for their directors: Flemish talents have been hired to direct episodes of House of Cards, Peaky Blinders, The Fall, London Spy or Shetland AUDIOVISUAL FUNDS The VAF is the cultural public funding body of the Flemish Community. It includes three specialized funds: the VAF/Film Fund, the VAF/Media Fund and the VAF/Game Fund. The VAF/Film Fund The VAF/Film Fund s main mission is to co-finance the production of individual films in various genres: fiction, animation, documentary and experimental film. Feature films, medium-length and short films are all eligible. For applications concerning foreign films, financing must be at least 50% complete or have a production support commitment from the lead territory's selective film fund. 116

118 The fund receives only public funding, a total of 16.7 M in 2016, allocated to its various activities according to the following breakdown: Budget of the VAF/Film Fund in 2016 (M ) Source: VAF The amount dedicated to support development and production is distributed to various genres, as follows: en e funded the VAF/Film Fund Source: VAF 117

119 The VAF/Media Fund The VAF/Media Fund focuses on the co-financing of high-quality television series developed in coproduction with a Flemish TV broadcaster. This includes fiction, animation, documentary and crossmedia developments of TV series. For applications concerning foreign series, at least 50% of the financing must be guaranteed, with at least 20% of funding coming from Flanders. It is also a requirement that a Flemish television broadcaster should be financially involved in the production of foreign series. The fund is allocated public money, but also receives contributions from the TV distributors (which have a choice between transferring their mandated contribution to the Media Fund or to invest the amount in coproduction or pre-acquisition). Only 3% of the 2016 budget came from such contributions, however, since only the smallest distributors chose to contribute to the fund. In 2016, the budget was allocated to its various activities according to the following breakdown: Budget of the VAF/Media Fund in 2016 (M ) Source: VAF The 3.8 M dedicated to support TV creation are distributed to various genres, as follows: 118

120 Source: VAF The VAF/Game Fund The VAF/Game Fund co-finances the development of video games by games companies in Flanders and Brussels. It has a publicly funded budget of , 7% of which is allocated to management and operational costs. Highlight: NeXT initiative by Flanders Image Flanders Image is the VAF branch which deals with promotion and visibility in international events and festivals for the film and television industries. Flanders Image launched a new initiative in 2016: NeXT, which stands for new exciting talents. The project was developed as an original networking platform, where a select group of 50 foreign festival curators, sales agents and distributors are invited to Flanders to meet Flemish filmmakers and their new films and projects. The first edition took place in October 2016 in Ghent. Flanders Image wanted to test new ways of achieving specific objectives: placing Flemish creation and talents as early as possible on the radar of important and trendsetting festivals, sales agents and distributors; creating a set-up for direct, personal contacts between Flemish creators and these foreign actors; ensuring that Flemish creators could gather new and realistic insights through first-hand and rich conversations with international top players of the evolving movie and entertainment industries. Careful consideration was given to the selection of international guests. The intention was to identify the top players in the industry and gauge their availability, which was a not an easy task, including for logistic reasons given the crowded festival calendar. In the end, the project managed to reach a vast majority of the intended guests: curators of the SXSW festival in Austin, Texas, Berlin, Cannes ( Semaine de la Critique ), New York (Tribeca), Rotterdam, Toronto,... They also invited distributors, sales agents, operators (like UGC) and the Paris-based talent agency Film Talents. The event attracted reporters from magazines such as Le Film Français and Screen International/Screen Daily. 119

121 In addition to the screening of finished films, the program also allowed Flemish authors and producers to present forthcoming projects and ideas in development. A competition was organized for the best pitch and the best work-in-progress presentation. During various networking moments, creators had direct personal contact with the foreign guests. NeXT was closed by NeXTtalks, a selection of keynote speeches and panel discussions on various topics such as changing international sales and the distribution landscape. In addition, all foreign guests received an invitation to the opening night of the Gent Film Festival, which coincided with the NeXT program. The organizers state that the first edition of NeXT was particularly well received by both Flemish and foreign attendees. In an online survey that was held among foreign guests afterwards, 94% of them were likely to come to a second edition. 91% found NeXT very useful and the other 8 % rated the initiative as useful. Amongst the local participants, the opinions expressed were that NeXT allowed them to make new or closer contacts and would make it easier to follow up with the people they had the chance to meet. The organizers were pleased about the number of movies selected for festivals following the event. Flanders Image is thus planning a second edition, with CONNeXT as their new name, scheduled for October The changes made to the original formula are two-fold: add a television dimension: bring in Flemish talent and foreign guests from the TV industry and devote some panel sessions to relevant issues for them; focus on networking and exporting of talent and creations, leaving issues and considerations of co-productions aside for another, specific initiative. Events stimulating coproductions are already abundant across Europe, whereas purely networking events are rarer and NeXT should build on its originality. Screen Flanders an economic support measure launched in 2012 by the Flemish Government to support audiovisual productions, both national and international, that spend (part of) their budget within the Region of Flanders. Belgian producers can apply to receive up to of refundable advances by way of economic support to cover their audiovisual expenses in the Flemish Region. Foreign producers interested in applying for the fund can co-produce with a Belgian producer that satisfies all the selection criteria. Fiction, documentary or animation films with a running time of at least 60 minutes and animation series consisting of at least three episodes with a minimum total broadcast time of 60 minutes for the whole series are eligible. Guidelines states that the (co-)production must enrich the cultural heritage of Flanders and invest a minimum of in the Flemish Region. Every euro entrusted to a producer must yield at least 1 euro of audiovisual expenditure in the region. Calls are sent to applicants on a periodical basis, with each call having a predetermined budget. All applications will be presented to a jury consisting of both economic and cultural experts who will assess and prioritize all projects. Available funding will be divided among the highest-ranking applications. The annual budget of Screen Flanders is 4.5 M was a milestone for the fund, marking its 100 th investment. Since its launch in 2012, the fund has awarded over 21.7 M to a total of 102 audiovisual projects. Together these projects have spent M of eligible audiovisual costs in the region. Every euro invested by the fund thus generated 4.72 of eligible expenditure in the Flanders region. The fund has invested an average of per 120

122 project. 7 The vast majority of the supported projects are fiction features, but the fund finances other genres as well: Source: VAF It should be noted that the various initiatives of the Flemish Government are very centralized, as to diminish and rationalize operating costs. It is the VAF that manages the applications of and promotes Screen Flanders, the same organization which runs the Film Fund, the Media Fund and the Game Fund (as well as the office for shooting locations), whereas in many countries these various projects are entrusted to separate institutions and themes FISCAL INCENTIVES The Belgian Tax Shelter, being a federal tax policy, is in application in Flanders the way it is in the FWB. It is interesting to note however, that Flanders, larger in population and GDP than Wallonia and Brussels, has raised less money than its Southern counterpart: 79.6 M in 2015 down to 63.9 M in The difference is accounted by the smaller number of international coproductions that Flanders seemed to seek or attract. As mentioned earlier, the FWB has managed to entice many French producers, for instance, who come from a larger and richer market than the Netherlands, the natural partner for Flemish coproductions. British producers have come to Flanders to shoot part of their TV series, but these types of partnership benefit mostly to producers and technicians, not other creative professions (like actors or authors) because of the language barrier

123 3.4. FINANCING BY MARKET PLAYERS Market players only have financing obligations directed at the TV sector: their contributions are not geared, as in France or the FWB, to the film industry. Another difference between Flanders and France and the FWB is that only distributors must make mandatory contributions. Broadcasters must invest in local content, for their own output, but do so independently from public mechanisms. Two non-mutually exclusive options are given to distributors: indirect contribution through payment to the Media Fund of the VAF; direct contribution through the financing of audiovisual work (production, coproduction, preacquisition). The total contribution required is calculated by multiplying the number of their subscribers by Traditionally, cable operators (for decades monopolistic) had agreed to dispense of their obligations entirely as a contribution to the VAF. Since the arrival of IPTV and of platform competition in the sector, however, distributors have gradually shifted their contributions towards co-productions and pre-acquisitions of their own choosing. This has led to a serious decrease in the VAF s funding, which the Government did not agree to compensate. Telenet, the main cable operator, left the Media Fund system in 2016, depriving the mechanism of about 2.7 M. The managing director of the VAF did not criticize the move, however, but rather expressed the feeling that the fact that the major TV distributors are now able to make their own commissioning decisions and support the kind of television most appropriate for them is the sign of a healthy TV industry and a well accomplished mission of the VAF INCENTIVES FOR FOREIGN INVESTMENT All funding systems available in Flanders are devised in such way to be attractive to foreign production companies. To benefit, however, they must partner with a local production company (who often works as executive producer, with little involvement in the creative side of the project) OTHER SCHEMES Copyright law is a federal attribution; hence all dispositions and mechanisms presented and discussed in chapter 3 are also applicable and relevant in Flanders NEW POLICY INITIATIVES DISCUSSED OR FORESEEN N/A. 8 VAF (2017) Jaarverslag

124 3.8. SUMMARY Audiovisual Funds VAF Filmfonds VAF Mediafonds VAF Gamefonds Screen Flanders Fiscal incentives Tax Shelter Financing by market players See above Incentives for foreign investment See above Other schemes Copyright 123

125 4. CROATIA 4.1. POLICY AND MARKET CONTEXT Despite being one of the EU countries with the largest number of foreign audiovisual media services targeting its market, Croatia has not been significantly affected by them so far. Around 55 services established outside the country took only slightly above 3% of the total audience market share according to Eurodata, and 6-7% according to AGB Nielsen. According the national regulatory authority, their share in the advertising market is even less (2%). 9 A completely different picture can be seen in cinema admissions, where Croatian titles perform extremely poorly in comparison to U.S. productions. In 2014, they experienced a record decline with a drop from 11.1% in 2013 to only 2.5% a year later. The decrease continued in 2015 when even fewer tickets were sold for Croatian films and the national market share reached its lowest point in the period of with only 1.9%, even though the year brought titles such as the highly awarded The High Sun (with 12 wins and 8 nominations on international festivals, among others including the Un Certain Regard Jury Prize at the Cannes Film Festival in 2016). The local connoisseurs explain that the reluctance of the Croatian audience to Croatian films is deeply rooted. Besides the weak reputation of Croatian productions among the Croatian viewers in terms of quality, they also point a lack of culture of watching domestic movies in cinemas. Source: European Audiovisual Observatory The High Sun is only one of several Croatian films co-financed by the Croatian Audiovisual Centre (HAVC) that attracted international attention recently. A distinctive breakthrough occurred in the last decade, which corresponds to the introduction of the national film support scheme in 2007, first through subsidies and in the last five years also via a rebate-style fiscal incentive. 9 Agency for Electronic Media (2017) European works: the issue of access to European works for the regional broadcasters, activities on its promotion; presentation at the Regional Conference of regulatory authorities under the umbrella of the joint EU and CoE project JUFREX, Durres, 6-7 July

126 Since the establishment of the HAVC and especially since the launch of the rebate scheme, the average annual growth in film production expenditures has exceeded 15% in Croatia. 10 The increase of the overall income of the fund was one of the highest in Europe; in 2014, it increased by 100% compared to the level of It is relevant to underline the fact that the scheme is only partly financed from the State budget through a grant-in-aid from the Government. The rest comes from legally binding contributions of all entities using audiovisual works for their business activity, such as broadcasters, VOD providers, digital, cable and satellite operators and Internet service providers. 11 But the revenues remain relatively low: among the nine case studies, Croatia ranks last in terms of overall income of the funds as well as in terms of income per inhabitant. 12 Not negligible, though, is the observation that most of the industry contributions to the HAVC comes from the national public service media Croatian Radio-Television (HRT), which itself is mainly financed by the license fee and partly by advertising. Similarly, the Fund for Pluralism, operated by the Croatian regulator for electronic media, is granted 3% of the collected public service media license fee. Nevertheless, the Croatian approach is often quoted as a good practice, given that it has demonstrated an immediate impact and strong growth. It attracts huge productions such as HBO s Game of Thrones, the BBC s McMafia and the upcoming shooting of the sequel of Mamma Mia, and helped increase the scale of the national film sector. In 2015, a total of 96 Croatian films were screened at 70 international festivals and won approximately 40 awards, which is quite a success for a country whose population is only 4.2 million people. The benefits of the film support schemes are not limited to the films that received the funds or rebates, but stimulate the growth of the audiovisual industry and support services. It is more than beneficial also for the Croatian tourism. Besides the direct, measurable economic impact, there are other gains, such as formation of skilled crews, and cultural benefits. Still missing is adequate infrastructure/facilities for filming and post-production. Here, some strategic interventions would be welcome, like those presented in other chapters AUDIOVISUAL FUNDS The HAVC, founded in 2008, is the national, Government-backed agency for supporting audiovisual production in Croatia. Its remit and organisation are governed by the Act on Audiovisual Activities (2007, amended in 2011) 13 and is not limited to funding. The Centre seeks to facilitate dialogue and cooperation across the value chain, sponsors script development, and support initiatives which target young audiences, such as promotion via social media and film education activities involving universities and schools. Its decision-making structure is characterized by the independence of the HAVC from Government intervention. Three autonomous and equal bodies are presiding over its activities: The Managing Board, the Chief Executive Officer and the Croatian Audiovisual Council. Each body is responsible for a different area of activities: the Managing Board oversees the Centre s compliance with the legal 10 European Audiovisual Observatory (2014) Impact analysis of fiscal incentive schemes supporting film and audiovisual production in Europe, pp Act on Audiovisual Activities and Act Amending and Supplementing the Law on Audiovisual Activities. No official English version available. The consolidated version of both acts in Croatian available on 12 See section 11.3 for detailed data. 13 Ibidem. 125

127 framework, the Chief Executive Officer represents and manages the Centre, and the Croatian Audiovisual Council decides on the allocation of funds for the Centre s programmes. Source: HAVC The members of the Croatian Audiovisual Council are representatives of professional associations related to audiovisual service providers (e.g. film workers, directors, producers, cinematographers) and representatives of business subjects who derive a direct benefit from the use of audiovisual works. The rationale behind the inclusion of the main stakeholders is a democratic, transparent and just system enabling both the producers and users to actively participate in allocation of funds. The companies and associations represented in the Council are the following: Croatian Radio Television HRT (the national public service media company); NOVA TV and RTL (the commercial TV companies with nationwide channels); Croatian Film Workers Association; Croatian Film Directors Guild; Croatian Producers Association; Croatian Cinematographers Society; National Televisions Association; professional group of cinema exhibitors at the Croatian Chamber of Economy; professional group of distributors at the Croatian Chamber of Economy; cable operators; operators in fixed and mobile telecommunications networks and Internet service providers; institutions of higher education in audiovisual activities; Croatian Cinematheque; Croatian Film Association. There is also an Artistic Council operating at the HAVC. The Artistic Advisors review and assess projects applying to the HAVC s public calls. They are appointed by the Croatian Audiovisual Council upon the CEO s recommendation and are chosen for eight categories that are covered by the public 126

128 calls: animated, documentary, experimental, feature and short films, minority co-productions, TV works and complementary activities. The annual budget of the HAVC has ranged from slightly less than 10 to almost 12 M ; in 2016 it was 10.7 M. 14 The industry fees represent approximately half of the HAVC budget and they are dedicated entirely to the HAVC programmes. The funds for salaries of the HAVC staff, operational costs and administration of the Creative Europe Media Desk are provided from the State budget, but they represent just a minor part of the transfer provided by the Ministry of Culture (6%). The rest is intended for project funding. The majority of the HAVC budget is spent on rebates and incentives for production of audiovisual works. Smaller shares go to script and project development, participation of Croatian films in festivals, programmes of audiovisual associations, promotion activities, publishing, education, research, development of film criticism, protection of audiovisual heritage, digitalisation, programmes of cinematographs and cinematheques, as well as special projects in collaboration with the film schools and cities. In the last seven years, HAVC has supported digitalisation of 52 independent cinemas and helped the Croatian producers increase their success in getting funds through Creative Europe's MEDIA programme (more than 5 M in non-refundable grants) and through Eurimages (more than 3.2 M ). 15 Source: HAVC The so-called Pluralism Fund is a fund operated by the Agency for Electronic Media (AEM), the national regulatory authority. The Fund's financial resources are provided from a 3% share of revenues (around 14 HAVC's annual reports, available on (for 2012 and 2013) and on (for 2014 and 2015). The report for 2016 is not public. The figure for 2016 was taken from the Croatian Country Report on

129 2 M ) collected from the Croatian Radio-Television license fee in accordance with the Law on the Croatian Radio-Television. 16 The fund supports production and broadcasting of audiovisual and radio programmes by broadcasters at the local and regional level, non-profit broadcasters, non-profit providers of online publications and non-profit producers. The manner and procedure for implementation of a public tender for co-financing of audiovisual and radio programs from the Fund's resources, monitoring of the spending of funds and realization of the programmes for which they were awarded is set out in an Ordinance adopted by the Council for Electronic Media. 17 The maximum amount of de minimis aid to be granted to an individual applicant shall not exceed over a period of three fiscal years taking into account all assigned state aid the applicant received in that period, including from other State bodies. In 2015 the funds were allocated to a total of 92 projects (broadcasts) serving different interests, e.g. minority programmes, quality programmes for children, broadcasts raising awareness on abilities and contribution of persons with disabilities, gender equality, historically credible portrayal of the Patriotic War, promotion of cultural diversity and protection of heritage, promotion of health, environmental protection, etc. The Zadar Film Commission is the first Croatian regional film fund. It was established in September 2014 by the Zadar County as the constituent part of the INOVAcija, the County s institution for development of competence and innovation. Its goal is to bring international audiovisual projects to Zadar and give filming crews logistical support, for example for location scouting, obtaining filming permits and other communication with public authorities, as well as domestic producers and crew. The Istrian Film Commission was founded in 2015 as a part of the Istrian Cultural Agency (IKA), similarly as in Zadar, with the intention to promote Istria as a shooting location. The implementation depends on the financial capacities of the Istria County and on the participation of the local tourist boards. Two new film commissions, modelled on the Istrian and Zadar example, were opened recently: Kvarner Film Commission in Rijeka and Varaždin Film Commission in Varaždin. 18 According to the National Programme on Promotion of Audiovisual Creativity for , some more are planned in the coming years. 19 Other bodies supporting audiovisual production are the Zagreb City Office for Education, Culture and Sport and the Rijeka City Office for Culture. 16 The Law on the Croatian Radio-Television. No English translation available. Consolidated version in Croatian available at 17 The Ordinance in Croatian language Pravilnik o fondu za poticanje pluralizma i raznovrsnosti elektroničkih medija available on HAVC (2017) Nacionalni program promicanja audiovizualnog stvaralštva

130 4.3. FISCAL INCENTIVES Croatia introduced the Film Production Incentive in One of most recent systems of such kind in Europe is a 20% rebate scheme for film and television production, available to international and local filmmakers for the eligible Croatian expenses VAT excluded. The legal basis for the rebate scheme is specified by the amendment to the Act on Audiovisual Activity of The rebate applies to feature films, documentaries, short films, television drama and animation. It does not apply to commercials, reality TV, game shows and soaps. Depending on the type of project the minimum Croatian expense should be: for feature films; for documentaries; for animation films; for television films; for each television episode. As highlighted in the impact analysis of fiscal incentive schemes commissioned by the European Audiovisual Observatory, 21 the presence of television in the Croatian fiscal scheme is important, as it offers producers additional business opportunities and allows them to diversify their revenue stream. Where fiscal incentives have expanded from the film into the television sector, in particular high-end television, this has provided producers with further business opportunities. To avoid overspending, the tax rebate system has a maximum annual spend of 2.6 M and is administered on a first come, first served basis. The certification for each production that applies is carried out by the HAVC, after which the approved funds are reserved until the complete envisaged budget is allocated. The rebate is calculated on the total qualifying expenditure, excluded VAT, and is paid directly to the applicant s Croatian bank account. Qualified spend consists of the costs of goods and services purchased in Croatia and wages paid to Croatian tax residents (both cast and crew) for services carried out in Croatia. It is a condition that the applicant is a Croatian producer, co-producer or production service provider that has produced or provided services for at least one publicly shown audiovisual work in the last three years before the application. The applicant must prove that at least 70% of financing for Croatian costs has been secured, that cast and crew consist of at least 30% national citizens for productions shooting partially in Croatia or 50% for productions filming entirely in Croatia. Each applicant has also to pass a cultural test. The qualifying productions are issued first a provisional certificate and, upon completion of the production in Croatia and submission of the audited accounts, the final certificate which guarantees payment. Through this scheme, 34 projects were filmed in Croatia until 2017 (five in 2012, four in 2013, eight in 2014, ten in 2015 and seven in 2016), 22 with local spending around 54 M, 23 ranging from the television megahits, such as the HBO s Game of Thrones to films Diana, Cure The Life of 20 Act on Audiovisual Activities and Act Amending and Supplementing the Law on Audiovisual Activities. No official English version available. The consolidated version of both acts in Croatian available at 21 European Audiovisual Observatory (2014) Impact analysis of fiscal incentive schemes supporting film and audiovisual production in Europe

131 Another, Island of Love, A Patriotic Man, Itsi Bitsi, the Swedish children s series Christmas in the Sun, the U.S. serial Dig, and some European art-house films. In two years since its introduction, the tax rebate scheme resulted in a total of 18 international productions from the United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Switzerland, Finland, Denmark, Sweden, Slovenia, and the Netherlands. In the first year the spending of international productions in Croatia was 3.4 M, in 2013 it doubled to 6.7 M, and in 2014 doubled again to 13.5 M. In 2016 the delays in remunerating 20% rebates to producers shooting films in Croatia occurred with the advent of the new Government 24 and the total eligible production spending fell from 22 M in 2015 to less than 8 M. 25 For 2017 the local spending is expected to bounce back; 26 it is forecast at approximately 13.5 M (reaching the level of 2014). Source: HAVC 4.4. FINANCING BY MARKET PLAYERS Various market players contribute to the production of audiovisual works, both directly (through the financing of audiovisual work production, coproduction, pre-acquisition) and indirectly (through payment to the film fund of the HAVC). The industry fee is stipulated by the Act on Audiovisual Activities. The statutory obligation to contribute 2% of its annual gross income to the HAVC. The same percentage is required from providers of non-linear AVMS, but the resulting amounts are much lower. Both nationwide commercial television channels (Nova TV and RTL) and operators of public communication networks must contribute 0.8% of their annual gross income earned by performing media activities. 0.5% of revenues is required from providers of regional or city channels and other services with licenses for satellite, cable or internet distribution (with a minimum coverage of people). 24 The short-lived Tihomir Orešković's Government from 22 January October 2016, with Zlatko Hasanbegović as the Minister of Culture

132 The differences in obligations coupled with the differences in revenues eventually make the public service media company HRT the biggest industry backer of the Centre s budget. Source: HAVC Several works co-produced by the HRT and co-funded by HAVC have gained international visibility and success. The Cannes Laureate Dalibor Matanić ( The High Sun ) made a 12-episode TV series Newspapers / Novine, produced by Drugi Plan for HRT and premiered in In 2017, the series was broadcast by the Slovenian public service broadcaster RTV Slovenia. The global distribution rights were acquired by Keshet International, the global distribution arm of Israeli media company Keshet Media Group. Another successful drama TV series Rest in Peace, co-funded by HRT and HAVC, was the first Croatian series broadcast in Western Europe. The rights for Belgium were bought by the Belgian Flemish Radio and Television (VRT) and for the UK by the Global Series Network. Rest in Peace was also the first Croatian series to be sold to Walter Presents (Channel 4, UK), which bought the screening rights, and to the US, to Lionsgate, which bought the remake rights. The series was created and produced by Dario Vince and Koraljka Meštrović through the independent production company Ring Multimedia for HRT. The documentary TV series Slumbering Concrete / Betonski spavaći by Saša Ban also gained attention. The series about the modernist architecture of former Yugoslavia was produced by Hulahop for HRT and premiered in INCENTIVES FOR FOREIGN INVESTMENT The HAVC provides International Coproduction Scheme aimed at funding and support of minority coproduction. It is organised as an open call with four yearly submission deadlines. The scheme funds fiction, documentary and animation films, feature length and short films originating outside Croatia. The condition is that a Croatian producer is involved as a creative collaborator and provider of a minority of the finance needed. Another request is that the film must be approved as an official co-production under a bilateral treaty or the European Convention on Cinematographic Co- Production. Where in exceptional cases the HAVC agrees to waive this requirement the film must 131

133 still be structured as a bona fide co-production in which ownership, rights and revenues are shared among the co-producers. Other incentives for foreign investments are the tax rebate detailed above as well as trainings and logistic support OTHER SCHEMES ORS GUILD (DHFR) The DHFR is a professional, voluntary and non-profit association of professional film directors and screenwriters, founded in 1995 and a member of the FERA, the Federation of European Film Directors. The association s main objectives are to advance the Croatian cinematography and audiovisual creation, and to protect the professional rights of the members. All directors and screenwriters who work professionally in the Republic of Croatia and meet the prescribed criteria, i.e. the required number of audiovisual works and principles of professional excellence, can become members. Among others, the DHFR performs the collective perception of copyrights and similar rights for authors of audiovisual works and film producers, based on the approval of the State Intellectual Property Office of the Republic of Croatia and the Copyright and Related Rights Act, as well as the Cooperation Agreement in the Field of Collective Implementation of Audiovisual Rights concluded with the Croatian Producers Association (HRUP) and the Croatian Cinematographers Society (HFS). To that end, the DHFR collects information on audiovisual works, their authors, videograms and film producers, and collects royalties for cable retransmission of audiovisual works and fees for private copying, as well as film producer fees for private copying of videograms. The collected fees are annually distributed to authors and producers. The DHFR also concludes mutual representation agreements with associations for collective implementation of rights in other countries. KRSTO PAPIĆ SCREENWR The Krsto Papić programme is a DHFR Screenwriting Programme intended to encourage research and development of screenplays for medium-length and feature documentary films. The aim is to foster documentary films of innovative authorship and/or relevant contemporary themes that require a demanding research process. Representatives of professional associations in audiovisual activities, as well as students and graduates of audiovisual studies in Croatia can apply. RE-ACT is an initiative set up in 2015 by the Croatian Audiovisual Centre, Friuli Venezia Giulia Audiovisual Fund (Italy) and Slovenian Film Centre in collaboration with TorinoFilmLab. It supports new audiovisual projects and international co-productions via its funding scheme and training programme. Its target group are filmmakers and producers who contribute to closer ties between Croatia, Friuli Venezia Giulia (a region in Northeast Italy) and Slovenia. RE-ACT Co-Development Funding scheme supports a maximum of 6 projects (2 from each country/region) with a minimum financial support of per project per year. 132

134 Similarly, their training programme covers a part of the costs related to participation for selected producer or director teams (equal number per country/region) at the trainings of the Torino Film Lab (examples of topics: script writing, pitching, editing, audience design). ZagrebDox Pro is a no-fee training programme for creative documentary projects in different stages of development and production, a pitching forum and a platform for individual meetings, tailored for professional director-producer teams. Since its initiation in 2005, it has been supported financially by the Croatian Audiovisual Centre and the Zagreb City Office for Education, Culture and Sport, and lately also by the Creative Europe - MEDIA Sub-programme. ZagrebDox Pro places a special emphasis on projects and teams from the region, i.e. Albania, Austria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Montenegro, Croatia, Italy, Kosovo, Hungary, Macedonia, Romania, Slovenia and Serbia NEW POLICY INITIATIVES DISCUSSED OR FORESEEN Following the resignation of Hrvoje Hribar, the Director who led the HAVC in the period of introduction of the tax incentive scheme and its worldwide affirmation, 27 the Minister of Culture Nina Obuljen Koržinek announced changes to the Act on Audiovisual Activities. Koržinek used to be a Member of the HAVC Board before being appointed Minister in November The planned legal changes are said to relate to the relationship between the organs of the HAVC, the decision-making and accountability, and should facilitate the independent and transparent functioning of the HAVC SUMMARY Audiovisual Funds National HAVC National Fund for Pluralism Regional Zadar Film Commission Regional Istria Film Commission Regional Hrvoje Hribar, who started his second term of office in 2014, resigned in February 2017 in a reaction to a very critical Audit Report for 2015, issued by the State Audit Office ( The audit report followed a year of public controversy and alleged political pressures, according to Hribar, initiated by Zlatko Hasanbegović who served as the Minister of Culture from January October The Croatian Film Directors Guild and the Croatian Association of Producers responded with a statement claiming that the State Audit Office exceeded their powers and warned about the risk of political interfering in professional standards and the freedom of artistic expression. At least two public initiatives were launched in the reaction to the interventions of the Government: Puk o nam je film (literally The film was torn off, that is we d had enough ), and Stand Up for Croatian Cinema. They were supported by Federation of European Film Directors (FERA) and European Film Agency Directors (EFADs). The Film New Europe Association (FNE) also issued a statement expressing their support to HAVC and Hrvoje Hribar, stressing out that the HAVC became a leader for the region under the Hribar s leadership

135 Kvarner Film Commission Regional Varaždin Film Commission Fiscal incentives HAVC incentives Financing by market players HAVC Incentives for foreign investment International Scheme Other schemes DHFR Co-production Krsto Papić Screenwriting Programme RE-ACT ZagrebDox Pro _production

136 5. FRANCE 5.1. POLICY AND MARKET CONTEXT France is by far the most prolific country in terms of policies meant to support the financing of creative content. The three main types of supports (audiovisual funds, fiscal incentives and financing by market players) are widely used, and in a variety of ways. The French creative industry can also benefit from several other schemes and of one of the most supportive legal framework for authors. The global system offers a policy environment where all the essential criteria for creating a sustainable film business (consistency, reliability and a level of support that is substantial enough to really make a difference) 29 are present and which benefits from a broad political support across party lines, keeping the system at bay from political changes. France is the country in which the largest amount of audiovisual funds has been set up (see the comparatives tables in chapter 12). It is also the country in which these funds spend the largest amount of money: according to the European Audiovisual Observatory, an average M have been spent yearly between 2010 and 2014 by audiovisual funds throughout 33 European countries and France alone accounts for more almost one fifth of this volume, with a yearly average of 917 M, i.e. almost three times more than the second country on the rank: Yearly average, in M Source: European Audiovisual Observatory The vast majority of this funding is provided by the Centre National du Cinéma et de l Image Animée (CNC), whose funds come from different types of levies imposed on all the market players who give access to the public to audiovisual content. 29 Olsberg-SPI (2012) Building sustainable film businesses: the challenges for industry and government, p

137 In terms of fiscal incentives, France has set up five different systems, including one for foreign investors. Financing by market players is also a policy tool which is widely used: such obligations are imposed on almost all players of the value chain (linear and non-linear service providers, producers, cinemas, video industry, distributors including ISPs), and have been through numerous adaptations over time in order to take into consideration both the technical developments (such as the roll-out of cable and IPTV networks) and the changes in consumption patterns (such as the success of non-linear consumption on VOD platforms). Moreover, France is one of the few European countries (with Germany, Poland and Belgium) to impose both direct and indirect financing obligations on linear broadcasters and one of the two European countries (with Germany) to have set up a system of financial contribution by non-linear services established in another EU Member State but targeting its audience. 30 Finally, France has set up various other schemes, such as the system of guarantee facility IFIC. One of the main achievements of this system is the market share of French film in cinemas, which is the highest of continental Europe: Source: CNC But the system also benefits to the television industry, due to the high level of obligations imposed on service provides, not only in terms of financing (see below) but also in terms prominence: broadcasters have to air at least 60% of European cinematographic and audiovisual works and a least 40% of cinematographic and audiovisual works whose French is the original language (including specific shares during prime-time which are detailed in the individual conventions between the media regulator CSA and the service providers). The main interest of such a case study for Danish policy makers is that this high-level funding of audiovisual works has been set up with limited costs for the State budget: the burden lies on the industry. However, in such a system, there is always a risk that the market players transfer this burden on the consumers, who therefore become indirect tax payers of the system. 30 The German scheme has been validated by the European Commission in 2016 (see section for further details). The French scheme has been notified to the European Commission, but no decision has been taken yet (see section for further details). 136

138 It should also be highlighted that the consistency, reliability and size of the system are achieved through a subtle balance between financing obligations for broadcasters, automatic or selective public funding and incentives for private investment AUDIOVISUAL FUNDS ÉMA ET DE L IMAGE AN The CNC was created by the law of 25 October 1946, 31 making France a pioneer in terms of film funding. Operating under the authority of the Ministry of Culture and Communication, it manages the funding of the audiovisual industry, and has diverse promotion, negotiation and even regulation powers. The main characteristic of the CNC is that its funding is based on the (simple even though not widely spread) principle that distribution finances creation. It is therefore not funded by the State: its revenues come from levies imposed on all market players who give access to audiovisual works to the public, i.e. cinemas (since 1948), broadcasters (since 1986), physical video providers (since 1993), on-demand video providers (since 2003) and internet service providers (since 2007). The levies are based on the turnover of these players and vary depending on the VAT rate applied to these different cultural products. The CNC provides funding for all types of audiovisual programmes (feature films, shorts, documentaries, television programs, video clips, videogames ) and this funding is accessible via various measures from the development of a project to its export: support to development, conception, screenwriting, rewriting, production, co-production, distribution and exportation of works; advance on receipt; support to creation of pilots and innovative television formats; support to creation of original soundtrack; support for subtitling and dubbing; support to multimedia and digital art creation; support to construction and modernisation of cinemas; support to alternative programming in cinemas against mainstream competition; support to digitisation of heritage films. Producers benefit from this funding mainly through an automatic subsidy granted for their next film, whose level is based on the revenues of their last film ( compte de soutien ) and via a selective interestfree loan (advance of receipts - avance sur recette ). In 2016, the CNC spent M in funding, with the following breakdown: 31 Code du cinéma et de l image animée. No English version available. Consolidated French version available at 137

139 Funding by the CNC in 2016 (M ) Source: CNC Its revenues amounted to M, which mainly come from the broadcasting sector: Revenues of the CNC in 2016 (M ) Source: CNC In its efforts to decentralize somewhat its administrative structure, France has devolved some powers from the Ministry of Culture and Communication to the Regions, through the establishment of Regional Directions for Cultural Affairs (DRAC), created by the Law of 6 February Each DRAC is in charge of implementing in their Region the national cultural policy. 32 No English version available. Consolidated French version available at: 138

140 In the audiovisual sector, the implementation is carried out in close cooperation with the CNC, which has concluded three-year agreements with the DRACs and regional authorities. These agreements cover support for creation, screenwriting, development, production and facilitation of shooting, actions for film education, cultural dissemination, film exhibition and film heritage. The agreements involved 40 regional, departmental or local authorities. In 2016, M have been spent in the framework of these agreements, with the following financial commitments: (M ) Source: CNC In its 2016 Report on public financing for film and television content, the European Audiovisual Observatory has made an inventory of 40 regional, departmental and local funds: 22 in the mainland Regions, 3 in overseas Regions, 13 in Departments, and two in municipalities (the Urban Community of Strasbourg and the City of Paris). The recent reform of the Regions (from 22 to 13 mainland Regions) which entered into force in January 2016 has however changed this landscape, as well as budget cuts in cultural policy in the Regions and the Departments mainly due to the restrictions in State funding. These regional, departmental and local funds complement the funds granted by the CNC. They usually cover support to development and/or production, support to the emergence of various professional skills and qualified jobs to create an audiovisual ecosystem in the region and incentives for shooting in the region, therefore mixing cultural and economic objectives. The list of the active funds is provided in the summary. 139

141 5.3. FISCAL INCENTIVES The SOFICA (sociétés de financement de l industrie cinématographique et de l audiovisuel) scheme, created by the Law of 11 July 1985, 33 is the oldest tax shelter system. Its goal is to collect private funds for investment in production of films and television programmes on an annual basis within a tax shelter structure. This type of society can be created either by persons coming from the audiovisual sector or by persons issued from the banking and financing sector. The society has to receive a yearly certification from the Ministry of Finance, deliveredupon the opinion of the CNC. The certification allows them to raise money up to a certain amount fixed by the CNC. Its goal is to help financing independent cinema, especially first or second films and films whose budgets are lower than 8 M. In 2016, 11 SOFICAs have been certified for a total amount of 63 M. Those who invest in these SOFICAs benefit from a reduction of 36% or 43% (depending on the type of investment) of their income tax, with an upper limit of 25% of their revenues or , provided they keep their shares in the SOFICA for a minimum of five years. After ten years, the SOFICA is liquidated and its assets are distributed between the stakeholders. CRÉDIT D IMPÔT CINÉM This tax credit allows a production company, within the limits of certain conditions, to deduct from its corporate tax 20% or 30% of eligible production expenses, up to a limit of 30 M per film. Its goal is to avoid relocation of shooting and post-production spending in a context of fierce international competition, and especially to attract films with budgets of over 7 M, which benefit from the highest deduction. In 2016, of the 221 French-initiative films that received investment approvals for financial support by the CNC, 146 requested the use of the cinema tax credit. Total eligible expenses for these 146 films is estimated at 403 M and would lead to an overall estimated film tax credit in 2017 of 121 M. Since its introduction in the Law of Finance for 2004, the cinema tax credit has indeed contributed to relocate shooting in France. In 2016, 83.7% of French-initiative films kept more than 70% of their expenditure in France versus 73.8% in 2003, the year before the cinema tax credit was introduced. The tax credit also had a positive influence for the budget of the State: for 1 of film production tax credit paid, 11.6 are invested in the sector and as a result 3.1 of tax and social revenues are collected by the State. RÉDIT D IMPÔT AUDIOV This tax credit allows a production company, under certain conditions, to deduct from its corporate tax eligible production expenses (25% of eligible expenditures for fictional works and animated films and 20% for documentaries). However, the tax credit cannot exceed per minute for a documentary, per minute for an animation work and, for other television fictional works, from to depending on the work s production cost per minute. Its goal is also to avoid the 33 No English version available. French version available at: 140

142 relocation of shooting and post-production expenses in a context of fierce international competition (such as the British television tax credit facility). In 2016, 534 works obtained temporary approval for the tax credit. Total eligible expenditures for these works are estimated at 538 M and would lead to an overall estimated television tax credit in 2017 of 126 M. Like the cinema tax credit, the television tax credit seems to have reached its goal. The share of days spent shooting fiction works in France represented 90.3% of the total number of days' shooting in 2016, compared to 85.4% in 2004, the year before the television tax credit was introduced in the Law of Finance. It also has positive effect on the State budget: for 1 of television tax credit paid, 12.9 are invested in the sector and as a result 3.6 of tax and social revenues are collected by the State. T D IMPÔT JEU VIDÉ The video game tax credit allows companies active in this sector and operating in France to deduct from their corporate tax 20% of eligible expenses spent on creating a game. Since its introduction in 2008, this measure has benefited to nearly 70 video game development studios, and has contributed to attract productions with increasingly high budgets, favoring employment, growth of the sector and worldwide export of games developed in France. In 2016, 23 companies received provisional approval by the CNC for a total amount of eligible expenditure amounting to 62 M. It success led to an adaptation in the 2017 Law of Finance: the deduction rate has been raised from 20 to 30% (upon current approval process by the European Commission) FINANCING BY MARKET PLAYERS As mentioned earlier, most of the funding of audiovisual works is based on levies imposed on market players, which feed the budget of the CNC. These levies are organized by the Code on Cinema 34 and are the following: Cinemas: 10,72% of the price of the admission ticket as paid by the consumer (multiplied by 1,5 if the film contains pornography or incitement to violence) and another 0,232% of the price of the admission excluding VAT; Production companies: 0,58% excluding VAT of the revenues generated by the handover of their rights of exploitation of cinematographic works they produce; Distributors: 0,58% excluding VAT of the revenues generated by the exploitation of cinematographic works they distribute (0,68 if the work contains pornography or incitement to violence); Exporters: 0,55% of the turnover excluding VAT generated by exportation of cinematographic works; 34 Code du cinéma et de l image animée. No English version available. Consolidated French version available at 141

143 Audiovisual media service providers both linear and non-linear (if they broadcast cinematographic or audiovisual works): 5,5% of the turnover excluding VAT, with an abatement of 11 M ; Distributors (this also include ISPs for the audiovisual part of their turnover): the following percentage of the turnover above 10 M : o 0,5% of the turnover between 10 and 250 M ; o 2,1% of the turnover between 250 and 500 M ; o 2,8% of the turnover between 500 and 750 M ; o 3,5% of the turnover above 750M. These amounts are paid by the market players directly to the CNC on a regular basis, usually corresponding to their obligations in terms of VAT. Currently, only domestic market players contribute to the funding of the CNC. However, France has been one of the most active countries, in the framework of the review process of the AVMS Directive, to defend the possibility for Member States to also impose obligations on market players established in another Member State but targeting the domestic audience, at least for non-linear services. This view has been followed by the European Commission (as well as confirmed by the proposals of the European Parliament of and of the European Council of ) which, in its proposal for a new Directive of , proposed to amend the current article 13 of the AVMSD as follows: Article Member States may require providers of on-demand audiovisual media services under their jurisdiction to contribute financially to the production of European works, including via direct investment in content and contributions to national funds. Member States may require providers of on-demand audiovisual media services, targeting audiences in their territories, but established in other Member States to make such financial contributions. In this case, the financial contribution shall be based only on the revenues earned in the targeted Member States. If the Member State where the provider is established imposes a financial contribution, it shall take into account any financial contributions imposed by targeted Member States. Any financial contribution shall comply with Union law, in particular with State aid rules. 35 Taking advantage of this foreseen legislative evolution, France has already implemented a similar measure by adding a new article to its tax code according to which a 2% tax (increased to 10% where transaction concern pornographic works) is due for making available to the public in France of services giving access to pay for cinematographic or audiovisual works, on individual request formulated by means of an electronic communication process no matter if the service provider is established in France or not. The revenues of this tax are allocated to the CNC. 36 This new scheme has however not been implemented yet. It has been submitted to the European Commission to assess its conformity with European Union law on State aid, but the European Commission has not released any decision yet. 35 European Commission (2016) Proposal for a Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Directive 2010/13/EU on the coordination of certain provisions laid down by law, regulation or administrative action in Member States concerning the provision of audiovisual media services in view of changing market realities, COM(2016) 287 final. 36 Article 1069eB of the Tax Code &cidTexte=LEGITEXT &categorieLien=id&dateTexte=

144 5.5. INCENTIVES FOR FOREIGN INVESTMENT CRÉDIT D IMPÔT INTER The Crédit d impôt international (tax rebate for international productions - TRIP) is a tax credit available for works of fiction or live action or animation (documentaries are excluded) wholly or partly made in France and initiated by a non-french company. The TRIP is selectively granted by the CNC to companies which meet two criteria: be subject to corporate tax in France, and act as the production services company for the sequences filmed or produced in France. The TRIP amounts up to 30% of the eligible expenses (salaries, travel, accommodation, catering, technical goods and services, depreciation services ) incurred in France, and can total a maximum of 30 M per project. Minimum spend is or at least 50% of the budget spent in France. The approved works must include elements related to the French culture, heritage, and territory, according to a cultural test specific to each genre. The goal of the TRIP is to promote the development of the film and broadcasting industry and to boost the competitiveness of French companies, with positive impact on employment. It allows technical service providers to boost their activity and consolidate the utilisation rate of their technical resources and expertise. It also hopes to foster the proficiency of French teams in terms of directing and post-production under the influence of big-budget productions. It has been estimated that for 1 of international tax credit paid, 7 are invested in the sector and as a result 2.7 of tax and social revenues are collected by the State. In 2016, 36 projects received provisional approval: 6 feature films, 12 fiction television series, 13 animated television series and 5 animated features. For these 36 projects, the total estimated investment in France was more than 170 M, representing 670 days of shooting. Aide aux cinémas du monde is a fund that has been jointly created in 2012 by the Ministry for Culture and Communication and the Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs. It is jointly managed by the (CNC) and the Institut Français (the agency in charge of implementing France s cultural action abroad). Funds are granted as a subsidy to foreign feature films, animation or creative documentaries that are seeking support from French co-producers. Funds can be granted before production (pre-filming subsidies), but projects that have not been selected before production can also be presented for completion assistance (post-filming subsidies). The film must be a co-production between a production company established in France and one that is not,and it must be directed by a non-french director with rare exceptions granted. The fund has a budget of 6 M and supports between 40 and 50 projects each year. The maximum amount of the aid is for pre-filming subsidy and of for post-filming subsidy. In terms of spending obligations, at least 50% of the subsidy granted must be spent on the French territory, and 25% must be spent by the foreign production company, for projects co-produced in countries that have weak film industries (whose list is made by the CNC). Since its creation, 246 films of 76 nationalities have been supported by the fund, including awarded films Félicité (Grand Prize of the Jury at the Berlinale in 2017) and Winter Sleep (Palme d'or of the Cannes Film Festival in 2014). This fund is not compatible with the international tax credit TRIP. 143

145 5.6. OTHER SCHEMES IFCIC is a specialised lending institution created in 1983 by the Ministry of Culture and mandated by both the Ministry of Culture and the Ministry of Finance to contribute to the development of cultural industries in France by making it easier for companies to obtain bank financing. IFCIC is a private limited company entrusted with a service of general interest. Its capital is owned by French banks, large public financial institutions and the State. The banks involved receive from IFCIC financial guarantees in the event of failure (usually 50% of the loan obtained, but sometimes up to 70%), but are also provided with risk analyses that are specific to the cultural industries, in particular where short-term loans for film and audiovisual projects are concerned. The guarantee is given to the bank, not the company which benefits from the loan. To compensate the guarantee, IFCIC receives a commission of 1% annually of the guaranteed loan. IFCIC guarantees loans to film and audiovisual producers and/or distributors who are eligible to a support by the CNC and benefits mainly to independent producers (around two-thirds of the independent films produced each year), but it can also benefit to other cultural industries such as the book industry (publishing, distribution and retailing), music (publishing, record and concert production), cinema (production, acquisition and fitting out of cinemas), plastic arts and photography (galleries and studios), art-related businesses (production and sale), heritage (development and restoration), architecture (firms), multimedia (production, publishing and technical services), press (political and general information and specialised cultural publications), cinema operation and the technical industries (camera and sound). In the recent years, the activity of IFCIC has intensively grown. In 2015, 284 M of new guarantees have been given (+46% from 2014) for a total amount of guarantees of 426 M (+21%) covering an amount of loans of 852 M (+22%). This growth was mainly driven by the audiovisual sector, with 211 M of new guarantees (+54%) given to 122 films (+50%). The SACD is the French collecting society. It is a non-profit society of authors founded in 1777 by Beaumarchais with the mission to defend their rights. Beyond the traditional mission to defend the rights of authors, the SACD has also developed several other missions such as assisting the authors in their contractual negotiations with producers and broadcasters, collecting and distributing copyright, answering to training needs, providing locations for meetings and working, supporting authors during difficult periods (solidarity support) or when winding down their business (calculation of and activities related to retirement benefits). The SACD also has a specific budget dedicated to cultural action, which is fed by 25% of the sums generated from private copy remuneration. It funds and organizes numerous actions and events designed to showcase authors and art, support the emergence of new talent and new art, and create opportunities for creators in all the field of creations. In the audiovisual sector, besides the web series fund detailed below, the SACD has developed the following supports: 144

146 support to festivals dedicated to cinema, television, radio, animation and new media; 37 support to professional workshops in the fields of cinema, television, radio and new media; 38 support to institutions of higher education in audiovisual activities; 39 support to screenwriting for cinema, 40 television, 41 radio, 42 animation 43 and virtual reality. 44 In 2016, the SACD has launched in partnership with the public service media France Télévisions a fund dedicated to the development of web series ( Fonds Web Séries ) (funded by both partners) are available to young talents who propose the most innovative formats, and especially those meant for a consumption in mobility. For the first year of the projects, 200 applications have been received and 19 projects have been granted support by a jury composed of one representative of SACD, two of France Télévisions, two producers and two authors. 45 The French Copyright Act ( Code de la propriété intellectuelle ) contains several provisions whose goal is to protect the interest of the authors, such as the following: the assignment 46 cannot be tacit: a written contract is necessary to prove that the author has transferred his/her rights to the assignee; in order to be valid, a copyright contract has to mention distinctly each right transferred as well as the scope, the destination (why and what for the rights are transferred), the geographical scope and the length of each mode of exploitation; the transfer of rights on future and unknown or unforeseen forms of exploitation (and the participation of the author to the profits from such exploitation) must be expressly stipulated; unless is exceptional circumstances (for example when calculation or control is impossible), the remuneration of the author must be proportional to the transferee s incomes (for example, it must be proportional to the profits from the sales of copies or the exploitation of a work) and the transferee has a reporting obligation on the profits made; audiovisual contracts are submitted to an obligation of exploitation by the transferee, in accordance with the practices of the industry; contracts must be interpreted strictly: transfers of rights are limited to the exploitation modes, scope, destination, geographical scope and length stipulated in the contracts and any doubt is in favor of the author; a memorandum of understanding on the remuneration of cinematographic and audiovisual works, one on transparency in the cinematographic industry and one on contractual relations Assignment is the act by which an author alienates his/her rights to another person (the assignee) to the effect that the author loses his/her right. 145

147 between screenwriters and fiction producers have been adopted their application has been extended to the whole sector through a Ministerial decree NEW POLICY INITIATIVES DISCUSSED OR FORESEEN N/A SUMMARY Audiovisual Funds National CNC National DRAC Regional Auvergne Rhône-Alpes Regional Bretagne Regional Bourgogne Franche-Comté Regional Centre Val de Loire Regional Corse Regional Grand Est Regional Hauts-de-France Regional Ile de France Regional Normandie Regional Nouvelle Aquitaine Regional Occitanie Regional Pays de Loire European Parliament (2014) Contractual arrangements applicable to creators: law and practice of selected Member States, pp

148 Regional Provence Alpes Côte d Azur Regional overseas Gadeloupe Regional overseas Guyane Regional overseas Réunion Departmental Alpes maritimes Departmental Charente Departmental Côte d Armor Departmental Dordogne Departmental Haute-Savoie Departmental Landes Departmental Lot-et-Garonne Departmental Pyrénées atlantiques Departmental Seine-St-Denis Local Paris Local Strasbourg Fiscal incentives SOFICA Crédit d impôt cinéma Crédit d impôt audiovisuel Crédit d impôt jeux vidéos Financing by market players / ma/aide_a_la_creation_cinematographique_et_audiovisuelle_2017.pdf aphique_et_audiovisuelle/fonds_d%e2%80%99aide_a_la_production_cinem atographique_et_audiovisuelle/

149 CNC Incentives for foreign investment Crédit d impôt international (TRIP) Aide aux cinémas du monde Other schemes IFCIC SACD SACD Fonds web séries Copyright Code de la propriété intellectuelle

150 6. GERMANY 6.1. POLICY AND MARKET CONTEXT In Germany, the heftiest funds are managed at the federal level by the German Federal Film Board (FFA), but the funds of the 16 Landers (sometimes merged between 2 or 3 Landers), associated in the network Focus Germany, are also sizeable. More than 300 M are spent on national and international productions every year, with only the German Federal Film Fund (DFFF) providing 50 M each year 48 and there are generous increases envisaged in the coming years. Among the nine case studies, these numbers put Germany on the second rank in terms of overall income of the funds, but just below the EU average in terms in income per inhabitant. 49 Different mechanisms at the federal and regional levels can be combined up to the admissible grant limit under European law. The common rationale behind all the schemes is economic benefit. The recent moves towards bigger funds for co-productions, earmarked to attract big international and Hollywood projects, made this even more explicit. Already within the current scheme, for every 1 invested by the DFFF in production, 6 are spent by national or international producers in Germany in a leverage effect for employment and economic power. 50 In 2016, the FFA allocated 58.2 M for the development, production or exploitation of films as well as for the extension or construction of cinemas. That was approximately 14 M more than in The higher funding budget can be partly explained by higher industry levies, a virtuous circle impact of the healthy state of the industry: these increased revenues come from the successful previous year in cinemas, and from increased repayments of the funding. 51 Besides the good figures in cinema ticket sales in the last few years, the growth was visible too in the VOD sector. Compared to on-demand services revenues generated in European countries in 2014, Germany listed second with M, right after the UK which topped the list with M. 52 In cinema admissions, Germany has the strongest year-on-year performance and one of the highest market shares for domestic films. However, while the sales data of VOD providers demonstrate a steady growth, the television sales are in a constant decline See section 11.3 for detailed data. 50 DFFF (2017) DFF in numbers FFA (2017) FFA Funding European Audiovisual Observatory (2016) Yearbook FFA (2015) Evaluierungsbericht zur Entwicklung des Abgabeaufkommens vor dem Hintergrund der wirtschaftlichen Situation des Filmmarktes in Deutschland gema ß 75 Abs. 1 FFG, pp

151 Source: European Audiovisual Observatory Still, Germany is the only country in the group of the big five European markets to see an increase of total TV viewing time by more than 3 minutes to 237 minutes per person per day in The country is also among the few where the audience share of public service broadcasters is not decreasing and where the proportion of public service broadcasters investment in original programming is particularly high in comparison to other European countries. 55 This can be, among others, explained by the size and position of the German public broadcasters and their high level of funding. Fiscal incentives have been introduced in 2007 and have increased crew mobility across borders. Several EU countries are quoting Germany as their most important (or one of the most important) co-production partner. 56 The available budget for grants, generated through taxes and levies, makes Germany one of the most influential player in the European film industry. Any trend and evolution in Germany is politically significant too for the whole film industry in Europe. The country recent decision to impose a contribution by foreign non-linear service providers targeting the German public was precursory and its approval by the European Commission sent the signal that new and unorthodox measures that aim to adjust the legal framework to the evolving media environment are feasible, given the right legal and economic justifications AUDIOVISUAL FUNDS The FFA is the federal film agency, i.e. the national film funding institution and central service structure for the German film industry. Its annual budget of around 76 M is financed from the film levy of cinemas, video industry and television. The main functions of the FFA are to fund feature films at all stages of production and exploitation (from script development through production to theatrical distribution, sales and video distribution), support cinema theaters, preserve German film heritage, promote German cinema abroad, and support film education and market research. 54 IHS Markit (2017) Cross-platform Television Viewing Time European Audiovisual Observatory (2016) Yearbook 2015, p European Audiovisual Observatory (2014) Impact analysis of fiscal incentive schemes supporting film and audiovisual production in Europe, p

152 The main statutory act governing the area is the Act on Film Promotion (FFG), last updated in January The act came into force in 1968 and has been amended several times since. The German aid scheme has recently received a renewed approval by the European Commission in September 2016, including on the controversial intention, ahead of the foreseen revision of the AVMS Directive on this issue, to impose levies on VOD services providers established in another Members State but targeting German viewers. 58 The FFA administers funding programmes for film projects supported by the Federal Government Commissioner for Culture & the Media (BKM), which oversees the German Federal Film Fund (DFFF) and the initiative A Net for Children, and by the fund launched by the Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Energy (BMWi), the German Motion Picture Fund (GMPF). It also supports the development of cross-border projects and co-productions, in collaboration with other European film agencies. The FFA is under the legal supervision of the BKM and under technical supervision of the BMWi for its management of the fund GMPF launched in The most important decisions are taken by the FFA Administrative Council, consisting of 36 representatives (appointed by the BKM) representing public, private and civil society stakeholders. The applications of fund-seekers are being considered by 3 independent committees composed of experts from the film industry; Committee for production and script funding; Committee for distribution, sales and video funding; Committee for cinema funding. The films that apply should be largely made in Germany or dubbed into the German language, and German or European studios and postproduction companies should be involved in the production. Another condition is that the world premiere of the film must take place in a German cinema or as a German entry at an international festival. The main FFA funding areas are: production funding (among which project film funding, reference film funding, German-French co-productions); script funding; short film funding; distribution and video funding (distribution project and reference funding, video funding); exhibition (cinema) funding; international cooperation; additional FFA Funding Measures (such as market research, digitisation of the German cinematic heritage, film education, combating piracy and the international representation of German cinema). 57 Das Filmförderungsgesetz (FFG; Act on Film Promotion). No English version available. German version available at html 58 European Commission (2016) Decision of on the aid scheme SA /C (ex 2014/N) which Germany is planning to implement for the funding of film production and distribution, C(2016) 5551 final. 151

153 Funding by the FFA in 2016 (M ) Feature films with 12,78m Documentaries with 0,42m Children's films with 2,78m Source: FFA 2016 was a record year for repayment of the funding loans. Producers paid the FFA back over 4 M (1.5 M more than in 2015). Video distributors returned around 3.8 M of funding, more than double from Repayments of distribution funding remained stable at 2.3 M. All reimbursed funds were made available by the FFA to the industry for new projects. 59 The German Motion Picture Fund (GMPF) is a relatively new fund, launched by the Federal Ministry of Economic Affairs and Energy (BMWi) in 2016 with an annual budget of 10 M. As explained above, the GMPF is also managed by the FFA, which is subjected to technical supervision of the BMWi for this measure. Established to strengthen the competitiveness and innovative force of Germany as a film location, 60 the fund is intended to support objectives relating to audiovisual infrastructure, technical creative services in the film industry, creative work at all stages of the production process and the value chain of film production. The idea lies in considering digital content as one of the principal growth forces of the digital industry, and therefore both an economic and cultural asset. Among others, the fund awards non-repayable subsidies for international co-productions and international high-end series on a first come first served basis. It is open to innovative series formats and digital filmmaking, i.e. feature films with budgets of at least 25 M and TV series with production costs of at least 1.2 M per episode. Applications can be made by producers and co-producers, resident or with a registered office in Germany. TV producers can expect to receive up to 2.5 M as a non-repayable grant from the automatic scheme. This can increase up to 4 M on for TV series if the German spend is at least 20 M and at least 1 M has been spent on digital filmmaking over all phases of the entire production process. 59 More details on the FFA website: 60 GMPF (2016) Funding Guidelines of the Federal Ministry of Economic Affairs and Energy. 152

154 Based in Wiesbaden and founded in 1965, Das Kuratorium junger deutscher Film is the oldest and the only film promotion institution, jointly supported by the Lander. The mission of the institution is to encourage young generation of artists to contribute to the artistic development of German films and to stimulate them. The main funding areas are young film talents and children films. Approximately 200 applications are submitted annually to the Kuratorium and two committees consider them at a spring and autumn session. After a positive funding decision, the projects are intensively supervised and provided with creative support, mostly for dramaturgy and narrative techniques. Since 2005, cooperation with the Federal Government for Culture and Media (BKM) has been set up for the promotion of children films. There are a number audiovisual funds in the Landers, which provide funding for both film and television projects in the form of recoupable or non-recoupable grants. Typically, they are partly financed by the regional PSBs. It is common for them to require that a certain share of funding is spent in the region and to take into consideration the significance of the project to the region in which they operate. Seven regional funds spent 79.2 M on production in 2011, representing more than 40% of total public funding. 61 The latest data of Focus Germany, the umbrella organisation of eight largest German regional funds, show that the annual budget of the member funds ranges from 10 M (e.g. Hessenfilm und Medien) to 37 M (e.g. Filmfernsehfonds Bayern) in The other two funds with the largest budgets are those of North Rhine-Westphalia (33 M in 2017) and of Berlin-Brandenburg (31,8 M in 2017). 62 Founded in 1990, Focus Germany provides filmmakers with information on the funding and production opportunities in Germany and assists them in establishing contacts with the industry and service providers, starting with location scouting to postproduction. Focus Germany supports also the German film industry by its presence at the major international film festivals FISCAL INCENTIVES The DFFF, established in 2007 and managed by the FFA, offers the producers of features, documentaries and animated films that spend at least 25% of their budget in Germany an upfront rebate on their future tax bill. The rebate amounts to 20% of eligible costs. Grants from the DFFF are real grants and thus not liable for VAT, according to Paragraph 10.2 of the VAT Application Order (UStAE) 64, Section 10 of the German VAT Act (UStG). 65 Their allocation is governed by the Guidelines 61 Olsberg-SPI (2012) Building sustainable film businesses: the challenges for industry and government, p Focus Germany (2017) Film Funding and Locations, p. 5, VAT application order, consolidated version (10 July 2017). No English version available. German version available at: Anwendungserlass/Umsatzsteuer-Anwendungserlass-aktuell-Stand pdf? blob=publicationfile&v=26 65 Turnover Tax Act. German version (Umsatzsteuergesetz - UStG) available at 153

155 of the German Federal Government Commissioner for Culture and the Media, 66 specifying the approval conditions, rules on the application process and the eligible costs. When submitting the application, 50%-75% of the financing must be in place. Costs incurred in Germany for filming abroad may not be added. The applicant s own contribution must be at least 5% of the production costs. International co-productions need to partner with a German co-producer and are eligible for grants if the German financial contribution represents at least 20% of total costs. For productions worth over 25 M, a German contribution of at least 5 M is required. The applicant must have residency or a registered office in Germany, or a branch office if the main office is in another EU or EEA Member State. The applicant must provide a proof of at least one reference feature film, which was distributed in Germany in the five-year period prior the application. For debut films, the approved granting of a national or a regional fund can be submitted as a reference. As in many other countries there is also a cultural test that the film must pass. Another funding requirement is an unconditional, legally binding distribution contract guaranteeing a certain minimum number of prints for theatrical release: 8 prints for documentaries, 20 prints for grants less than , 45 prints for grants more than and 200 prints for more than 4 M. The aid is allocated as soon as the formal criteria are met. The maximum instalment per project is 4 M, in exceptional cases up to 10 M (if the German production costs amounts to at least 35% of the total budget or if the film achieves at least two-thirds of the total points in the characteristics test). In the last years, the Fund provided around 50 M per year. According to the estimations of the local industry, in 2014 the DFFF s investment of around 270 M since the start of the rebate scheme in 2007 resulted in 2.5 B in production filmed in Germany. 67 (in M ) Source: DFFF 66 GMFF (2017) Guidelines issued by the German Federal Government Commissioner for Culture and the Media: Incentive to Strengthen the Film Industry in Germany

156 Source: DFFF 6.4. FINANCING BY MARKET PLAYERS Germany is one of the few countries with both direct (non-mandatory) and indirect (mandatory) investments in production by market players. Despite the fact that there is no statutory obligation for broadcasters to invest directly into film production, in 2011 the German broadcasters nonetheless contributed to 15.3% of the budget for films backed by the DFFF, which represented a significant increase in comparison to the 7.5% investment in Under the German constitutional law, the establishment of a levy has to be justified by exceptional circumstances and need. In order to verify the continuing existence of exceptional circumstances and need to strengthen and develop the German film sector, the FFG is reviewed every five years. The current one was adopted at the end of 2016 and came into force in January During this regular cyclical law-making process, all interested parties are invited to participate in consultations and public hearings in the Parliament are organised. The FFG is therefore a result of a negotiating process framed by German constitutional and public law, within which the legislator must justify every decision made and the amount or percentage determined (impacting the level of levies for different stakeholders). According the FFG, the industry levies benefiting to the FFA are the following: 69 Cinemas exploiting films over 58 minutes are obliged to regularly report their monthly turnover from ticket sales and admissions to the FFA ( 66 FFG). These data are used for the FFA analyses and for calculation of the film levy. The film levy is calculated per screen and is based on the previous year s annual net turnover ( 151 FFG): o 0% below ; 68 Olsberg-SPI (2012) Building sustainable film businesses: the challenges for industry and government, pp

157 o 1,8% between and ; o 2,4% between and ; o 3% above The film levy for video distributors, who exploit films over 58 minutes as license-holders on image-carriers such as DVD or Blu-ray Disc by sell-through or rental as well as VOD providers, is also based on the previous year s net turnover from these revenues ( 152 FFG): o 0% below ; o 1,8 between and 20 M ; o 2,5% above 20 M. Likewise, on-demand-services providers are held to the payment of a levy if their annual net turnover from exploitation of feature films (from previous year) exceeds per year. This provision also apples to providers not located in Germany if their turnover is achieved in Germany in German language ( 153 FFG). Levies are the same as above. The film levy for the public broadcasters is 3% of their expenditure for the transmission of feature films from the penultimate year. The film levy for the private free TV broadcasters with FTA channels is based on their net advertising turnover from the penultimate year if the feature films share of the air time exceeds 2% and if their annual net advertising turnover exceeds Depending on feature films share in the program schedules, the levy ranges from 0,15% to 0,95%. The operators of pay TV and programme providers pay a non-scaled film levy of 0,25% of their net turnover from subscription contracts, provided that the feature films share of the scheduling is over 2% and that the annual net turnover exceeds As an alternative to paying the levy, broadcasters can also provide advertising air time for the promotion of feature films. The share of the due levy that can be replaced is 40% ( 157 FFG) and the value of the service must exceed the amount of the levy by half. Another form of levy is the so-called export levy, used for financing the activity of the German Films Service + Marketing GmbH. Every producer of a film that was produced with the FFA or DFFF funding and sold abroad is obligated to pay the levy. The export levy is generated from all revenues as a result of foreign sales as well as sales agents' minimum guarantees, even when these are part of a film's financing. The levy normally represents 1,5% of the net revenues, capped at There is also a substantial contribution of the regional public service media companies to regional funds of the Regions, supporting their film and television support schemes. 156

158 Revenues of the FFA in 2015 (in M ) Source: FFA Before France and even before any clear indication in the ongoing review of the AVMS Directive in that direction (see section ), Germany had also implemented an amendment to its support scheme to film funding meant to impose a contribution by foreign non-linear service providers targeting the German public. This amendment has been submitted to the European Commission in 2014 with a view to assess its conformity with European Union law on State aid, and received a positive decision from the European Commission on The rationality of this amendment is to allow these foreign service providers to benefit from the funding schemes and, in exchange, to contribute to them in similar conditions as those imposed on domestic non-linear service providers. In its notification, Germany estimates that this could generate an additional annual amount of 13 M of revenues for the FFA. 71 Although it expressed doubts in its opening decision, especially regarding the compatibility with the AVMS Directive whose cornerstone is the country-of-origin principle, the European Commission validated the new German scheme by putting forward three arguments: the foreseen review of the AVMS Directive is only a clarification of what is already possible under the current AVM Directive: The Commission considers the proposed wording of Article 13 of Directive 2010/13/EU as a clarification of what could already be possible under the Directive currently in force. This article, also when applied for the purpose of this Decision, could not be considered as attributing an exclusive competence to the Member State where the provider is established for the taxation of on-demand media service providers so as to contribute to the production and rights acquisition of European works or to the share and/or prominence of European works in the catalogue of programmes offered by the on-demand 70 European Commission (2016) Decision of on the aid scheme SA /C (ex 2014/N) which Germany is planning to implement for the funding of film production and distribution, C(2016) 5551 final. 71 Idem,

159 audiovisual media service. Indeed, its wording is not categorical and unreserved. Furthermore, the taxation of on-demand audiovisual media services providers is only an example of measures which can be taken by the Member State which has jurisdiction. 72 the tax contributes to a level-playing field between service providers within the internal market: An interpretation according to which the country of origin principle, as laid down in Article 2(1) of Directive 2010/13/EU, applies to a tax such as the one in question, leads to situations in which providers active on the same market are not subject to the same obligations. In fact, an interpretation which would require a Member State to exempt VoD providers specifically targeting its audience but being established in another Member State from a contribution to the promotion of European works would discriminate against providers established in the former Member State which are subjected to a tax, while they are competing on the same market. 73 The tax makes a clear difference between the revenues generated in the country of origin and those generated in the country of reception: the extent, to which the importance of the market share of the cross border provision of videos on demand would grow, and accordingly its significance for the contribution to film funds, was not yet evident on the date of entry into force of Directive 2010/13/EU, as described in recital 28. The Commission notes in particular that the measure notified by Germany explicitly limits the revenues subject to the tax to revenues made in the targeted Member State, and only to the extent that they are not already subject to a contribution in the Member State of establishment. 74 This is, of course, potentially a very significant jurisprudence in this very sensitive area INCENTIVES FOR FOREIGN INVESTMENT Besides the tax incentives and funding intended to international co-productions, explained above, there are specific allotments targeting co-productions with various foreign partners. The programme is carried out within the framework of the German-French co-production agreement. The annual funding volume is 3.2 M, with the BKM and the FFA each providing half of the production funding on behalf of Germany. The fund is run by four German regional funds and the French CNC. To get financial support, the project must be of cultural or economical interest for at least one of the German Regions participating, i.e. Baden-Württemberg, Bavaria, Berlin or North Rhine-Westphalia; one of the producers must be France-based and one Germany-based; there has to be an even split between the co-producers in participation and regarding the rights. The fund, with an annual budget of , offers maximum funding of per project. The grant is a conditionally repayable loan. 72 Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem,

160 The German-Italian co-production fund was launched by the FFA and the Italian Ministry for Culture and Tourism (MiBACT). The fund with an annual budget of up to offers grants of up to per project. This new fund of established in December 2016 in collaboration between the FFA, the Polish Film Institute (PISF), Medienboard Berlin-Brandenburg (MBB) and Mitteldeutsche Medienförderung (MDM), allows for grants up to This cross-border development fund for film projects is a result of joint effort of the FFA, the France's CNC, the Film Fund Luxembourg, the Saarland Medien GmbH, the Ministry of the German-Speaking Community of Belgium, and the Region Grand Est. The fund supports projects promising a high standard of quality and large audience response in Germany, Luxembourg, Belgium and France, and which are developed or realised in the Greater Region. The fund has a total budget of and is administered by Saarland Medien GmbH OTHER SCHEMES The Hamburg Kreativ Gesellschaft is a municipal institution founded to promote Hamburg s creative industries. As a directly accessible contact and service facility, it is open to all creative stakeholders and companies in Hamburg. It offers targeted advice, specific information and business know-how. To ease the access to external financing, the Kreativ Gesellschaft developed a web-based register of supporters, the so-called Funding Finder, and set up Germany s first regional crowdfunding platform. According to the EU good practice report on innovative instruments to facilitate access to finance for the cultural and creative sectors, this is an example of the so-called one stop shop organisations that offer a wide range of instruments. 75 This is a microfinance support scheme (OMC 2015, 36), provided by the NRW Bank and aimed at start-ups. They are open also to unemployed people setting up self-employed businesses. The bank offers the applicants micro-loans of up to via the NRW/EU.MIkrodarlehen, funded by the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) and the Land of North Rhine-Westphalia Open Method of Coordination, Working Group of EU Member States Experts on access to finance for the cultural and creative sectors (2015) Towards more efficient financial ecosystems Innovative instruments to facilitate access to finance for the cultural and creative sectors (CCS): good practice report, p Idem, p

161 The VC Fonds Kreativwirtschaft Berlin is an example of equity finance method, used for development and market launch of innovative products / services and creative industries. A market leader in the field of early-stage financing in Germany, it is a public-private partnership of Investitionsbank Berlin (IBB) and the Region of Berlin, with fund size of 40 M and 50% backing from EU European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), a programme approved by the EC in 2007 to promote business competitiveness and start-ups. 77 The German Films Service + Marketing GmbH is the national information and advisory centre for promotion of German films worldwide and a founding member of the European Film Promotion (EFP), 78 a network of European film organizations with similar activities. Created in 1954, it was reorganised in 2004 and now operates in the legal form of a limited company. It is financed by the export levy and financial contributions of the office of the Federal Government Commissioner for Culture and the Media, the FFA and the eight main regional film funds (FilmFernsehFonds Bayern, Filmförderung Hamburg Schleswig-Holstein, Film- und Medienstiftung NRW, HessenFilm, Medienboard Berlin-Brandenburg, MFG Baden-Württemberg, Mitteldeutsche Medienförderung, and Nordmedia) NEW POLICY INITIATIVES DISCUSSED OR FORESEEN The federal cultural minister Monika Grütters announced a hefty boost for the DFFF in The new rebate scheme, called DFFF II, will be launched as a strand of the existing one in 2018 with another 75 M added to the usual 50 M. The motivation lies in an increasingly intense market competition of international audiovisual incentive schemes, as illustrated by several chapters of our report. Grütters explained the DFFF II was designed to attract or retain major national and international productions in Germany, as well as to support the nation s film studios and VFX companies. She further revealed that the Ministry is planning to double its annual subsidy. According to some sources another measure could be the relaxation of the DFFF s funding caps SUMMARY Audiovisual Funds National FFA National DFFF Ibidem

162 National GMPF National - Kuratorium Regional Baden-Württemberg Regional Bavaria Regional Berlin-Bradenburg Regional Bremen Regional Hamburg Regional Hesse Regional Lower Saxony-Bremen Regional Mecklenburg- Vorpommern Regional North Rhine-Wesphalia Regional Saarland Regional Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt, Thuringia Regional Schelswig-Holstein Fiscal incentives DFF rebate Financing by market players FFA Incentives for foreign investment German-French Minitraité German-French Series Fund programmes/developmentgerman french tv series/ German-Italian Coproduction Development Fund German-Polish Film Fund Greater Region Codevelopment Agreement Other schemes Hamburg Kreativgesellschaft 161

163 NRW Bank Kreativwrtschaftsfonds VC Fonds Kreativwirtschaft II Berlin German Films l

164 7. IRELAND 7.1. POLICY AND MARKET CONTEXT The main characteristic of the Irish audiovisual market is its cultural and geographical proximity with the British market, which is the largest and most influential one in Europe and which puts strong pressure on the domestic cinema and television industries. The cinema industry is the most influenced by the situation. In 2016, the market share of Irish films in cinemas was only of 4.3%, which is one of lowest share in the EU: 80 Source: European Audiovisual Observatory The television sector is also impacted by the British competition, as Irish broadcasters have to face the ubiquity of strong British and international brands which are easily available due the high level of penetration of satellite and cable and which are under the jurisdiction of the United Kingdom, like the BBC, Channel 4, Sky, MTV, Nickelodeon or Discovery. Moreover, these media groups (BBC excepted) have the option of targeting Irish audience with domestic advertising windows. The Irish market has nevertheless shown some resilience: the public service media RTE still garners around 30% audience share and, contrary the relatively similar threat faced in the French-speaking Community of Belgium with a powerful neighboring audiovisual market sharing the same language, a few domestic private broadcasters continue also to attract domestic audiences. Part of this can be explained by the market-friendly regulatory framework the audiovisual industry enjoys, with a light- 80 According to the European audiovisual Observatory, the share of national films in the countries examined in this report were in 2015: 1.9% in Croatia, 10% in Belgium, 18.8% in the Netherlands, 20% in Sweden, 20.5 in Norway, 27.5% in Germany and 35.5% in France ?redirect=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.obs.coe.int%2Fhome%3Fp_p_id%3D101_INSTANCE_Wm5VszjBBjEf%26p_p_lifecycle%3D0%26p_p_ state%3dnormal%26p_p_mode%3dview%26p_p_col_id%3dcolumn-10%26p_p_col_count%3d2 163

165 touch transposition of the AVMS Directive, the absence on levies for the financing of film funding on service providers and platforms providers, the variety of funding schemes including an audiovisual fund managed by the national regulatory authority, the absence of limitations to horizontal, vertical, diagonal, geographical or audience concentration and a self-regulatory system for non-linear audiovisual services. But this can also be explained by the high level of indigenous content offered by the broadcasters, the high quality of news and current affairs programs and of coverage of sport events, as well as by the successful adaptation of international formats like The Voice or Master Chef. To compensate the fierce international competition in the audiovisual sector, Ireland has developed a highly effective system for attracting foreign investments. The country is already well known in Europe for its very competitive rate of corporate tax for all companies, which contributed to welcome the EU headquarters of global companies such as Google, Facebook, Microsoft, Twitter, Linkedin And it has complemented this in the audiovisual sector with several fiscal incentives such as the tax credit Section 481, R&D benefit from a 25% tax credit, relief for expenditure on intellectual property, zerorated VAT of specific goods and services 81 All this explains why Ireland has enjoyed in recent years records in terms of investment in audiovisual production was the best year ever, with 250 M spent on film and television production, including international blockbusters such as Star Wars Episode VIII and, in shooting and postproduction, Game of Thrones. The Irish film sector employs some FTE in Ireland and is estimated to be worth in excess of half a billion euro in turnover annually. 82 According to the Irish film Board, this success is the result of the changes recently made in 2015 to the tax credit system (detailed below). The efforts made on the fiscal incentives side also explain the lower level of efforts made on the funding side: among the nine case studies, Ireland ranks eighth in terms in overall income of the funds and fifth in terms in income per inhabitant. 83 The question of the legitimacy or the merits of such a public policy widely based of fiscal and tax incentives is of course out of the scope of our report, but it must be mentioned since tax policy can indeed influence audiovisual policy. It should also be stressed that such a policy can also backfire when other EU countries adopt a competing policy on the same grounds as is currently the case for fiscal incentives for the audiovisual industry detailed in other chapters of our report or for the also very generous fiscal and regulatory environments offered to audiovisual media services in countries like Luxembourg and the Netherlands AUDIOVISUAL FUNDS The IFB was created by the Irish Film Board Act of Its mission is to support the development of the film, television and animation industry by providing investment loans for the development, production and distribution of film, television and animation projects. It has also additional missions such as providing trainings for the industry via its program Screen Training Ireland 85 and various supports for shooting in Ireland IDA Ireland (2016) Taxation in Ireland. 82 IFB (2017) Annual report 2015, p See section 11.3 for detailed data

166 The IFB funding functions in the form of repayable loans. The following funding schemes are currently available: development: loan for writers and directors to develop a first-draft screenplay for a feature film, loan for producers to develop a project of feature film, loan for animation companies to develop a project, loan for producers to participate in the development of international projects, loan for producers to develop a project of documentary (with a maximum of per project); production: funding for production of feature film, animated television series and documentaries, funding for co-production of films originated outside with an Irish producer, funding of international production which use Ireland as shooting location and use Irish workforce; the importance of the loan depends on the size of the project: o between and not more than 1.5 M : up to 65% of the production budget, capped at ; o between 1.5 M and 4 M : up to 40% of the budget, capped at ; o above 4 M : up to 1 M ; completion: funding of fiction, animation or documentary films which have reached postproduction stage and need further funding; short films: several schemes meant to ease to production live action, animation or documentary short films; distribution: support to distributors (marketing and promotion costs of films supported by the IFB and released in Ireland), support to producers that have been unable to secure a suitable theatrical distribution to bear the costs of a limited theatrical release. 87 The funding decisions are guided by five main fundamental principles: Making Cinema: because it is the only source of public funding for feature films directed towards a cinema release, IFB's primary objective is to encourage, sustain and promote work in Ireland that is made to be shown on the big screen. This principle is also applied to documentaries (assessed in terms of their potential to achieve theatrical release) and animation feature films and television series (where preference is given to original work from Irish talent that appears to be sufficiently inventive and striking to measure up to the big-screen format and/or international television and other distribution. Accessing audiences: funding decisions favor projects that are clearly targeted at the appropriate audience. This does not mean that IFB is only interested in supporting material with commercial prospects, but instead that it is open to considering projects that may appeal to a wide spectrum of viewers, be they commercial, arthouse, festival-going or on television etc. Originality: IFB want to support projects that are original and of high quality, and that bring to cinema, though the talents of Irish writers, directors, producers and other Irish personnel, a different and distinctly Irish talent-driven cultural experience. Funding decisions will favor those Irish writers and directors, producers and other personnel who bring to film a distinctive voice and a strongly individual view of the world, and who create works that give a new and/or reinvigorated sensation to that experience. Developing talent, cultural & industrial priorities: IFB privileges project which are of Irish initiation in a creative sense, that is, conceived, written, produced and/ or to be directed by Irish talents; entail new and emerging Irish talent in key creative roles, i.e. director, writer, producer, composer, principal actor tell Irish stories, drawing on and depicting Ireland's culture, history, way of life, view of the world and of itself

167 Additionality: IFB considers that an essential rationale for making public money available to an industry is that it should create activity that would not otherwise occur, i.e. that the market, left to itself, would not engender. It follows that audiovisual works backed by IFB should be those that would not be made, or would not be made with the same level of benefit to Ireland, unless enabled to do so with the support of the IFB. Such audiovisual works and the benefits that flow from them represent additional' economic activity. 88 Between 2013 and 2015, the IFB funding was split between the following activities: Funding the IFB ( ) Source: IFB In 2016, the IFB invested 1.8 M in 132 development projects and 10.4 M in 57 production projects, representing an overall investment in production of 103 M ). 89 Its funds come from the State budget. Capital funding represents the funds dedicated to the support of projects, while current funding the funds dedicated to the administration of the IFB: IFB (2017) Annual Snapshot

168 Funding of the IFB in 2016 (M ) Source: IFB Created by the 2009 Broadcasting Act, 90 the BAI is the national regulatory body of Ireland. Its predecessors were the Independent Radio and Television Commission (IRTC 1988) and the Broadcasting Commission of Ireland (2001). Its main missions are those of a traditional audiovisual media regulator (except that it is not competent on non-linear services, which are self-regulated), but it also has a mission which is a very rare situation among European regulatory bodies to manage a Broadcasting Fund 91, which grants funding for radio and television programming and for archiving relating to Irish culture, heritage and experience. The revenues of the fund are generated through 7% of the television license fee, while the BAI itself is funded by a levy on the revenues of the broadcasters it regulates. The Broadcasting Fund previously implemented two main schemes: one about content and one about archiving. Sound & Vision is the content scheme. Created in 2005, its objectives are to: develop high quality programmes based on Irish culture, heritage and experience; develop these programmes in the Irish language; increase the availability of programmes referred to above to audiences in the State; represent the diversity of Irish culture and heritage; record oral Irish heritage and aspects of Irish heritage which are disappearing, under threat, or have not been previously recorded; develop local and community broadcasting. 92 In 2015, the BAI approved 61 television projects for a value of 10.4 M and 201 radio project for a value of 1.3 M. The main genres which receive support are TV and radio documentaries and TV and

169 radio dramas. Between 20 and 25% of the funds benefit to Irish language programmes. The fund supports production, but since 2015 a specific funding is also dedicated to development. Created in 2012, the Broadcast Archiving Scheme momentarily expired in 2016 and is currently under review. It provided support for the development of an archiving culture in the Irish broadcasting sector. Between 2012 and 2015, 5.1 M were granted by the BAI, focusing primarily on the safeguarding of material threatened by fragile physical condition or soon to be obsolete formats. 93 The BAI also manages two other smaller schemes: The Canada-Ireland Co-Development Incentive is the result of cooperation between the Canada Media Fund (CMF) and the BAI to fund the co-development of eligible audiovisual projects between producers from Canada and Ireland. An amount of (split between the two bodies) is being made available to support Irish and Canadian producers to develop co-productions for broadcast on Irish and Canadian television services. If is part of the Broadcasting Fund. 94 The Community Broadcasting Support Scheme, a fund of , is open to all community radio and television broadcasters. Its objective is to help broadcasters to undertake reviews that will advance their organisational development and cover initiative such as evaluations of staff and volunteer needs, reviews of station policies and procedures to ensure that they are effective and appropriate, and reviews of the relationship between broadcasters and the communities they serve. It is funded by the BAI on its own budget. 95 The Arts Council has been created by the Arts Act in It is an autonomous body acting under the authority of the Department of Arts, Heritage & Gaeltacht. Its mission is to manage public funding of the arts (architecture, circus, dance, film, literature, music, opera, street art, cinema, visual arts ). In the film sector, its role complements the one of the IFB in terms of funding by supporting experimental, imaginative and highly creative film and documentaries. It also funds the development and digitalisation of cinemas as well as various film festivals FISCAL INCENTIVES Section has been adopted in 1997 to replace the former tax relief scheme Section 35 which existed since 1987, itself replacing the Business Expansion Scheme created in This tax credit allows a production company to deduct from their corporate tax 32% of eligible production expenses (all cast and crew working in Ireland, all goods and services sourced in Ireland and post-production expenses), with a maximum of 80% of the whole production budget or 70 M per project, whichever is lower. Projects whose eligible expenditure is less than or whose total production cost is less than cannot apply for Section

170 The fiscal incentive applies to feature film, television drama (singles or series), animation (excluding computer games) and creative documentary that must pass a cultural test 98 whose goal is to make sure that the project contributes to promoting Irish culture and which is based on the following criteria: the project is an effective stimulus to filmmaking in Ireland, and is of importance to the promotion, development and enhancement of creativity and the national culture - through the medium of film, including, where applicable, the dialogue/narration is wholly or partly in the Irish language or the production of a full Irish-language version of the film is included as part of the total budget for the film; the screenplay (or, in the case of a documentary film, the textual basis) from which the film is derived is mainly set in Ireland or elsewhere in the EEA; at least one of the principal characters (or documentary subjects) is connected with Irish or European culture; the storyline or underlying material of the film is a part of, or derived from, Irish or European culture and/or heritage; or, in the case of an animation film, the storyline clearly connects with the sensibilities of children in Ireland or elsewhere in the EEA; the screenplay (or textual basis) from which the film is derived is an adaptation of an original literary work; the storyline or underlying material of the film concerns art and/or an artist/artists; the storyline or underlying material of the film concerns historical figures or events; the storyline or underlying material of the film addresses actual, cultural, social or political issues relevant to the people of Ireland or elsewhere in the EEA; or, in the case of an animation film, addresses educational or social issues relevant to children in Ireland or elsewhere in the EEA. In 2016, 76 projects were eligible, for a total amount of 636 M of expenses and eligible expenses of 264 M, against 66 projects in 2015 (for 206 M of expenses and 118 M of eligible expenses). 99 This massive growth is partly explained by modifications made to the scheme in 2015, moving from a tax shelter to a tax credit and making the system more transparent, and has benefited to all genres: IFB (2017) Breakdown of projects availing of Section

171 Source: IFB Several studies have been conducted since the introduction of Section 481. If they do not conclude on a positive fiscal impact, it is usually considered by most stakeholders that is has an overall positive economic impact on the dynamic in the audiovisual sector. 100 Section 481, which until 2014 was managed by the Ministry of Arts, is now managed by the Irish Revenue Commissioners, i.e. the Irish tax and customs governmental department. The Ministry of Arts remains only in charge on the cultural test, upon the advice of the IFB. According to Section 13A of the VAT Act, 101 Film production may benefit from zero-rated VAT when the master negative is being exported FINANCING BY MARKET PLAYERS N/A INCENTIVES FOR FOREIGN INVESTMENT If Section 481 is open only to Irish production companies, it is rather easy to be considered as such a company. To benefit from the tax credit, the production company has to: 100 European Audiovisual Observatory (2014) Impact analysis of fiscal incentive schemes supporting film and audiovisual production in Europe, pp

172 be Irish resident or trading through a branch or agency; make film and television for cinema exhibition or broadcast or online; be trading for at least 12 months and have filed a corporation tax return with Revenue not be connected to a broadcaster hold 100% shareholding in a qualifying Company (i.e. a company which has Irish residency or trades through a branch or agency and which exists as a Special Purpose Vehicle to make a film). 103 More broadly, Ireland has a long tradition of making itself attractive for foreign investors, 104 and large part of the tax regime can apply to creative industries. The main advantage of the tax regime is the 12.5% corporate tax, which is one of the most competitive in the world: Source: IDA This attractive tax regime also covers benefits such as: a 25% R&D tax credit (which can apply for example to the technical the development of video games); an intellectual property regime which provides a tax write-off for broadly defined IP acquisitions; a zero-tax rate for foreign dividends (12.5% tax rate on qualifying foreign dividends, with flexible onshore pooling of foreign tax credits)

173 7.6. OTHER SCHEMES There is no collective management organisation comparable to the Belgian and French SACD in Ireland. The IFB provides funding ( annually) to certain industry guilds (the Writers Guild of Ireland 105, the Screen Directors Guild of Ireland 106 and Screen Producers Ireland 107 ), which for the first two is equivalent to most of their operating costs. The Screen Directors Guild of Ireland (SDGI) established in 2005 the Screen Directors Collecting Society of Ireland (SDCSI) as the collecting body for copyright of audiovisual Irish works nationally and internationally. The Guild grants each year the Finders Series Award, which gives the opportunity to an Irish director of a fiction film or a documentary with an opportunity to showcase its work at the Directors Guild of America in Los Angeles to an audience of key American distributors, agents and press with a view to securing an American distribution deal. The film must be shot in Ireland and directors must be members of SDGI. Several studies have highlighted the difficulty for small and medium enterprises in the creative industry to have access to funding or financing, mainly due to information asymmetry. 108 The Supporting SMEs Online Tool is one of the solutions to pass this obstacle. Covering all possible kind of business, this tool is a cross-governmental guide whose goal is to help small businesses know which of the over 80 Government support schemes could possibly fit their business. By answering 8 questions in an online form, a company can find which kind of business supports are available to them, get information on the range of supports for accessing credit and be told their nearest Local Enterprise Office in order to discuss some issues further if necessary NEW POLICY INITIATIVES DISCUSSED OR FORESEEN N/A SUMMARY Audiovisual Funds IFB BAI The Arts Council European Commission (2013) Survey on access to finance for cultural and creative sectors, Evaluate the financial gap of different cultural and creative sectors to support the impact assessment of the Creative Europe programme. 172

174 Fiscal incentives Section 481 Zero rated VAT Financing by market players N/A Incentives for foreign investment Ireland s tax regime Other schemes Supporting SMEs Online Tool Store-for-Start-ups/Supporting-SMEs-Online-Tool.html 173

175 8. NETHERLANDS 8.1. POLICY AND MARKET CONTEXT The Dutch media landscape is economically healthy, but is mostly renowned for the striking success of its TV industry abroad. Some major TV production companies have originated in the Netherlands and, for those which haven t been bought out by large international groups, are still based there: Endemol, Talpa and Eyeworks are the best examples. In a small market with an important language barrier, the fortune of these creators has been made abroad through the selling of concepts and formats which have met with astounding success all over the world: Big Brother, The Voice, The Mole, Celebrity Splash, Deal or No Deal, to name just a few, have all been created in the Netherlands. 109 As is the case in other countries with a striving television production sector, the success comes largely from the practice and/or obligation of broadcasters to commission and buy shows devised by independent producers. Various structural elements in the Netherlands contribute to this trend: The public television sector is highly and uniquely fragmented. It is made up of a constellation of small organizations, coordinated and structured by the NPO (the central PSM organization) which schedules programs and line-ups mostly through three television channels available across the country. All these organizations, regardless of their size, are in need of content. Public broadcasters have an obligation to air 40% of Dutch-speaking programs. Given the language barrier (the Flemish accent sounds too specific to make easy imports), this effectively means a mandatory proportion of domestic productions. The Dutch public has a long history of being uniquely open to innovation when it comes to TV content. TV creators are in constant competition to surprise their public and offer original and buzzworthy content. Commercial broadcasters have made use of the appetite of the public for innovative television, with interesting as well as questionable results. In the recent years, the Dutch Government has sought to build on the open and international attitude of its TV sector, by making it fiscally advantageous for large international media groups to (re)locate in the Netherlands some of their European operations, including the establishment of pan-european channels. Viacom or Netflix are two visible examples. The Dutch film industry is doing relatively well, considering the small size of its market and the language barrier. Total revenues are increasing (579 M in 2016), fueled by a strong box office and VOD/SVOD growth. The market share in admissions for domestic productions has dropped rather sharply last year (12%, down from between 19% and 21% in the previous three years), but this could be contingent to a year when fewer commercial movies were released. 109 Rapport de veille, avril 2014, AWEx La Haye Délégation Wallonie-Bruxelles à la Haye. 174

176 Source: European Audiovisual Observatory 8.2. AUDIOVISUAL FUNDS The two main existing funds in the Netherlands each work specifically with the television sector ( Mediafonds ) or the cinema sector ( Filmfonds ). The level of funding is relatively low: among the nine case studies, the Netherlands rank fifth in terms in overall income (behind less populated countries like Norway and Sweden) of the funds and eighth in terms in income per inhabitant (leaving only Croatia behind). 110 The Media Fund aims to promote the development and production of high-quality artistic programmes and provides more than 16 M in subsidies annually for radio and television programmes in the following fields: drama, documentary, feature film, youth programmes, new media and performing arts. The fund also stimulates new genres, like video clips and games in collaboration with other organizations and funds, but does not fund the development or production of TV formats, since this part of the industry is already thriving. What differentiates the Mediafonds from many of its European counterparts, however, is that its work and subsidies are exclusively directed to the national and regional public broadcasting companies. Production subsidies can only be applied for by a public broadcasting company, even if the funding is eventually received and used by an independent production company. Development subsidies can be requested by producers or authors, but their application must have the backing and interest of a public broadcasting company. To make its decision, the fund seeks advice from professionals and to that end uses a pool of about 120 advisors. This pool consists of directors, documentary makers, screenwriters, radio professionals 110 See section for detailed data. 175

177 and specialists in the field of new media; the fund also consults with experts in general like journalists, philosophers and scientists. In committees of variable composition, an average of five advisors with diverse backgrounds discusses the submitted applications. These committees advise the Board of the fund on which projects should receive funding. The final decision is taken by the Board, which is appointed by the Minister. The Fund is entirely publicly funded, with a 2015 budget of 17.5 M : Budget of the Media Fund in 2016 (M ) Source: Mediafonds Besides subsidizing projects, the fund also organizes various activities in the area of quality training and talent development: competitions, master classes, workshops and conferences. The Netherlands Film Fund is the national agency responsible for supporting film production and filmrelated activities in the Netherlands, both domestically and internationally. The fund was created in 1993 following a merger of two funds. The Film Fund offers various selective support schemes on production and distribution, including for minority Dutch co-productions. It also runs the Film Production Incentive, offering a 30% cash rebate on production costs spent in the Netherlands (see below) and oversees the activities of the Netherlands Film Commission. The fund is underwritten by the Ministry of Culture through successive four-year contract. The average annual budget is of 48.5 M. The planned allocations for 2017 are as follows: 176

178 Planned budget for the Film Fund in 2017 (M ) Source: Filmfonds The budget allocated to film development and production is distributed through two separate programs: Screen NL (15.9 M ) gives support to fiction, feature-length animations and documentaries. New Screen NL (3.2 M ) is focused on renewal and talent development for experimental film and for short films including animation ; In both these programs, decisions on support are taken by the director based on suggestions by advising commissioners. The Filmfonds makes a clear distinction between what it calls selective procedures, where decisions are based on quality criteria, and semi-automatic procedures, where only financial, legal and administrative criteria apply: this is the case for the Film Production Incentive (the rebate system see below) and the supplementation subsidy ( suppletie ), which allocates money to new projects developed by a production company which has had in the past a commercial success at the box office. The fund is autonomous in the allocation decisions it makes, except that the Government has set up some subsidy ceilings for some of its activities: production Incentive: maximum ; supplementation: maximum ; distribution of foreign arthouse film: maximum ; film development: maximum ; documentary development: maximum international distribution: maximum ; film festivals: maximum Highlight: Supplementation subsidy This is a fairly unique subsidy scheme in Europe. In many instances, national film funds insist they base their selection criteria on quality and artistic potential or cultural identity. While many film funds have tried to find new ways of helping projects which have commercial ambitions without specifically aiming 177

179 for intellectual sophistication, the Netherlands have gone further and set aside money for projects helmed by creative teams who have met success at the box office. To benefit from the scheme, a European production company must have released a feature film or long animation film in the prior calendar year which was seen by a minimum of paying visitors in the Dutch cinemas after the premiere and which was not financed solely by private parties. The new project must also be a mainstream movie. The box office results of a film from the previous year are the starting point for calculating the amount of subsidy. The baseline is , to which are added 0.49 per visitors above For instance, a movie which sold tickets will get ( [ ] x 0.49) = The Filmfonds and the Ministry have both tried to assess the success and usefulness of the scheme. A few facts and considerations were significant: 111 The number of titles over which distributors and their market participants divide the resources from the scheme budget has increased sharply: from an average of 13 projects per year ( ) to more than 19 titles ( ). Since the amount received is automatically computed, this increase in demands was a problem, especially since the budget cuts that the Fund underwent in In recent years, the financial contribution of market players has decreased by 17% on average. The Fund contribution increased from an average of 35% to an average of 44%. The average production budget fell from 2.58 M in 2013 to 1.9 M in As a result of lower investments by market players, producers receiving supplementation money have also applied for other subsidies of the Fund and were in competition with non-mainstream movies for money for development and/or production. Of the films that have received a supplementation contribution, three quarters did not meet their own medium-sized box office forecasts. Half of the titles do not reach the entry limit of visitors to submit a new application. The original and risky model that the Filmfonds tried to launch to spearhead a domestic industry of commercially successful films has thus met three challenges and obstacles: the absence of a substantial contribution from private investors into films which offered more guarantees of commercial success than others; the fact that one success at the box office is no sure predictor of another; a downward trend in the box office results of mainstream Dutch films generally. This assessment has put pressure on the future of the current Supplementation Scheme, which the Filmfonds is first to recognize is an international exception. The Dutch Minister of Culture has therefore decided to lower the budget of the scheme down to 3.5 M in 2017 (from 7.5 M in 2016). The Filmfonds has the current task of coming up with the adjustments or overhauls necessary to improve the scheme. They are considering the option of making the procedure more selective, of imposing some market funding, and/or involving in the selection representatives of producers, operators and distributors (following Danish inspiration). 111 Filmfonds (2016) Jaarverslag

180 CoBO is a coproduction fund founded in 1986 with the original aim of bringing television closer to both the cinema and performing arts. The Fund functions by managing, collecting and allocating revenues received by public media institutions (NPO 1, 2 and 3) for the cable distribution of their programs abroad. A public broadcaster can thus apply for funding of a project it is developing in partnership with an independent producer, a performing arts company or the Flemish PSM (VRT) or a German PSM. A contribution from the CoBO fund will amount to a maximum of 20% of the production budget with a maximum of The collected copyrights to be redistributed by CoBO amounted to 7.2 M in Provincial Governments also provide grants for cultural creation, including television programs. The province of Friesland has the most active program via the Fries Mediafonds which offers nearly of funding each year. In addition, the provinces of Overijssel and Gelderland have set up a joint fund, Production Fund for the Eastern Netherlands, financed at for the period Kunstraad Groningen offers smaller funding for cultural projects. 113 The city of Rotterdam launched its own film fund in 1996, allocating 2.5 M each year to films being shot in Rotterdam with local crews. It claimed to generate annually between 6 and 7 M in local revenues. The city closed the Fund in 2015 however, as parts of public spending cuts. It has since tried to attract film shooting through the hiring of dynamic and proactive location scouts at the service of production companies. 114 It has proved difficult to compile an exhaustive list of all regional and local funds. The website of the Netherlands Film Commission, the primary gateway for all information needed by producers and potential investors, does not, for instance, make available such a list FISCAL INCENTIVES Until 2007, the Netherlands operated a system called the CV Measure, which was structured as a tax shelter. In 2014, the Government opted for a rebate system and introduced the Film Production Incentive. It offers a 30% rebate for eligible productions. This operates on the basis of four deadlines per year, with a maximum budget for 2017 of M. Rebates are driven by production spending rather than levels of investment repaying productions a percentage of their qualifying budget items according to a clear set of regulations and are funded directly from the State budget. The payment is normally made after the production expenditure has been completed and audited (although some systems accommodate partial earlier payments) and, of critical importance, typically some months after the State s treasury has collected a range of taxes from the production activity itself. 112 COBO (2016), Jaarverslag Rapport de veille, avril 2014, AWEx La Haye Délégation Wallonie-Bruxelles à la Haye

181 Some experts consider the rebate model sounder than others, such as the tax shelter, because of the smaller number of parties involved, and because the system is more transparent, easier to control and evaluate. They also see the system as self financing in many cases: the rebate payment normally occurs months after the expenditure has taken place and the accounts have been subsequently audited. As a result, the taxes payable by the production will have been collected prior to the rebate. Furthermore, the rebate is paid on qualifying costs only whereas taxes are collected on all costs. 115 The Dutch system has the advantage of simplicity. An application can be filed by a production company based, for at least two years prior to the application, in the Netherlands or an EU country and which is legally represented by a producer. The scheme is open to applications for feature films and featurelength animated films with a minimum production budget of at least 1 M and to feature length documentaries with a production budget of at least The amount of the grant is determined by the production costs that are both eligible and demonstrably and directly spent on parties that are subject to Dutch taxation, multiplied by 30%. The maximum award is 1 M per application. The maximum amount per year per applicant is 2 million euro. The budget in 2017 is capped at M, of which at least 70% for international co-productions. The Filmfonds recently commissioned a study on the economic impact of the Netherlands Film Production Incentive, since its inception in The main report s findings are the following: between July 2014 and December 2016, a total of 181 film projects received a contribution from the Netherlands Film Production Incentive; of the M spent on film production in the Netherlands, M was spent on films directly related to the Incentive; every euro granted generated an estimated Dutch production spending of 4.77 ; of the 181 film projects supported, 111 (61%) were international (co)productions presented by 72 different applicants, while 70 (39%) were 100% Dutch-funded projects; the share of minority Dutch (co)productions is increasing annually (10% in 2014 and 2015 to 26% in 2016), which suggests that the Netherlands is more and more considered a strong producing partner; the number of companies operating in the Dutch film production sector since 2014 has increased slightly (+2.2%) while the number of employees has increased significantly (+26%). The expectation is that employment in the sector will continue to increase, but not to the extent seen over the past two years. The study also suggested that extending the Incentive to include other genres (such as high-end drama documentary and animation series) would contribute to improve the system further FINANcING BY MARKET PLAYERS The Netherlands gives no obligations to market players to contribute directly or indirectly to domestic audiovisual production, except to public service broadcasters. Commercial broadcasters, distributors or on-demand services are exempt. The Filmfonds provides an average breakdown of film financing. It shows little risk and personal financial investment from producers themselves. In the category private investment is the Abraham Tuschinski Fund. 115 European Audiovisual Observatory (2014) Impact analysis of fiscal incentive schemes supporting film and audiovisual production in Europe

182 Source: Filmfonds Highlight: Abraham Tuschinski Fund The associations of Dutch film distributors (FDN) and of Dutch cinema operators (NVBF) have set up in 2009 the Abraham Tuschinski Fund Foundation 117 whose goal is to provide an additional contribution available for the Dutch film industry. The board is formed by a delegation of the FDN, NVBF and the Film Producers Netherlands (FPN). The film stimulation scheme consists of the NVBF, FDN and FPN having established a so-called bonus scheme: This arrangement implies that a bonus amount will be made available to each paying movie visitor under conditions. This amount must then be demonstrably invested in a Dutch cinema with a release in Dutch cinemas or film theaters. 118 In other words, producers of movies which have met some box office success receive from the Foundation a bonus based on the number of tickets sold, to be invested in a new production (a logic not unlike that of the Supplementation scheme of the Filmfonds). The maximum bonus is for movies which sold more than tickets. Below that number, the average bonus is around 40 cents for each ticket sold. In 2015, 44 productions led to a bonus to be invested in another movie. The Foundation granted a total of INCENTIVES FOR FOREIGN INVESTMENT The Netherlands has co-production treaties with Canada, France, Germany, China, South Africa and the French-speaking Community of Belgium. Furthermore, the Netherlands Film Fund collaborates in international reciprocal co-production schemes with the Flanders Audiovisual Fund, Norwegian Film Institute, the Hubert Bals Fund and the Mitteldeutsche Medienfo rderung (MDM). 117 Tuschinski was a very famous owner of a movie theater in the center of Amsterdam Source: Abraham Tuschinski Foundation. 181

183 The Netherlands Film Commission is the official liaison between the Dutch creative media industries and foreign producers and production companies. The Film Commission also serves as a general resource for all film related inquiries throughout the country, including being matchmaker on financing possibilities offered through several schemes of the Netherlands Film Fund. The Film Commission also offers financial research-support for a location scout, line producer or postproduction supervisor for international production companies and developed an extensive online database of film professionals in the Netherland. 120 It should also be noted that cash rebate system described earlier is heavily geared towards attracting foreign investments in the country OTHER SCHEMES Audiovisual authors in the Netherlands are among those in Europe who benefit the least from mandatory and legally structured revenues from their work. Their collecting societies do administer cable retransmission rights as a result of the mandatory collective administration of the cable retransmission right provided by the Satellite and Cable Directive. But there is no legally binding and enforced agreement on TV broadcasting rights, which are an important source of income for audiovisual authors elsewhere. The European Society of Authors (SAA), who represents the interests of authors at the European level, published in 2015 a White Paper on author s rights and remuneration in the EU. Many of its benchmarks and comparative analyses put the Netherlands far behind most other countries in the level of support it legally guarantees to its authors: Source: SAA

184 8.7. NEW POLICY INITIATIVES DISCUSSED OR FORESEEN N/A SUMMARY Audiovisual Funds Filmfonds Mediafonds Cobo Fiscal incentives Film Production Incentive Financing by market players Abraham Foundation Tuschinski Incentives for foreign investment Film Commission Other schemes N/A

185 9. NORWAY 9.1. POLICY AND MARKET CONTEXT Norway has a very long tradition of support to the cinema industry, which started one century ago with the development of a unique system of public ownership of cinemas by the municipalities. The national film fund, created in 1955, is also one of the oldest of the continent and rather well funded: among the nine case studies, Norway ranks third in terms of overall income of the funds and first in terms in income per inhabitant. 121 The market share of national films in cinemas was in 2016 of 23.9%, remaining relatively stable over the years and being one of the highest among the group of the small European countries: Source: NFI Even more distinctive for a small country: Norwegian films often reach the top of the box office. In 2016, one of the best years for Norwegian cinema, the top 3 in cinema admissions was occupied by three Norvegian films ( Kongens nei, Snekker Andersen og Julenissen and Børning 2 ), all supported in some ways by the NFI. 122 While being outside the EU, Norway is part of the Internal Market when it comes to audiovisual media services. Like in other Nordic countries such as Denmark and Sweden, this situation is used by numerous private companies to target the Norwegian public with services established usually in the United Kingdom (MTG, Discovery, Disney) but also in the Netherlands (Viacom) and in Sweden (MTG and Bonnier), and therefore not complying with Norwegian stricter rules regarding the regulation of content and especially regarding advertising. According to the European Audiovisual Observatory, around 60% of the TV channels and 70% of VOD services targeting the Norwegian public are 121 See section 11.3 for detailed data. 122 Norwegian Film Institute (2017) Facts & Figures 2016, p

186 established in another EU Member State. 123 Nevertheless, the domestic channels under Norwegian jurisdiction remain successful and powerful: the public service media NRK remains the solid leader on the market, followed by the Norwegian-based but Danish-owned private broadcaster TV2. NRK is also very successful with its various online offers and its website is the second most popular among the medias of the country. Source: Nordicom On the television market, the success of domestic content varies greatly, depending on the type of work: according to a survey conducted on a panel of consumers, the consumption levels are 4.7% for films, 11.1% for television series and 45.5% for documentaries on linear service and 7.8% for films and 14.9% for television series on VOD services. 124 It is worth noticing that for the latter, the impact on consumption of the actual offer is striking, with almost no consumption of domestic works on international services and a majority on national ones: NFI (2017) Facts and Figures 2016, p

187 Source: NFI 9.2. AUDIOVISUAL FUNDS The funds presented in this section are almost exclusively funded by the State budget. From all the case studies of this report, Norway ranks as the country whose funding from the national Government is the highest. It is also the case if we look at the broader picture on the continent: Source: European Audiovisual Observatory 186

188 The NFI was created by the law of 3 May Operating under the authority of the Ministry of Culture, its main mission is to manage the funding of the audiovisual industry by supporting development, production, promotion and distribution of films, documentaries, television series and video games, nationally and internationally. It has also additional missions such as providing courses and seminars, contributing to the transparency of the sector and facilitating shooting in Norway via the Film Commission Norway. 125 The revenues of NFI come exclusively from the State budget. Even though it has a broad mandate which, as in France, goes as far as supporting the video game industry, the support of the NFI remains widely targeted on the film industry. In 2016, the NFI spent 444 M NOK (48 M ) 126 in development and production funding, with the following breakdown: Source: NFI Most of these funds are granted on a selective basis, but the NFI also grants rewards based on the results of the box-office. In the recent years, the NFI has been quite successful in promoting Norwegian cinema on international markets. The presence of Norwegian cinema abroad, which was almost inexistent 15 years ago, has grown steadily to reach its peak in 2014 with an export value of 7.4 M : NOK is approximately 0,

189 Source: NFI The NFI also provides financial support to the regional investment funds and the filmsenters and monitors their performances (see below). Film & Kino was created in 1917 under the appellation of Kommunale Kinematografers Landsforbund (KKL) and was renamed Film & Kino in It is an interest group uniting the municipalities which are public owners of cinemas, which is a frequent situation in Norway where private ownership of cinema is not the rule but the exception (149 municipalities are members of the association). Film & Kino provides support to distribution, promotion and import of films. It also co-organizes the Norwegian International Film Festival of Haugesund 127 and manages the Mobile Cinema 128 initiative, which proposes a film offer in municipalities which do not have their own permanent cinema. This latter initiative, which consists in providing all the technical support to show a film in municipalities who simply need to provide an appropriate premise, contributes to have films shown in 168 different places around the country to a yearly audience of around spectators. Zefyr Mediafund is the largest regional fund in Norway and is the result of the merger in 2016 of the two regional funds of Southwestern Norway FUZZ (Bergen) and Filmkraft Fond (Stavanger). It is owned by Bergen City Council and Rogaland County and has cooperation agreements with other

190 counties and municipalities across the Southwest region. The fund manages both state funding and private equity meant to support feature films, documentaries, TV drama series, computer games and VR productions which are fully or partly produced in the region. Non-recoupable State funds (1 M from the Norwegian Government) are granted to high quality productions with significant regional expenses in the audiovisual industry. International co-productions with a Norwegian minority producer are eligible. Equity (up to 1 M of collective investment by private investors) is provided through a scheme of selective co-production investments. Zefyr Mediafund currently holds approximately 4.5 M in private equity which finances between 4 and 8 productions each year. Foreign producers are eligible if they have a Norwegian co-producer. Zefyr receives a share of the incomes made which is proportionate to its share in the production. The recent merger process between some regional film funds was the result of a reorientation of audiovisual policy in this field, whose goal was to have a few consolidated regional film funds in order to ensure robust regional funding and that regional film industries reach critical mass. 129 FilmCamp, created in 2005, is a company owned and funded by a group of municipalities of the Troms County. Its goal is to provide support for shooting feature films and TV drama series in the region of the municipality of Målselv, where it is established. Film Camp offers mainly the services and infrastructure needed for shooting (studios, accommodation, catering ) but it also manages a fund meant for film and TV productions shot in the region or in its studios. The support to the funding of audiovisual works takes the form of a co-production agreement between Film Camp and the other production company(ies) which commit to shoot most of the production and to invest twice as much as Film Camp s investment in the region. It is also required that at least 40% of the total production crew and cast are local (meaning they must reside and work in the region). Film Camp cannot act as the main producer: its participation is limited to 20% of the project, with a maximum for each project of 4 M NOK ( ). The scheme is open to foreign producers, but a Norwegian co-producer is required and will be the beneficiary of the funds granted. The selection of the projects is based on a mix of criteria: artistic criteria: the project must have a considerable cultural reference to the region; financial criteria: Film Camp favors projects which have the potential to be beneficial and which will have an impact of the development of a sustainable film industry in the region. If the film is beneficiary, Film Camp receives a share of the income proportionate to the funds it invested in the production. Film Invest is the result of the merger in 2016 between the two regional funds Filminvest Midt-Norge and Film3. Its aim is to support development and production of feature films, TV drama series and computer games in the Trøndelag, Oppland and Hedmark counties. The purpose is Film Invest is exclusively economic. It gives priority to investments on commercial projects with high audience potential and economic returns and to productions which have a high

191 amount of shooting days in the region, with the use of regional staff. The scheme is open to foreign producers, but a Norwegian co-producer is required and will be the beneficiary of the funds granted. Filmfond Nord is the regional fund of the county of Nordland. Its goal is also exclusively economic. It provides production support for feature films, television drama and documentaries meant for distribution in cinemas with a view to contribute to develop and strengthen the film industry in northern Norway, and therefore requires shooting in the region and the use of regional crew. Foreign production are eligible, but need to have a Norwegian co-producer. Norway also has also seven regional film centres (Filmkraft Rogaland Filmsenter in Stavanger, Midtnorsk Filmsenter in Trondheim, Nordnorsk Filmsenter in Tromsø, Østnorsk Filmsenter in Lillehammer, Sørnorsk Filmsenter in Kristiansand, Vestnorsk Filmsenter in Bergen and Viken Filmsenter in Drammen), created at the initiative of groups of counties and/or municipalities and funded by them, usually also with a contribution from the Ministry of Culture. They complement the work done by the regional film funds by providing diverse funding for development and production, usually for shorts and documentaries, but also sometimes for feature films, TV dramas, animation films and video games. All of them require that the production company is based in the region or has connection of the project with the owning counties and/or municipalities. Some of these centres also offer other types of supports such as trainings, workshops and travel grants. The oldest of them, the Nordnorsk Filmsenter (North Norwegian Film Centre NNFS) was created in Owned by the Nordland, Troms and Finnmark counties and by the municipality of Tromsø, where it is established, its main goals are to support shorts of less than 60 minutes and documentaries through development and production grants, and to assist and develop the film industry in the region for example through travel and educational grants. It is funded by the Norwegian Government (which grants 1.1 M ). The beneficiaries are mainly independent producers of the region, although foreign producers are also eligible provided they have a regional co-producer. The NNFS supports between 25 and 30 projects each year, including between 3 and 5 international co-productions, with a priority for projects with an artistic input from the region (script writer, director, producer) and workforce from the region. Another Film Centre, the International Sámi Film Centre (Kautokeino) has been transformed in 2014 as an Institute to take into consideration its international status. Funded by the Ministry of Culture and the Norwegian Parliament, its mission is to support film production in Sámi language in all the countries where the Sámi people live (Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia) FISCAL INCENTIVES The Incentive Scheme was introduced on , and is administered by the NFI. Like the rebate schemes presented in the other chapters, it functions with a maximum yearly budget, which and which 190

192 has been raised to 55 M NOK (5.9 M ) in 2017 from 45 M NOK in The funds are provided by the Ministry of Culture. The objective of the Incentive Scheme is to increase the number of international films and series produced in Norway which promote Norwegian culture or history, to improve the experience and skills of the workforce in the film industry and to contribute in general to a sustainable film industry. It functions as a 25% rebate on eligible costs spent in Norway, within the limits of the annual cap. The incentive scheme focuses on support to the production of films, drama series and documentary series produced entirely or partly in Norway and intended for broad public distribution (and therefore with a relatively high budget, which explains the thresholds detailed below). It cannot be combined with other funds granted by the NFI. The applicant must be a Norwegian production company registered or a company established in the European Economic Area (EEA) with a branch registered in the Norway, and must comply with the following requirements: the work must be produced entirely or partly in Norway; the production must have a total budget of at least 25 M NOK for feature films, 10 M NOK for documentary films, 10 M NOK per episode for drama series or 5 M NOK for documentary series; the production must have eligible costs in Norway of 2 M NOK; the financing plan must include at least 30 % international financing; the production must have secured an international distribution agreement. To qualify, the production has also to pass a qualification test 130 whose goal is to make sure that the work indeed contributes promoting Norwegian culture. The test consists in a mix of eight cultural criteria and eight production criteria: cultural criteria: o storyline, screenplay, central theme of the film is based on events that are a part of Norwegian or European culture or history; o the film/series production is based on a character or a personality from Norwegian or European culture, history or society; o storyline of the film/series production relates to a Norwegian or European setting, place, location, architectural or cultural setting; o storyline, script, or central theme of the film/series production is based on literary work or adapted from another artistic discipline (fine arts, music, etc.); o storyline, script, central theme of the film/series production focuses on current cultural, sociological or political themes or events; o the film/series production reflects Norwegian or European values, culture, identity, customs or traditions; o director, script writer or author of literary work is Norwegian or European; o the film/series production is in Norwegian or another European language; production criteria: o the film/series production is a cinematographic work that contributes to the development of its genre; o the film/series production is suited to increase the capacity of the film makers involved to undertake ambitious and demanding productions of high quality and of cultural value;

193 o the film makers (director, producer, executive producer, scriptwriter, lead actors ) are Norwegian citizens or citizens of EEA member states; o at least 51% of the technical crew are Norwegian citizens or citizens of EEA member states; o shooting takes place on locations or in studios in Norway; o the production uses service providers from Norway or another EEA country; o all or part of post-production takes place in Norway or the EEA; o the production has a strategy for sustainable and green recording. The first operational year of the Incentive Scheme has been evaluated by Oslberg-SPI. 131 It benefited two productions which have generated 198 M NOK in film production and had the following economic impacts: production spending has generated 142 FTE jobs with approximately 500 Norwegian residents directly employed in the productions; these FTEs have received M NOK in wages as a result of these productions; the spending of the two productions has generated 76.6 M NOK of gross value added; this has generated 33.3 M NOK in total taxation return to Norway, with 18.5 M NOK from the productions and 14.8 M NOK from supplier industries. Print Norwegian newspapers benefit since 1970 of zero-rated VAT. Since 2016, this benefit has been extended to electronic news services that mainly contain news and current affairs. The goals of this measure, beyond equal treatment between physical and digital media, are to promote the democratic importance of the media and to safeguard the Norwegian language. In order to qualify, the media has to: be generalist: thematic media covering exclusively one issue such as sport or culture do not qualify; it can therefore apply to news television channels; address the general public: electronic publication meant for specific companies, organisations or associations are therefore out of the scope of the measure; have an editor-in-chief: this criterion is meant to ensure that the measure cover digital publications done by professional journalists and under the respect of journalism ethics, and therefore excludes user-generated content, blogs and social media; be published at least one week (otherwise it is considered that the media does not cover news and current affairs): this means that buying a single piece of news (for example an article of a newspaper or a programme via transaction VOD) would not be covered by the measure. In practice, for television channels which are offered in a bundle by a platform provider, this means that the invoice to the client must be split in order to reflect the zero-rated VAT applicable on news and current affairs and the normal 25% VAT applicable to all other channels. Besides, cinema admission also benefits from a reduced VAT of 10% (see Swedish chapter for international comparison). 131 Olsberg-SPI (2017) Impact of the Norwegian Film Incentive. 192

194 9.4. FINANCING BY MARKET PLAYERS Norway does not impose financing obligations on market players anymore. The commercial broadcaster TV2 had such an obligation in the past (25 M NOK each year between 2002 and 2009, lowered to 10 NOK each year between 2010 and 2016), but this contribution has been abolished in INCENTIVES FOR FOREIGN INVESTMENT The Norwegian Incentive scheme is designed to contribute to domestic as well as foreign investments OTHER SCHEMES The Arts Council was created in 1965 to implement the cultural policy of the Norwegian Government. In 2016, it managed a fully State-funded budget of 139 M dedicated to all forms of arts (music, performing arts, visual arts, literature, cultural and architectural heritage, audiovisual, museums ). Within the Arts Council, a specific body, the Audio and Visual Fund, grants selective funding to audiovisual projects based on decisions of a Board of seven commissioners, whose members are appointed by trade organisations except the Chairman who is appointed by the Ministry of Culture. In 2016, it delivered 4.2 M of funds to the benefit of promotion and distribution of audiovisual works. The Fund is dedicated to copyright holders and functions as a collective compensation scheme that reimburses copyright holders for the private copying of their works. The Arts Council also has a Research and Development Department which funds and commissions research programs, projects and publications, whose goals are to examine the existing cultural landscape and current trends and changes as well as evaluating the activities of the Council NEW POLICY INITIATIVES DISCUSSED OR FORESEEN During the Spring of 2017, the Norwegian Minister of Culture proposed a new Copyright Act, which was supposed to be adopted by the Parliament in June, ahead of the elections to be held in September. The draft Act however raised too many objections from the rights holders and the users and was not adopted. It suggested the inclusion of some new mechanisms meant to support the right holders such as an unwaivable right to fair remuneration, codification of the principle of specification (see section for an explanation of a similar issue in Sweden) and fight against streaming of audiovisual works coming from an obviously illegal source. 193

195 9.8. SUMMARY Audiovisual Funds National Norks Filminstitutt National Film & Kino Regional Fund Film Camp Regional Fund Film Invest Regional Fund Filmfond Nord Regional Fund Mediefondet Zefyr Regional Film Centre Filmkraft Rogaland Filmsenter Regional Film Centre Midtnorsk Filmsenter Regional Film Centre Nordnorsk Filmsenter Regional Film Centre Østnorsk Filmsenter Regional Film Centre Sørnorsk Filmsenter Regional Film Centre Vestnorsk Filmsenter Regional Film Centre Viken Filmsenter Regional Film Centre International Sámi Film Institute Fiscal incentives Norwegian Incentive Scheme Zero-rated VAT Financing by market players N/A Incentives for foreign investment Norwegian Incentive Scheme Other schemes Kulturrådet f2/ notifikasjon pdf

196 10. SWEDEN POLICY AND MARKET CONTEXT This last case study gives the opportunity to analyze the situation in the second medium-size market of our report after the Netherlands. 132 Between the golden age of Swedish cinema symbolized by the world-famous author and director Ingmar Bergman and the potentially renewed interest that might bring the recent Palme d Or won at the Cannes Film Festival last May by The Square, Sweden cannot however be currently characterized as a thriving film industry. Despite the (until recently) unique system of film funding via a Film agreement negotiated between the State and the industry rather than a legal system as in most European countries (see details in section below), cinema attendance is the lowest of Nordic countries and also quite low compared to the main other European markets: Source: CNC and Nordicom Like in Denmark but unlike in other Nordic countries such as Norway and Finland, 2016 was an unsuccessful year for domestic films: even if there has been an overall rise in cinema admissions, the contribution of American films to this rise was dominant. 133 The market share of national films in cinemas in 2016 was of 15.1%, one of the lowest of the past 25 years: 132 The Swedish and Dutch populations are approximately of 10 and 17 million people, for 83 (Germany) and 67 (France) in the large markets analyzed and 6,5 (Belgium NL), 5,2 (Norway), 4,8 (Ireland) 4,5 (Belgium FR) and 4,2 in Croatia. 133 SFI (2017), Facts & Figures 2016, p

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