Main Articles Bilingualism in the Køge Project

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1 International Journal of Bilingualism Naturalization Language Volume language selection 7 Number testing and 4 the and 2003, frontal citizenship 333 lobes Main Articles Bilingualism in the Køge Project University of Copenhagen Abstract The Køge Project is a longitudinal study of the linguistic development of Turkish-Danish grade school children from beginning to end of their school careers. A subgroup of these children has been studied in great detail, and these students have delivered a wide range of data over the years. In the material are included pedagogical (e.g., teacher diaries and teacher questionnaires), sociolinguistic (e.g., parent interviews), and linguistic data (e.g., conversations and tests). Køge was at the time of the data collection somewhat more open to minorities than Denmark in general, and this is reflected in the sociolinguistic reality of the Turkish-Danes. The project has Key words bilingual children Køge Project language choice been particularly rich in bilingualism studies and second language acquisition studies, but also educational studies have been carried out. The main bulk of data consists of sound-tape-recorded conversations and corresponding transcripts. There are group conversations among students and face-to-face conversations with adults. These conversations provide a rich variety of data for codeswitching analyses. 1 The Køge Project The Køge project is a longitudinal study of the linguistic development of bilingual children in Danish grade schools. The purpose of the project is to provide an understanding of the development of a limited number of individuals, but with some depth. The perspectives originally included second language acquisition theory (mainly cognitively oriented, cf., for instance, Holmen, 1990; Holmen & Jørgensen, 2001) and sociolinguistic theory (such as network theory, cf. for instance Boyd & Jørgensen, 1994), but gradually a constructionist inspired postmodern sociolinguistic theory has made its influence on the project (cf. Jørgensen, 2003a). As will be clear in the following, the project does not aim at any high generalizability of the specific results, but rather an understanding of the patterns of development in general terms. Turkish-Danish grade school student form the largest linguistic minority of students in the Danish public school system. Most Turkish-Danes live in neighborhoods characterized by a (for Danish society) relatively high concentration of linguistic minorities. This project has collected its data in a community whose schools at the time of the planning of the project had almost no linguistic minority students except Turkish speakers. We could therefore study a (possibly) bilingual community without having to take possible influence from a lot of other locally spoken languages into consideration. Address for correspondence Department of Nordic and Linguistics, Njalsgade 120, 2300 København S, Denmark; <normann@hum.ku.dk>. International Journal of The Bilingualism International is Kingston Journal Press of Bilingualism Ltd. 2003

2 334 The study began with a series of pilot projects in the town of Køge, , and it has followed all Turkish-Danish students in Køge who began in grade one in 1989, for the first three years of their schooling. The two classes with the highest number of Turkish-Danish students were followed for another six years, that is, to the end of their school time. Out of these students, 10 (6 girls and 4 boys) participated in all or almost all of the data collection activities. The students belong to the second generation of the labor migration wave which most of Northwestern Europe experienced around Køge is situated about 50 km south of Copenhagen, within reach of Copenhagen by commuter train, but far enough away to not be taken to be a suburb of Copenhagen. Table 1 O verview of data types in the Køge project, m ain phase The m aterial for the papers in this volum e is found in the left hand column under the linguistic heading. For further details, see Turan, 1999; Gimbel and Jørgensen, 1996a G r a d e D a t a L in g u istic S o c io lin g u istic E d u c a t io n a l 1 Group conversations, Parent interview Teacher 2 bilingual Listening comprehension diaries and 3 and mixed, questionnaires 4 plus 5 face-to-face 6 conversations with 7 adult Danish and 8 Turkish speaker Fluency Group interview 9 respectively Cloze tests Exam grades 2 Pedagogical aspects The project has collected a wide range of data, linguistic, sociolinguistic, and pedagogical, from the bilingual children. The pedagogical data includes teachers diaries from the class teachers of all involved students. These diaries describe all class activities during one week each year. Likewise the activities of each student for a whole week were described in forms, for one week each year. Furthermore the class teachers and the students Turkish teachers have filled out questionnaires regarding the students background, activities, linguistic skills, attitudes and so forth. These questionnaires were used in grade 1 and grade 3. Some of the data collected through the parents questionnaire (see below under sociolinguistic data) were also relevant for this part of the project, as were some of the tape-recorded conversations (see below under linguistic data). Classroom observations were part of the pilot projects, but were not systematically carried out during the project proper. Gimbel (1994) describes the development of the pedagogical practice in the schools which have more than just one or two minority students per class. He finds that it has been characteristic of Køge, like the rest of Denmark, that the schools developed adhoc solutions to the new challenges created by the arrival of migrant workers families in the 1970 s. No systematic or theoretically based attempts to adjust pedagogical practice to the new situations were seen until the 1980 s. When the schools in Køge did get

3 Bilingualism in the Køge Project 335 started, however, they went further than most schools in the country, by offering the minority students classes in their mother tongue (which was obligatory from 1976 until 2002) as part of their regular schedule and taught by teachers who also had other duties, that is, carefully integrated into the rest of their school activities (which happened only in very few places in Denmark). The school with the most Turkish speaking children (Ahornengen School) furthermore emphasized being a school with a Turkish-speaking minority. On entering school, nobody could fail to notice in the hallway a map of Turkey with marks on the places where the students parents had grown up, to mention just one example. It was also obvious, however, that there was comparatively little practical cooperation among the teachers, and that the students experienced a school day fractured into subjects. The teaching of Turkish was not very well coordinated with other subjects, although subject coordination was high on the general educational agenda in the public school in those years. Worse, some teachers were less than happy to accept that the students would sometimes speak Turkish to each other in class, during pair and group activities. There was also little teaching of Danish to the minority students which was specifically planned to be second-language teaching. By and large the teaching of Danish was very similar in materials and activities to Danish for majority children. There was in no way any attempt to develop a truly bilingual teaching (see also de Jong, 1997). As a whole we can conclude that the Turkish-Danish students who were involved for all of the nine years of the project, had met a much more open-minded Danish institution than most minority children. They had less pressure to hide their Turkish skills than most Turkish-Danes living in the increasingly intolerant society of Denmark (see Jørgensen, 2003b). In particular, Turkish was not generally banned or stigmatized, but considered a legitimate means of communication and learning. On the other hand, Turkish was not in any important way equal to Danish, and there was a lot of pressure on the bilingual children to develop their Danish, and no pressure whatsoever on the majority children to learn any Turkish at all. 3 Sociolinguistic aspects The sociological background of our students can be described by data obtained by a parents questionnaire which was used in connection with a Nordic study of different migrant groups language use and language attitudes (Boyd, Holmen, & Jørgensen, 1994a,b). The (oral) questionnaire study was carried out in Køge during the summer of 1989, among the parents of the school beginners who would start school in August. In 1994, Can carried out an interview study among adolescents in the community of Køge in order to describe their leisure time activities (and possibilities), including some of the students among the interviewees (Can, 1995). The sociological background of the students in our study was remarkably similar. The vast majority lived in two social housing projects in Køge and went to the neighborhood schools. A few were scattered around in the middle class quarters which typically consist of private homes. Almost all of the parents in the social housing areas were unemployed, and quite a few of them had very little education. They were links in a chain migration from Anatolian villages to Denmark. The fathers had arrived first,

4 336 and the families later. Almost all of the children in our study were raised in Denmark, however. Can (1995) found that the adolescents in Ahornengen felt less underprivileged than in other parts of town. They (mainly the boys) had little difficulty in finding afternoon or weekend jobs, they were welcome in the youth clubs and sport facilities, and they were on the whole happy with being young in their town. The young bilinguals in the other social housing area were much more unhappy. They said they had nowhere to go, could get no jobs, and were generally unwelcome in public places. Interestingly, the third group, those whose parents had moved into the middle class areas, said that often they would long to be with people who would understand them and see things the same way as them. Such people they would find in Ahornengen, and therefore they would sometimes go to Anhornengen in their free time to be with Turkish-Danish young people there. Again we can see that the group of bilingual students who have been involved in our project for all nine years, is not typical. They have met greater acceptance than is normal in Denmark, to the extent where they become attractive as social contacts for other, even middle-class-oriented, Turkish-Danes. Jørgensen and Holmen (1994) found that the parents attitude towards their children s acquisition of Danish was characterized by instrumental rather than integrative motivation, not so much because they did not want to integrate with Danes, but probably rather because they felt rejected by Danes. Turkish-Danish parents as well as Turkish-Swedish parents in Gothenburg are members of dense and multiplex networks which have close connections with their relatives in Turkey. In Denmark the parents are less happy with the school and their children s possibilities than parents in Sweden, with their mother tongue classes and second language instruction (about the Nordic perspective, see Jørgensen, 2000). In Køge the parents and families use almost exclusively or very much Turkish in the home, and the parents report that Turkish is also by far the most common language within the second generation. In a follow-up study, Bugge and Jørgensen (1995) find that the Turkish-Danish parents in Køge show less anxiety about their place and future in Denmark than Turkish-Danish parents elsewhere. 4 Linguistic perspectives The material includes transcribed tape-recordings of the bilingual students group conversations with peers, both in groups with three-four bilingual students and in groups with two monolingual and two bilingual students. Further the material includes faceto-face conversations between the bilingual students and adult, monolingual Danish speakers, as well as Turkish speakers. These types of material were collected in each of the students nine years of grade school, see Table 1. There are three groups of conversations from each of the years, that is, group conversations, face-to-face conversations with a Danish-speaking adult, and face-toface conversations with a Turkish-speaking adult. In grade 8 there was also a series of group interviews with the bilingual students and some of their classmates. For the group conversations and the face-to-face conversations there are data from Danish controls, and similar data are being collected from a monolingual Turkish-speaking control group in a provincial town in Turkey (Eskis) ehir, in cooperation with the Anadolu Üniversitesi,

5 Bilingualism in the Køge Project 337 see Özcan, Kec) ik, Topbas), Konrot, 2000). The conversations are numbered according to the files of the Køge project. The first digit of an identification number represents the school grade of the students at the time of the recording, so a reference to conversation 901 refers to a grade 9 conversation. 4.1 Group conversations For the group conversations the students were seated around a table (or 2 classroom tables put together) and left alone in a room at the school. Except for a few cases the room was smaller than the classrooms and furnished differently, giving the situation a slightly less school-like atmosphere. On the table we placed a large sheet of white cardboard (A1) plus scissors and glue sticks. There was one pair of scissors, and one glue stick, fewer than the number of participants in the conversation. Further there were materials for the task given to the students. Some years it would be travel catalogs or furniture catalogs, in other years it would be advertising post cards, or other materials with illustrations. The students were then asked, in Danish or in Turkish or a mixture, to cut and paste pictures on the cardboard in order to create a picture. Some years the students were provided with LEGO blocks, or clay, and asked to create figures or sculptures. The group conversations usually lasted about as long as one school lesson, that is, 45 minutes. The students were wearing small microphones while working. These microphones were connected by light, but long (10 m) cables to a Fostex 460 mixing board placed outside the room. The microphones, Sony ECM 44, were changed from balanced into unbalanced status, and the recorder of the Fostex was changed to record all four tracks in the same direction. This enabled us to pick up four different recordings of the same conversation, one for each microphone, one for each participant in the conversation. The tape recorded by the mixing board was then copied, each track separately. In grade 1, the children were asked to furnish a house. The cardboard showed a picture of a house without one of its walls, so that the inside could be viewed. The students were encouraged to decide together which rooms were for what purposes, and then cut out pictures of furniture from the furniture catalogs provided, and glue them on the house. In grade 2, the cardboard sheet had pictures of a nuclear family with four children who were supposed to go on a summer vacation to Turkey. The task was to equip this family with clothes and so forth for a summer vacation, using pictures from catalogs and magazines. In grade 3, the task was to construct a town with roads, houses, constructions and so forth with the help of pictures from travel catalogs and magazines. In grade 4 the materials were supplemented with an atlas and pens. The groups with only minority children were given cardboard sheets with maps of Turkey, the mixed groups with maps of Denmark. Their task was to find the most important place-names (preferably in agreement) and write them on to the large map. In grade 5 the students had travel catalogs to use, and the cardboard held a map of the world. Their task was to identify some of the places from which the travel catalogs

6 338 had pictures, cut out the pictures and glue them on the map and connect them to the right place (very local or not so local: Kus) adasõ was as much of a solution as China). In grade 6 we provided the students with three buckets of LEGO blocks and asked them to build a piece of art. They could build one from fantasy or copy one which they knew. After the conversation the product was photographed. In grade 7 we gave the students a roll of clay (for art classes) and asked them to form a sculpture (heykeltõ ras) in Turkish, skulptur in Danish). This was supposed to relate to a theme about sculptures which the classes had just been through in class. However, although most of the students did produce sculptures, a few (boys) instead rolled small balls of clay and threw them around in the room (this made for great data, but also presented a tricky problem of explanation to the school). In grade 8 the students were asked to create a cartoon strip or a collage with pictures from teenage magazines or advertising post cards. They were supplied with scissors, glue sticks, and marking pens, and the plain sheet of cardboard. In grade 9 the students were again asked to create a cartoon strip or a collage, this time over the theme A boring day in Køge (mixed groups) or My worst nightmare (groups with only minority students). 4.2 Face-to-face conversations The adults participating in the face-to-face conversations in grade one were the children s teachers, but after the first year project workers conducted the conversations. For most of the years, the project workers doing this changed from year to year. The conversations between an adult Turkish speaker and our students, as well as between an adult Danish speaker and our students, in grade one was prepared as a conversation about a specific topic, namely a video parts of which the teacher watched with the children before the conversation. The teachers were instructed to ask, not specific questions, but about specific topics, because we wanted to study the children s competence in retelling events they had watched in the movie, plus their competence in expressing ideas about what could happen, and their skills in talking about language and bilingualism. The teachers were provided with a form, so that they could make sure they would touch upon all the basic issues we wanted discussed. This detailed planning was abandoned in grade two, but the format with a video movie was continued another couple of years. From grade four a general theme for the conversations was set up and discussed between the adult Danish speaker and the adult Turkish speaker before the data collection. In grade five the theme was spare time and holidays, but aside from that few specifics were given. In grade eight the face-to-face conversations built on the themes of a series of group interviews conducted by the same project workers before the face-to-face conversations. The issues were related to choice of identity and signals of identity, be it gender, generation, or ethnicity.

7 Bilingualism in the Køge Project Data transcription The conversations were transcribed in compliance with the Childes conventions (MacWhinney, 1995), in WordPerfect 5.2. A macro was created for the word processor which enabled us to type both Danish and Turkish characters without changing the keyboard specifications. A simplified set of conventions for transcription of exclamations, hesitation signals and so forth was laid out, and only few specific symbols are used in the main tier: [ // ] denotes self-interruption with correction [ / ] denotes self-interruption without correction + marks the phasing out of an unfinished utterance + /. marks the end of an utterance which has been interrupted and thereby broken off by another speaker. < blabla > [ >] and < grumple whine yell yerk > [<>] and <gobble gobble> [< ] mark simultaneous utterances or parts of utterances In this volume, characters in recte are used for Danish, and italics are used for Turkish. For other languages, primarily English, underlined characters are used. In general it is not complicated to distinguish between Danish and Turkish elements in the conversations. When there could be doubt, for instance with first names or Englishorigin words like cola, all possible signals are taken into consideration: segmental pronunciation, intonation, context, addressee and so forth, before the element in question is marked as Turkish or Danish. English-origin words are marked as Danish words, if they are considered to be integrated in Danish (teenage) language, particularly when there is phonetic evidence to confirm this. The main tiers are marked with an asterisk, *, and a three-letter code for the speaker. All main tiers are translated into English in the %eng -tier which follows the main tiers in the texts. Translation is of course not without its problems. It has proven to be particularly difficult to be consistent with respect to the choice between literal and stylistically congruent translations. Often a compromise has been chosen, in order for the reading of the translation to be easier. Still, translations of spoken child language, especially in group conversations, are not always easy to decipher. This is not made any easier by the Childes punctuation conventions: The Childes transcription conventions do not allow any interpunctuation in the main tier of the transcript files. All text lines proper comply with this which makes the reading of the transcripts more complicated. The rule has not been enforced strictly in the translation tiers, to allow for easier reading of the English version of the transcripts. Likewise, question marks and semicolons are sometimes, although inconsistently, used to ease the reading of the translations. Further comments regarding the situation, the quality of the recording, and other circumstances are given in a separate comment line, another dependent tier, marked % com. In this volume, however, most such lines have been omitted, but some have been included, in the group conversations particularly with reference to reduced forms and to disturbing noise and so forth, in the face-to-face conversations particularly with

8 340 reference to apparent nonverbal reactions from the students. Incomprehensible material has been transcribed with xxx in the main tier and a comment in the % com line. Back-channelling signals that do not take the form of words have been transcribed as mm in the main tier, and a comment line has been added in which it has been marked with +, or, or?, whether the signal is a sign of positive confirmation, negative confirmation, or whether it signals surprise or perhaps even is meant as a question. All transcripts have been entered into our database at the Royal Danish School of Educational Studies at Copenhagen. To ensure anonymity we have given the participating students and their classmates pseudonyms which we use in all published works, including transcripts. 5 Acquisition of Danish as a second language According to the parent questionnaire very few of our students knew very much Danish before they started in school. The teacher questionnaires confirm this picture. By the school leaving exams at the end of grade 9 all the students speak Danish, although with widely different degrees of eloquence. During the years several measures of Danish achievement have been tried, including comprehension tests in grade 2 (see Can, Jørgensen, & Holmen, 1999; Jørgensen & Holmen, 1995). Laursen (1992) studies the different types of conversations and the contributions by different students in grades 1 through 3. She finds it important for the second language development (and by implication, the overall linguistic development) of the bilingual students that they are involved in several different types of communication on a daily basis in the school. Both face-to-face conversations and group conversations only involving students contribute to the acquisition of language. Furthermore she finds that different conversational styles among the adults (teachers) yield surprisingly different results with respect to the students possibilities for using (and thereby learning) language. Some adults control the conversations involving students so much that the children s contributions are reduced to very simple answers and no initiatives. Other adults engage in lively exchanges of information and viewpoints, whereby the students assume a much more active role. Laursen s third result is that the development of Turkish seems to be important for the development of Danish as a second language with these students, at least in the first three years of school. She finds that the children s linguistic development in Turkish in several cases preceded the development of the same linguistic skills in Danish (Laursen, 1992, p. 121, my translation). She also finds that the students use Turkish to discuss problems in Danish. Gimbel (1995) carried out a vocabulary study among Turkish-Danish grade 5 students at Ahornengen school. These students were one year younger than the population of the central Køge study. He found that by grade 5 these Turkish-Danish students (not the ones in the main project) had an alarmingly low Danish vocabulary. It was of course no surprise that their vocabulary was lower than that of native Danish speaking students, but it was low enough for them to be severely underprepared for the demands that a typical grade 5 curriculum would present to its students. At the time the concept of Danish as a second language was still politically controversial in

9 Bilingualism in the Køge Project 341 Denmark, but in Køge it led to the introduction of second language lessons and second language teaching approaches inspired by the schools foreign language teaching. Jørgensen (1997c) has calculated the frequency of Danish words and type-token ratios among minority students and among minority students. He finds that even the bilingual students whose Danish is rated highest by the teachers (and is said to be indistinguishable from native Danish) show a patterns of frequency and type-token that is markedly different from the mother tongue users of Danish. In a comparison of frequency graphs it appears that the Danish of bilingual students falls in between their Turkish and the Danish of native speakers. Holmen & Jørgensen (1997) apply Holmen s (1990, 1993a) five stages of second language development to four of the Turkish-Danish students acquisition of Danish and compares their progress with their bilingual behavior. They raise the question why simultaneous use of two codes prevails when it is obviously stigmatized and often forbidden or at least discouraged by the adults around the students. Quist (1998a) also takes up Holmen s stages of second language development to face-to-face conversations between an adult Dane and Turkish-Danish students. She analyzes the contributions of the 10 core students from grade 1 through grade 8, and supplements with a test in which adult native speakers of Danish rate the 10 students based on a short stretch of speech on a tape-recorder. Quist compares the results to a rough analysis of the social relations among the students (including their classmates). Roughly taken, the students who proceed quickly through Holmen s stages are also the students who are centrally placed in the social relations (or high in the hierarchies). Quist refrains from determining whether good social standings lead to successful language acquisition or vice-versa. In spite of a couple of students which do not seem to fit the pattern completely, she has no doubt that there is a connection. Madsen (2001a) criticizes the operationalization of Holmen s stage which Quist uses. Madsen finds that the criterion of main clause inversion, which Quist uses to indicate the highest stage, in fact represents two different stages of development, at least with language learning children. One type of inversion involves chunks or very light prepositioned adverbs, and this type is not characteristic of a very advanced stage. This would explain fully at least one of Quist s exceptions and thus support her main finding, namely that there successful second language acquisition is related to successful social standing. Holmen & Jørgensen (2001) found a remarkable, although perhaps not too surprising, similarity between almost all of the different ratings and evaluations carried out at different times of the data collection. When the 10 students who have participated all the way through are ranked according to the teachers evaluation of them in grade 1 and in grade 3, according to Quist s measures, and according to a listening test in grade 2, the results are parallel, see Table 2. Hüseyin is an exception, but as Madsen found, he is probably ranked too highly by Quist. Another exception is Canan who seems to move from a low ranking to a high one in the course of 3 4 years. In fact, when we include her scores in grade 8 and grade 9 measures, for instance cloze tests and school leaving exam grades, she, Bekir, and Esen are the two top scorers, see Table 3. Another student who moves up the ranks during the school years is Murat.

10 342 Table 2 Four different studies of the Danish skills of 10 students in the K øge Project S t u d e n t Te a ch e r, g r. 1 Te a c h e r, g r. 3 S ta g e fiv e L iste n in g, g r. 2 Esen Bekir Hüseyin Selma Canan Murat Merva Erol Asiye Eda 5 5? 10 Note: Column 2 gives the teacher evaluation in grade 1 (on a scale from1 to 5), column 3 the teacher evaluation in grade 3, column 4 gives the number of the grade in which student reaches stage 5 in the development of Danish as a second language, column 5 gives the ranking of the students scores in a receptive test in grade 2. After Holmen & Jørgensen (2001, p.129). Table 3 Students ranked according to different m easures D a n ish Flu e n c y C lo z e A C lo z e P O r a l D a n ish W r it t e n Esen Bekir Canan Murat Selma Erol Merva Asiye Eda Hüseyin Note: Column 2 shows evaluations by adult native speakers of Danish (pseudomatched guise test, see Jørgensen & Quist, 2001), columns 3 and 4 show two measures in a Danish cloze test (column 2 and 3), columns 4 and 5 show and school leaving exam grades in Oral and Written Danish. Compare with Table 2. Column 2 refers to grade 8, the rest to grade 9. Interestingly, both Canan and Murat were highly ranked by their teachers of Turkish by grade 1. It makes little sense to draw dramatic conclusions from this, but it is interesting that the only really common denominator for these two by school start is their comparatively good command of their mother tongue. A very interesting similarity appears when we compare the scores (particularly the evaluations by adult native speakers of Danish) with the frequency of codemixing, see below, Table 4.

11 Bilingualism in the Køge Project Bilingual language use Quite a few of the Køge studies have dealt with code-choice and codeswitching patterns, particularly in pragmatic perspectives. Jørgensen (1993) found that the students over the first four years develop skills of manipulation and persuasion through codeswitching, but in very differing degrees. The most advanced language users apply a wide range of different strategies to get their way, while there are others who hardly codeswitch at all. Jørgensen (1998a) describes the development of codeswitching as a power wielding tool. The development is related to the changing status of the codes among the students. In the younger grades the students may deal with their mother tongue and second language according to the norms of their (adult) surroundings, but after a few years they use the codes, and switches between them, for a range of purposes regardless of their status in the surrounding world. Esdahl (2001a, 2001b, 2003) compares analyses of code choice with the so-called focus of the interlocutors attention in their utterances (cf. Laursen, 1992), and she finds that there is little difference between the girls and the boys when she views the data over all the nine years. But mostly the girls lead in the development. And she also finds that the boys, when all nine years are taken into account, speak more Turkish than the girls do. Madsen & Nielsen (2001) compare patterns of competition and coherence in the speech of girls and boys. They measure initiatives and responses (using the concepts of Linell & Gustavsson, 1987), interruptions, stolen conversational turns and so forth. They use the same conversations as Esdahl, and they find that the girls as a whole are much more competitive than the boys and also less coherent in their conversations. This is true when the girls are among each other, but in company with boys the girls adjust considerably towards the more equal conversational style of the boys. The boys, on the other hand, do not change very much. Madsen (2001b, 2002) has also studied other measures of power wielding, and she reaches the same result. The girls are more oriented towards verbal fighting than the boys, and in combination with this, the girls are much more uneven in status than the boys. The very strongest among the group are girls, and the very weakest are also girls. Steensig (2000a, 2001) and Cromdal (2000, 2001, 2003) both work with Conversation Analysis of the group conversations in the Køge Project. Steensig shows how the linguistic skills of the strongest girls reach into the finest details, including codeswitches at critical points in conversations, and he also finds that these skills are used as power wielding tools. Cromdal describes how the bilingual students can define an ad-hoc division of labor between the involved languages. They maintain this distribution of tasks between Danish and Turkish throughout their conversation as a backdrop against which codeswitches can be highlighted, and understood.

12 344 Table 4 Two m easures of language use S t u d e n t / S c o r e In t r a se n te n tia l sw it ch e s Flu e n c y e v a lu a t io n Esen 13,8% 4,12 Bekir 10,3% 3,70 Canan 1,3% 3,66 Murat 4,0% 3,22 Merva 2,1% 3,10 Erol 6,6% 2,88 Selma 3,3% 2,61 Hüseyin 1,1% 2,59 Asiye 0,8% 2,34 Eda 0,0% 2,18 Note: Column 2 shows the percentage of utterances in (at least) two languages for each of the students in their group conversations in grade 8. Column 3 shows the evaluation (1 to 5 with 5 as the highest score) by adult native speakers of their oral Danish based on excerpts from face-to-face conversations in grade 8. When we combine the results of Jørgensen and Quist s (2001) pseudomatched guise test (see also Table 3) with the codemixing practices of the students, we find a striking similarity. Those who codeswitch intrasententially most, are also the highest scorers in the evaluation by adult Danes. Those who do not codeswitch intrasententially, or do so very little, are the bottom scorers in the evaluation. There are the usual few exceptions to total similarity. One is Erol who has more intrasentential codeswitches than his ranking in the evaluation corresponds to. Another one is Canan for whom the opposite is the case. But as a whole there is good reason to assume that codeswitching is an advanced linguistic skill which not everybody masters. In the case of linguistic minority students it seems that frequent codeswitching comes along with good second language skills. The pedagogical implications of this are profound, but that is beyond the scope of this article. The papers in this volume also deal with code choice and codeswitching. The Jørgensen paper describes the development of code use among the bilingual students from grade 1 through grade 9. Quantitative analyses show that girls and boys behave very differently at different times. Some of this can be explained by the composition of the specific groups, and this leads to the core idea of the qualitative analyses, namely that the language use patterns can be described as factors in ongoing social negotiations. The girls and the boys do apparently develop the same skills, but always with the girls leading. The Hansen paper also deals with the development of codeswitching skills, but in a more specific way. Hansen applies Auer s (1995) codeswitching types to the group conversations. He observes when the different types appear first with each speaker, and when they become stable. This leads to an implicational scale of acquisition of codeswitching as a continuously more advanced skill. It is no surprise that the students progress along this scale at very different speeds, and that the fast ones are the usual achievers from all the other measures. One exception is the boy Erol who seems to be a more eloquent codeswitcher than he is successful at other measures.

13 Bilingualism in the Køge Project 345 Finally, the Karrebæk paper deals with codeswitches as iconic phenomena. Codeswitches are taken to represent (or manifest) linguistic structure, and through for example, a group of functional grammatical principles, she can show that a large number of codeswitches, among two such unrelated languages as Danish and Turkish, represent iconic principles. The two languages refer to different functions of the utterance, or part of utterance, or codeswitches may serve to ensure coherence where this is not encoded in a strict sense. There are of course codeswitches which seem not to represent iconicity in Karrebæk s sense, and she also discusses them. Kulbrandstad has written an extensive review article about two volumes in the series of publications about the Køge Project. This is the Copenhagen Studies in Bilingualism Køge Series. The volumes are all listed on the bibliography of the Køge Project at the end of this article. References Part 1: Bibliography of the Køge Project This list includes works which use (some of) the Køge data or describe (parts of) the Køge Project. Excluded are works that refer to the works here, or works that only (comparatively) briefly include aspects or data from the Køge project. Likewise excluded are popular articles. The list was compiled by February ANDERSEN, S. (1994). Pragmatiske aspekter af kodeskift hos tosprogede børn. Københavnerstudier i tosprogethed, Køgeserien bind K2. København: Danmarks Lærerhøjskole. ANDERSSON, P. (1997). Aspects of the bilingual development. In J. N. Jørgensen & A. Holmen (Eds.), Successive bilingualism in school-age children (pp ). Copenhagen Studies in Bilingualism, Vol. 27. Copenhagen: Royal Danish School of Educational Studies. ARONSSON, K. (2000). Address, affect, and audience design in bilingual multiparty talk. In A. Holmen & J. N. Jørgensen (Eds.), Det er Conversation 801, deg il mi? Perspectives on the bilingualism af Turkish speaking children and adolescents in North Western Europe (pp ). Copenhagen Studies in Bilingualism, the Køge Series vol. K7. Copenhagen: The Danish University of Education. BØLL, J. L. (2002). Etnicitet, sprog, generation og køn hos unge. In J. N. Jørgensen (red), De unges sprog. Artikler om sproglig adfærd, sproglige holdninger og flersprogethed hos unge i Danmark (pp.36 73). Københavnerstudier i tosprogethed, Køgeserien bind K9. København: Akademisk Forlag. BOYD, S., HOLMEN, A., & JØRGENSEN, J. N. (red). (1994a). Sprogbrug og sprogvalg hos indvandrere i Norden, bind I: Gruppebeskrivelser. Københavnerstudier i tosprogethed bind 22. København: Danmarks Lærerhøjskole. BOYD, S., HOLMEN, A., & JØRGENSEN, J. N. (red). (1994b). Sprogbrug og sprogvalg hos indvandrere i Norden, bind II: Temaartikler. Københavnerstudier i tosprogethed bind 23. København: Danmarks Lærerhøjskole. BOYD, S., & JØRGENSEN, J. N. (1994). Introduktion. In S. Boyd, A. Holmen, & J. N. Jørgensen (red) Sprogbrug og sprogvalg hos indvandrere i Norden, bind I: Gruppebeskrivelser (pp. 9 26). Københavnerstudier i tosprogethed bind 22. København: Danmarks Lærerhøjskole. BUGGE, K. E., & JØRGENSEN, J. N., (1995). Tre år efter. En punktvis efterundersøgelse af Folkeskolens Udviklingsråds projekter vedrørende indvandrerelever. Københavnerstudier i tosprogethed bind 26. København: Danmarks Lærerhøjskole.

14 346 BYRJALSEN, R. (1999). Dominans og dynamik i opgaveorienterede gruppesamtaler. In P. Widell (red), 7, Møde om Udforskningen af Dansk Sprog (pp ). Århus: Aarhus Universitet. CAN, M. (1995). Frihed og fritid. In J. N. Jørgensen and C. Horst (red), Et flerkulturelt Danmark. Perspektiver på sociolingvistik, sprogpædagogik, dansk som andetsprog (pp ). Festskrift til Jørgen Gimbel Københavnerstudier i tosprogethed bind 25. København: Danmarks Lærerhøjskole. CAN, M., JØRGENSEN, J. N., & HOLMEN, A. (1999). Danimarka daki Türk ilk sõ nõ f ög rencilerinin ikinci dil kavramõ. Türk Dili, 1, CROMDAL, J. (2000). Creating a monolingual story in bilingual conversation. In A. Holmen & J. N. Jørgensen (Eds.), Det er Conversation 801, deg il mi? Perspectives on the bilingualism af Turkish speaking children and adolescents in North Western Europe (pp.57 76) Copenhagen Studies in Bilingualism, the Køge Series, vol. K7. Copenhagen: Danish University of Education. CROMDAL, J. (2001). Bilingual text production as task and resource: Social interaction in task oriented student groups. In J. N. Jørgensen (Ed.), Multilingual behavior in youth groups: Scandinavian studies in the simultaneous use of two or more languages in group conversations among children and adolescents (pp ). Copenhagen Studies in Bilingualism, the Køge Series vol. K11. Copenhagen: Danish University of Education. CROMDAL, J. (2003). The creation and administration of social relations in bilingual group work. In J. N. Jørgensen (Ed.), Bilingualism and social relations. Turkish speakers in North Western Europe. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 24, 1 2. De JONG, E. (1997). Teacher collaboration in bilingual settings. In J. Gimbel, T. Hetmar, A. Holmen, & J. N. Jørgensen (Eds.), Portraits: Denmark and its linguistic minorities seen in an international perspective with special emphasis on grade school education of bilingual children (pp ). Copenhagen Studies in Bilingualism vol. 28. Copenhagen: Royal Danish School of Educational Studies. DUNCKER, D. (2003). Børnenes ord om det danske ordforråd hos børn med dansk og tyrkisk som modersmål. In A. Holmen, E. Glahn & H. Ruus (red), Veje til dansk forskning i sprog og sprogtilegnelse (pp ). København: Akademisk Forlag. ESDAHL, T. (2001a). Variation og udvikling: Kodevalg og fokus i pigers og drenges samtaler. In J. N. Jørgensen (red), En køn strid. Sprog, magt og køn hos tosprogede børn og unge (pp.43 74). Københavnerstudier i tosprogethed,køgeserien bind K10. København: Roskilde Universitetsforlag. ESDAHL, T. (2001b). Language choice. In J. N. Jørgensen (Ed.), Multilingual behavior in youth groups. Scandinavian studies in the simultaneous use of two or more languages in group conversations among children and adolescents(pp ). Copenhagen Studies in Bilingualism, the Køge Series vol. K11. Copenhagen: The Danish University of Education. ESDAHL, T. (2003). Language choice as a power resource in bilingual adolescents conversations in the Danish folkeskole. In J. N. Jørgensen (Ed.), Bilingualism and social relations. Turkish speakers in North Western Europe. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 24, 1 2. ESDAHL, T., MADSEN, L. M., NIELSEN, J. L., OLSEN, L. U., & JØRGENSEN, J. N. (2002). Sprog, køn og dominans. In J. N. Jørgensen (red), Hen Køn strid. Sprog, magt og køn hostosprogede børn og unge (pp ). Københavnerstudier i tosprogethed, Køgeserien bind K10. København: Akademisk Forlag. ESKILDSEN, H. (2002). Kodeskift hos unge i 8. klasse. In J. N. Jørgensen (red), De unges sprog. Artikler om sproglig adfærd, sproglige holdninger og flersprogethed hos unge i Danmark (pp ). Københavnerstudier i tosprogethed, Køgeserien bind K9. København: Akademisk Forlag. GIMBEL, J. (1994). Undervisning af tyrkiske elever i Køge kommune. Københavnerstudier i tospro gethed, Køgeserien bind K3. København: Danmarks Lærerhøjskole.

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