Rethinking Bilingualism

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1 Rethinking Bilingualism A sociolinguistic analysis of language planning and education legislation in Greenland Ivalu Søvndahl Pedersen Thesis Submitted for the Degree: Master of Philosophy in Indigenous Studies Faculty of Social Science, University of Tromsø Norway, November 2009

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3 Acknowledgements Thanks to My supervisor Anna-Riitta Lindgren at the Department of Language and Linguistics at Tromsø University. Jennifer Dunn at McGill University in Montreal, Canada, for proofreading this thesis. Anna Margrethe Helene Lange for kindly letting me use the photograph on the front page, that shows Anna herself and her friend. My roommates Heidi Reinholdtsen, Henriette Moseng and Lill Tove Veimæl for giving me a joyful home in Tromsø while writing this thesis. My parents Lisbeth Søvndahl Pedersen and Bruno Hansen. My grandmother ningiu, Gerda Søvndahl Pedersen, my little brother Jakob Søvndahl Skovaa and my stepfather Carl-Aage Skovaa.

4 Abstract Many indigenous peoples languages in the world are endangered. But the special case in Greenland is the fact that Greenlandic is not an endangered language, even though less than 56,000 people speak Greenlandic. In fact, Greenlandic is spreading in Greenlandic society. The challenge in Greenland is rather how to educate Greenlanders to become functionally bilingual in Greenlandic and Danish, considering the vast varieties of bilingual skills that exist. Greenland has been a Danish colony since 1721 but achieved Home Rule in 1979 and an increased form of self-determination called Self Rule in With the introduction of Self Rule the Greenlandic language has raised its status and become the official language in Greenland. Greenland is dependent on the annual block grant that it receives from the Danish state. In order for the country to create a self-sustaining economy, Greenland needs to invest in education. Today it is crucial for young Greenlanders wanting a further education to learn Danish, because Greenland lacks educational material and books in Greenlandic. But the amount of people who receive a further education is limited due to lack of Danish skills. The amount of people who will go on to receive further education in the future is crucial in the process of increased selfdetermination. Analysing official documents at macro level, i.e. at government level, this Master s thesis studies the sociolinguistic paradoxes within the contemporary official language policy and planning situation in Greenland, concentrating primarily on language education policy in Greenlandic state schools. Factors affecting language policy in Greenland are those of: history, decolonisation, language emancipation, selfdetermination, nationalism, ideology and power. This Master s thesis argues that one of the critical issues in official Greenlandic language policy is the absence of a clear definition of the status and role of the Danish language in Greenlandic society, which needs to be clarified more professionally at legislative, political and pedagogical levels. The second critical issue is the approach to an effective bilingual education system where pupils become functionally bilingual. Additionally there is a the lack of defining terms such as mother tongue, second language, foreign language, bilingualism and multilingualism in depth in a Greenlandic context; terms which ought to be used in a more adequate and conscious manner by policymakers and pedagogical leaders. Key words: sociology of multilingualism, Greenland, indigenous peoples, selfdetermination, bilingualism, education legislation, language policy and planning.

5 Resumé Mange oprindelige folks sprog i verden er truede. Men den specielle situation i Grønland er den at grønlandsk ikke er en truet sprog, selvom sproget tales af færre end mennesker. Faktisk spreder grønlandsk sig i det grønlandske samfund. Udfordringen i Grønland er snarere hvordan man uddanner grønlænderne til at blive funktionelt tosprogede på grønlandsk og dansk, taget i betragtning af de forskellige variationer indenfor tosprogethed der findes. Grønland har været en dansk koloni siden 1721, men opnåede hjemmestyre i 1979 og en øget form for selvbestemmelse kaldet 'selvstyre' i Med indførelsen af selvstyre har det grønlandske sprog hævet sin status og er blevet det officielle sprog i Grønland. Grønland er afhængig af det årlige bloktilskud, som landet modtager fra den danske stat. For at Grønland kan skabe en selvbærende økonomi, må landet investere i uddannelse. I dag er det afgørende for unge grønlændere, der ønsker en videregående uddannelse at lære dansk, fordi Grønland mangler undervisningsmateriale og bøger på grønlandsk. Men antallet af unge grønlændere, der opnår en videregående uddannelse er begrænset på grund af manglen på danskkundskaber. Antallet af mennesker, der i fremtiden får en uddannelse er afgørende i processen mod øget selvbestemmelse. Ved at analysere officielle dokumenter på makro-niveau, dvs. på regeringsplan, undersøger dette speciale de sociolingvistiske paradokser i den nuværende officielle sprogpolitik- og planlægning i Grønland, hvor fokus primært er på sprog indenfor uddannelsespolitikken i de grønlandske folkeskoler. Faktorer der påvirker sprogpolitik i Grønland er: historie, afkolonisering, sproglig emancipation, selvbestemmelse, nationalisme, ideologi og magt. Dette speciale hævder, at et af de kritiske spørgsmål i den officielle grønlandske sprogpolitik er manglen på en klar definition af det danske sprogs status og rolle i det grønlandske samfund, som bør afklares mere professionelt på lovgivningsmæssige, politiske og pædagogiske niveauer. Det andet kritiske spørgsmål handler om hvordan man opnår et effektivt uddannelsessystem der målrettet lærer eleverne at blive tosprogede. Ydermere savnes en definition af begreber såsom modersmål, andetsprog, fremmedsprog, tosprogethed og flersprogethed i en grønlandsk kontekst, begreber som bør bruges på en mere hensigtsmæssig og bevidst måde af politikere og pædagogiske ledere. Nøgleord: sociolingvistik, Grønland (Kalaallit Nunaat), oprindelige folk (urfolk), selvbestemmelse, tosprogethed, uddannelsespolitik, sprogpolitik og sprogplanlægning

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7 1 GREENLAND IN TRANSITION OVERCOMING OLD BARRIERS AND FACING NEW CHALLENGES HISTORY WITHIN A SOCIO-POLITICAL FRAMEWORK Colonisation and modernisation Increasing self-determination THE POLITICAL SITUATION TODAY THE LINGUISTIC LANDSCAPE Changing language statuses RESEARCH CONDUCTED UNTIL TODAY CHALLENGES AND PARADOXES METHODOLOGY, METHODS AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK METHODOLOGY AND METHODS THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Language policy and planning Language and nationalism Power and languages Language education policy ANALYSIS INTERNATIONAL LAW LANGUAGE POLICY AND PLANNING IN GREENLAND Linguistic integration legislation of LANGUAGE EDUCATION POLICY The legislations The Good School Parent s handbook School curriculums RESULTS LINGUISTIC RIGHTS FACTORS AFFECTING LANGUAGE PLANNING IN GREENLAND CHALLENGES IN LANGUAGE EDUCATION POLICY LANGUAGE PLANNING TODAY AND TOMORROW A DYNAMIC DEVELOPING SOCIETY RETHINKING BILINGUALISM FUTURE RESEARCH REFERENCES LIST OF APPENDICES... 97

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9 We want independence and we need all forces. It is a scandal to exclude Greenlanders from having an education just because they can t speak Danish. What do they need Danish for in childcare institutions and in nursing homes? Hans Enoksen Former Premier of Greenland Government Sermitsiaq, February 8, 2008, my translation 1 Greenland in transition The overall political goal Greenlanders desire is to become independent from the Danish state. Greenland wants to live off of its own resources and not be dependent on the annual block grant that it receives from Denmark, which is more than half of Greenland s income. The key to an increasingly self-sustaining Greenlandic economy is to raise the population s level of education, but progress has been very slow. The expert committee on Greenland s economy believes that state schools need to be prioritised (Grønlands Økonomi 2009:54). Greenland has long been suffering from a lack of well-educated Greenlanders, and as a consequence it has had to import labour, primarily from Denmark. Even though education is recognized as one of the most valuable investments for Greenland s future, today only one-third of the population 1 has further education, i.e. any education in addition to ten years of public schooling. Only fifteen percent of the pupils graduating from state schools continue immediately with further education. But, after two years only forty percent are still continuing with their education. Lack of language skills is a significant obstacle for many pupils as it is necessary to know Danish in almost all branches of study (Uddannelsesplan 2005:2). 1 People who are between 15 to 62-years-old 1

10 If young people want to attend further education they can choose from only a limited number of study programs in Greenland, for example nursing, education and journalism, or from one of the five different master s degrees offered at Ilisimatusarfik, which is the University of Greenland situated in Nuuk. Even these studies also required a basic knowledge in Danish. Educational opportunities in Greenland are limited; consequently, most young people choose to continue their studies in Denmark. There are 500 adult Kalaallit (Greenlandic) students and 250 Kalaallit teenagers at boarding schools in Denmark (Hertling 2009). The teenagers are there primarily because they need to improve their Danish. The adult students have no other option than to move to Denmark if they want a further or a higher education. In Denmark there are four Greenlandic houses in four major cities, which are important gathering places and cultural centres for Kalaallit or people interested in Greenland. Three of the houses offer student residences and all Kalaallit students are provided with support and guidance from the employees, as moving to Denmark is a cultural shock for many Kalaallit. There are significant social networks between the Kalaallit students living in Denmark. They have their own associations, football teams etc. During about five years of study in Denmark, many Kalaallit become extremely connected to Denmark, they have Danish friends, some have married a Dane and perhaps had children there. Some Kalaallit even choose to continue living in Denmark after having finished their studies. For many Kalaallit it is easier studying in Denmark than studying in other foreign countries, because in Denmark there are vital Greenlandic social networks. According to a study based on the national register and civil registration numbers carried out by the North Atlantic Group 2, it is claimed that there are 18,563 Kalaallit living in Denmark (Sermitsiaq Nov. 8, 2007). My initial concerns in this thesis are thus centred on the issues of the necessity for Greenlanders to travel outside of Greenland for further education and the language paradoxes within the educational system as a whole in Greenland. Because of Greenland s special relationship with Denmark, being a former colony and today politically belonging to Denmark, two languages are spoken: Greenlandic and Danish (Betænkning 2003:Chap.6.2). Of central importance for Greenlanders is that the 2 Den Nordatlantiske Gruppe is a group of Kalaallit and Faroese members of the national parliament of Denmark (www.dnag.dk) 2

11 Greenlandic language is an active, vital and living language, which is not in danger of extinction (Arbejdsgruppen 2001:32). When the Greenland Home Rule government was established in 1979, the Home Rule Act was put through; in section 9 it stated that Greenlandic should be the principal language of Greenland. It also stated that Danish had to be thoroughly taught, and that either language could be used for official purposes (The Greenland Home Rule Act, English version, appendix 1). However, since 1979 there has been an ongoing debate about language use. At times the debate has been harsh and dominated by very personal attitudes. In any case, everyone seems to agree that Greenlandic is the principal language of the country. On June 21, 2009 Greenland received an increased form of self-determination called Self Rule and Greenlandic is now the official language. Still, it seems that there continues to be wide disagreement concerning the role of the Danish language. According to the Greenland Language Secretariat 3 Danish language is not a national language, neither is it a foreign language among other foreign languages, but it has a special unclear status (Arbejdsgruppen 2001:7). This thesis focuses on language policy and planning, and concentrates primarily on language education policy in Greenlandic state schools. These foci are addressed through the following research questions: Language policy and planning: What is the current official language policy and planning situation in Greenland? What can explain the factors of importance for that situation and what are the paradoxes within these? Language education policy: What is the official language education policy in the state school system as of today? Is there coherence between national language policy and language education policy and what are the paradoxes within these? 3 The Language Secretariat is called Oqaasileriffik in Greenlandic 3

12 The objective of the thesis is thus: To analyse the current language policy and planning situation with the intention of examining its coherence with the language education policy. Focus is on language policy in the state schools since these are national, official institutions whose language use frameworks have been built up by national educational policies and are thus dependent on the demands and expectations from both the national and local society. State schools are where children first meet with professional teaching and they spend ten years of their lives there. Consequently, the school as a public institution heavily influences society in Greenland and vice versa. There are at least two interdependent social spheres, which are affected by state schooling. The first is the educational system as a whole, i.e. further education and the correlative number of well-educated people in the society. This first sphere is closely related to the Home Rule government education policy, which basically outlines the need for more educated people (Uddannelsesplan 2005). Secondly, there is an obvious link between state schooling, education policy and increased self-determination. In the Greenlandic context national language policy and the quality of the school system nowadays plays an important role in the whole society. State schooling shape peoples language knowledge, skills and attitudes, and is the foundation for an individual s choice in further education. The amount of people who will go on to receive further education in the future is crucial to the process of increased self-determination. Though it is not possible to say for sure what I can contribute with writing this thesis, I can outline what I hope to contribute with. I have three areas of intended contribution to the debate about language policy and the question on self-determination in Greenland. First, I hope that the study will contribute to a broader understanding of these issues through an in-depth analysis of perspectives, and promote further discussion of which socio-political factors and motives that influence language policy. Secondly, I hope to contribute to a broader discussion of the intentions of the language education policy in particular. Thirdly, I wish to contribute to a less debated topic, which is centred on how language policy and language education policy can influence the question of selfdetermination and independence. 4

13 The primary target group of this thesis is my supervisor and the master s students attending the Master s Programme in Indigenous Studies at the University of Tromsø, Norway. The secondary target group is much wider and includes students interested in sociolinguistics, Arctic indigenous peoples and those who are interested in the selfdetermination process and language challenges. Another target group is of course the people living in Greenland who are affected by the national and educational language policy. Lastly, I welcome people who have a personal interest in the Greenlandic society specifically to read the thesis. A comment concerning the terminology needs to be clarified. Throughout the thesis I will use different terms describing the Greenlandic educational system. In Greenland there is no distinction between primary school/elementary school and secondary school, which is why I will use the term state school. State schooling covers grades one to ten. Children are six years old when entering state schools and are usually fifteen or sixteen years old when graduating. Furthermore, I will use the word gymnasium, which is the European secondary school that prepares students for university. Gymnasium is a threeyear education and is accessible to students who have graduated from state schools and have been declared suitable. When using the term further education I refer to all kinds of education taken after state school. Continuing education will be used synonymously with further education. Higher education refers to education achieved at a college or university. Furthermore a comment on ethnicity might be useful. The term Greenlander will be used when referring to a person living in Greenland or someone who sees himself/herself as a Greenlander. To emphasize the distinct ethnic dynamics at play within the term Greenlander, the terms Kalaaleq (singular) and Kalaallit (plural) will be used to distinguish Greenlanders of indigenous heritage from Greenlanders of Danish heritage in situations where their interests are or were clearly divergent. The structure of this thesis is divided into six chapters. Chapter two gives a deeper introduction to the historical, political, linguistic and demographic changes in Greenland in recent years. Relevant research conducted until today is presented, and the challenges and paradoxes concerning language planning are accounted for. Chapter three focus on the methodological considerations, the methods in general and the 5

14 theoretical framework. Chapter four is a threefold analysis starting with an international focus, later turning to the language policy in a Greenlandic context, and ending with an analysis of the language education policy. Chapter five sums up the results from all the previous chapters and outlines the factors of importance for language policy and planning, including the challenges within the language education policy. The final chapter discusses some critical issues, puts the contemporary and future language planning situation into broader perspectives and sums up the paradoxes and ambiguities in the Greenlandic language planning situation. 6

15 Greenland without Greenlandic is like a kayak without its skin cover Ulloriannguaq Kristiansen, Journalist Rosing Olsen 2005:161, my translation 2 Overcoming old barriers and facing new challenges In his book Planning Language, Planning Inequality (1991) Tollefson argues that language planning must be understood, examined and analysed in its historical context and within social and political systems in order to understand what historical and structural pressures lead to a particular policy and plan (Tollefson 1991:32-37). In order to present the complexities within language policy in Greenland there is a need to introduce the history and the socio-political situation. 2.1 History within a socio-political framework In this introduction to the historical background of Greenland I have chosen to focus on three important phases: colonisation, modernisation and self-determination. Geographically Greenland is part of the North American continent but geo-politically it is part of Europe; politically it is part of the Kingdom of Denmark. There are approximately 56,000 people living in Greenland, all of whom live on the coastline and are concentrated primarily on the southwest coast. According to historians Greenland has been inhabited by Kalaallit/Inuit or Greenlanders for approximately 4000 years (Gad 1984:11-25) Colonisation and modernisation In the period from 986 to the beginning of 1400 AD the Norsemen or Vikings inhabited southern Greenland (Gad 1984:28-83). They disappeared in mysterious circumstances, which resulted in the Danish King Frederik sending the priest Hans Egede to Greenland in 1721 with the purpose of finding the lost Norsemen (Gad 1984:144). Hans Egede did not find the Norsemen. Instead he found Inuit people and began proselytising. From 7

16 approximately 1850 AD onwards the Evangelical-Lutheran church was solidly established (Gad 1984:222). From 1721 Greenland thus became colonised and it basically meant two things: the introduction of Christianity and capitalism. The Royal Greenland Trade 4 company was founded and had a monopoly on goods sold (Gad 1984:178). The United Nations was founded following the Second World War and Denmark became a member state. At the UN general assembly in 1951, colonised countries were on top of the agenda, putting Denmark in an awkward position as a coloniser of Greenland. The Danish representative therefore expressed the wish to make Greenland an equal part of Denmark. Hence in 1953 Greenland gained status as a county, and with that the colonial relationship officially ended and the modernisation process started (Rosing Olsen 2005:38-41). Modernisation started in the 1950s with the political strategies known as G-50 and G- 60. These were commissions that put forward modernisation plans for Greenland. Modernisation, according to the commissions, basically meant that Greenland should have the same living standards as Denmark within political, societal and cultural standards (Rosing Olsen, 2005:95-99). Modernisation meant that Greenland developed from being a hunting-based society to becoming a society based on fisheries, with the aim of becoming an industrialised country (Ibid.:49). The whole society in Greenland changed drastically during the 1950s and 1960s. Fishing boats, appertaining equipment and factories were introduced, which added new forms of livelihoods for families. Women that previously had stayed at home and taken care of the children now began to work in the factories. Houses and apartment blocks were built. People were essentially forced to move to the cities because they were guaranteed loans there. In % of the population lived in the cities and twenty years later that number had increased to 70% (Ibid.:50). Health conditions improved and tuberculosis was eradicated. This meant that the population number exploded from 20,800 in 1945 to 46,000 in 1970 (Ibid.:58). 4 Kongelige Grønlandske Handel (in short KGH ) in Danish 8

17 During the period of colonisation many Greenlanders developed a deep belief in authority which took a long time to lose. Living side by side, conflicts occurred between Kalaallit and Danes. The Danes held leadership positions, and had better salaries. In addition, they had better houses, and superior water and heating systems. Many Kalaallit felt discriminated against; they felt that the Danes were condescending towards them and even scornful (Rosing Olsen 2005:70). Since colonial times it had become customary to pay Kalaallit and Danes different wages (Ibid.:70). In 1964 the birthplace criteria 5 was introduced. It basically meant that only persons born outside of Greenland and who had acquired a job in Greenland while still living in Denmark could have higher wages (Ibid.:120). In other words it was beneficial to the Danes and not the Kalaallit. Kalaallit were extremely disappointed with this policy and, despite massive criticism that the arrangement was racist, the birthplace criteria was not abolished until 1990 (Ibid.: ). Modernisation meant a boost in the school system, in the healthcare system and in the business sector. This process of modernisation, which took 200 years in Denmark, happened in twenty years in Greenland (Rosing Olsen 2005:98). Along with modernisation came agitation, insecurity, inferiority complexes, alcohol abuse and criminality among many Kalaallit people (Ibid.:51). These problems are still evident today, and developed out of Kalaallit people s detachment from the modernisation process. During the modernisation process Kalaallit were only witnessing these changes, but they were not participating in the process themselves, and did not have any influence in the decision-making process (Ibid.:59+79). A commission was appointed in 1955 with the aim of examining the consequences of these societal changes and one of the conclusions put forward in 1958 was this: When two cultures meet and one is superior to the other with regards to technology and material goods, development is at stake. You can get new houses, boats, fishing tools, fishing houses, but can one apply a new view of life? If everything is new but it has been made by others, then how is one to feel at home in this new bright world? (Rosing Olsen 2005:63, my translation). 5 In Danish it was called Fødestedskriteriet 9

18 2.1.2 Increasing self-determination Political awakening truly exploded in the 1970s. Municipalities were organized, four political parties were formed and discussion forums appeared. Greenland participated in indigenous gatherings and a commission with the aim of examining the possibilities of introducing a Home Rule government was established in 1975 (Rosing Olsen 2005: ). The commission was led by seven Kalaallit members and seven Danish members. Negotiations between Greenland and Denmark started and the biggest conflict was over property rights (Ibid.:227). The main reason that Greenland wanted Home Rule was that many Greenlanders were not satisfied being a county within the Danish realm, especially when Greenland automatically became a member of the European Union (the former European Community) as a consequence of Denmark voting yes in 1972, even though 70.3% of the population in Greenland were against EC-membership. In 1979 Home Rule government was introduced in Greenland (nanoq.gl). As Jørgen Fleicher, former responsible editor at Atuagagdliutit 6, has explained; the introduction of the Home Rule arrangement was a result of the resistance towards the discrimination between Kalaallit and Danes (Fleischer 1999:208). Today Greenland is a self-governing autonomous country within the Danish realm. The Greenland Home Rule (now replaced by Self Rule) is a public government divided into two main sections: an executive body/government (Naalakkersuisut/Landsstyre) and a publicly elected assembly/parliament (Inatsisartut/Landsting). Participation in the government is not based on Greenlandic ethnicity. Anyone who is a Danish citizen, has lived in Greenland for more than six months, and is older than 18 can vote for and be elected to the Parliament (Broderstad & Dahl 2004:94). There are 31 members of Parliament in all. In order to form a government the party or coalition must hold at least 16 seats. Saami lawyer John B. Henriksen has stated: Greenland Home Rule may be the best example of a progressive and far-reaching indigenous self-government arrangement, including both internal as well as external aspects of the right to self-determination (Henriksen 1999:19). 6 One of the two national newspapers that exist in Greenland 10

19 But since Greenland Home Rule was born in May 1979, politicians have expressed increased dissatisfaction with the arrangement, which is why in 1999/2000 the Home Rule government appointed a Greenlandic Self-Government Commission with the aim of re-evaluating Greenland s position within the Danish Realm. In 2004 yet a new commission (the Greenlandic-Danish Self-Government Commission) was established and it has dealt with issues such as language, raw materials, the economy, business developments and questions of international law among many others (Selvstyre 2008). As a consequence of the Greenlandic-Danish commission s preparatory report, there was a referendum held in Greenland on the introduction of self-government on November 25, This day marked a new milestone in Greenland s history, as the majority of the population acknowledged that Self Rule was a good idea and voted yes. Self Rule in the Greenlandic context means that Greenland will take over a number of administrative tasks such as handling criminal courts, border controls, raw material extraction regulations etc. (appendix two). Self Rule entered into force on the Greenlandic national day of June 21, 2009, and was celebrated with a massive national party precisely thirty years after the Greenland Home Rule was introduced. However, the Danish constitution is still in force in Greenland and every Greenlander continues to be a Danish citizen. Despite Self Rule Greenland still does not control foreign affairs (treaties), fiscal policy, military defence, criminal law (higher courts of appeal) and principles concerning law of succession, family and property law (Selvstyre 2008:5). One of the most contentious disputes in the negotiations of the latest commission was the question of raw materials extraction. There is a great deal of speculation, and hope, that Greenland possesses large oil reserves, but no deposits have been found to this day. 2.2 The political situation today As of June 2009 the political landscape changed drastically. There are four major political parties in Greenland, the social democratic Siumut, the liberal/conservative Atassut, the socialist Inuit Ataqatigiit and finally Demokraatit (the Democrats). There is also the smaller party called Katusseqatigiit Partiiat (Union of Candidates). Siumut has been leading the cabinet since 1979, usually in coalition with Inuit Ataqatigiit or Atassut. In the period 2005 to 2009 Siumut was in coalition with Atassut. It is however crucial to note a major change in the political landscape in Greenland, as 11

20 nongovernmental organisation International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) summarises: In recent years, the political picture in Greenland has become more complex and can no longer be described as a traditional dichotomy between liberalism and socialism, these party labels to a large extent not being valid. Much depends upon the person in charge of the political party or fraction thereof. (IWGIA 2006:34) The former premier of Greenland, Hans Enoksen, and his party Siumut, did on several occasions declare that they aspired independence from Denmark (Sermitsiaq Feb. 8, 2008). Siumut has been the leading party in the Greenlandisation ideology, which will be further elaborated on in chapter five. Not all Greenlanders think independence is the solution. Many are questioning whether it is realistic in terms of human resources, the economic situation and being left outside of an evermore globalised world (Sermitsiaq Nov. 8, 2008). Greenland receives an annual block grant of 3.4 billion Danish Kroner from the Danish state, which is 57% of Greenland s GDP and is Greenland s largest source of income (Den Økonomiske Udvikling i Grønland 2009:46). Even though Denmark has stated that it does endorse Greenlandic independence (Åhrén 2007:94), it will cut the annual block grant immediately if Greenland decides to separate. Consequently, economic matters are crucial with regards to independence. On June 2, 2009, there was a Parliamentary election and for the first time ever, Inuit Ataqatigiit is now in coalition with the Democrats and Katusseqatigiit Partiiat. June 2009 was historical in two ways: a new socialist government came to power and Greenland gained increased self-determination with the introduction of Self Rule. 2.3 The linguistic landscape Greenlandic is the majority language in Greenland but a minority language within the Danish realm. It has been officially recognised by the Greenland Language Secretariat (Oqaasileriffik) that Greenlandic is no longer a threatened language (Arbejdsgruppen 2001:32+42). Greenlandic belongs to the Inuppik Eskimo dialect; the other two Eskimo dialects are Yupik and Aleut, according to Svend Kolte, who is a postgraduate in Eskimology from University of Copenhagen (Kolte 1999:86-87). There are three main 12

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